Into the Shadows https://intotheshadows.pub en-us Fri, 03 Jul 2026 01:37:51 GMT https://intotheshadows.pub/article/new-london-school-explosion-americas-deadliest-school-tragedy https://intotheshadows.pub/article/new-london-school-explosion-americas-deadliest-school-tragedy Fri, 03 Jul 2026 00:00:00 GMT 18th March 1937, in the East Texas town of New London—just another school day in Rusk County on the edge of the vast oil fields. This school district was one of the wealthiest in the nation, thanks to the lavish spending and oil dollars that had been rolling since the discovery of the East Texas oilfield seven years earlier. New London's school was the pride and joy of the local community—a large, modern structure built to accommodate the influx of families attracted by the oil boom. It was a high school with an elementary school attached and featured state-of-the-art facilities, including the first football field in East Texas to have stadium lighting and a heating system powered by natural gas—a choice that later doomed the school. On the 18th of March, elementary students were dismissed at 3 pm, with the remaining 500 high school students scheduled to leave 30 minutes later at 3.30 pm. At approximately 3:17 pm, agonisingly close to the end of the school day that would have prevented the worst school tragedy in U.S. history, a sanding machine roared into life in the woodshop class, and the horror began. An explosion tore the school apart with such ferocity that the roof blew upwards before crashing back down, collapsing the walls and floors onto the occupants within. The blast was felt for miles, and a frantic rescue effort soon began. Parents, emergency workers, and community members worked tirelessly, digging through the rubble in a desperate search for survivors. The exact death toll still remains uncertain due to the condition of the bodies and the confusion during the rescue efforts, but it was around 294, most of them children. The disaster left a profound scar on the community; virtually every family in New London was directly affected by the loss of a child, relative, or friend. In an instant, an entire generation of New London was virtually. ## New London Before the oil discovery, New London was primarily agricultural, with a small population engaged in farming and small-scale trade. With the depression looming, this was precisely the place that would have expected to see the worst of it. However, as luck would have it, oil prospectors, or wildcatters as they're known, struck oil in 1930, and the subsequent economic boom attracted thousands of workers, engineers, and their families seeking prosperity. New London's population swelled rapidly, and with this influx of wealth and people, the town's infrastructure quickly expanded. Roads, businesses, and homes sprang up almost overnight—the oil boom was on, and this otherwise unremarkable rural area had struck gold. With its newfound wealth, the community placed a strong emphasis on education, believing it to be the cornerstone of civic pride and progress. In 1932, the residents funded the construction of a new school, which was one of the largest in the region at the time of its completion. At the cost of $1 million (around $23 million today), it was also one of the most expensive schools of its kind thus far in the United States. Its design reflected a contemporary approach to educational environments, with large, airy classrooms, a state-of-the-art laboratory, and spacious communal areas. Constructed as an 'E' shape, the school had a California-Spanish style with a red tiled roof. It was a beautiful construction—undoubtedly a wonderful place to gain an education. The community's pride in their school was obvious, and it drew educators from across the state who were eager to teach in such a facility. Things were looking very good for New London. ## Gas Lines & Causes One difference of opinion between architects and the school board during the construction phase would eventually come back to haunt the entire community. When the school was being designed, architects suggested a boiler and steam system, but the school board insisted on 72 individual gas-powered heaters to be installed throughout the new school. This was normal with similar systems found across the United States, but it was a decision that would have harrowing consequences. In 1937, five years after the school's completion, the school board began looking for ways to save money, and their massive gas bill each month of $300 (around $6,000 today) became a focus. At the time, tapping into the residue gas line of the local oil company—Parade Gasoline in New London—was a widespread practice. When you extract oil, you often get natural gas along with it, which is typically burnt off during extraction. If you could tap into the pipes, companies would usually turn a blind eye because it was something they had no use for and needed to discard anyway. This sounds absurdly dangerous to today's ears, but it was common in the 1930s, especially as the bite of depression intensified. It's unclear how it was done or what authorisation was given, but overnight, New London's school gas bill dropped to zero. The gas used was odourless and colourless, making leaks hard to detect—a fact that would prove fatal. ## Hell Arrives When children started filing into school on 18th March 1937, there was no indication of the carnage that was about to unfold. Several students complained of headaches or nausea, but this was seen as a typical school day with hundreds of children in one place. What nobody knew at the time was that while students and teachers went about their usual activities above, a leak below the school had been slowly pumping gas into the basement. Looking back in hindsight, the timing of the disaster couldn't have been crueller. The school bell rang at 3 pm, and elementary students began filing out. Some headed home immediately, while others waited for their parents, attending a PTA meeting in the gymnasium, just 30 metres from the main building. As the clock ticked past 3.15 pm, no doubt there would have been plenty of fidgeting as the remaining students became eager to get out of school. Eyes flicking back and forth to the clock, time suddenly dragging far slower than it had an hour before. Just 15 minutes until the next bell would signal the mass school exodus that would save hundreds of lives. But it was not to be. At 3:17 pm, Lemmie R. Butler, an instructor of manual training, turned on an electric sander known as 'old sparky' thanks to its chequered safety record. Instantly, the enormous accumulation of natural gas beneath the school ignited. Eyewitnesses told of how the school bulged before the roof was torn skyward. The main wing of the structure immediately collapsed—followed by a deadly silence. ## Recovery There was no need for any alarms. Everybody within a 6km (4 mile) radius heard the blast. Parents, many of whom were at work in the oil fields and nearby towns, along with just about everybody else in the area, rushed to the scene, unsure what they would find. As news of the disaster spread, the site of the New London School quickly became chaotic. Frantic parents and townspeople arrived to dig through the rubble with whatever tools they could find—from bare hands to farm implements. Local businesses closed as everyone converged to help in the rescue effort, which was both heroic and harrowing. Volunteers and first responders worked tirelessly, forming human chains to remove the rubble. Car headlights and temporary floodlights illuminated the scene through the night as the community continued its desperate search for survivors. Every so often, the chaotic noise would quieten for rescuers to listen for the voices of those still trapped. New London didn't have its own hospital, but remarkably, one was due to open the following day in the nearby town of Tyler. However, it quickly became overwhelmed, and makeshift triage centres were set up to treat the injured. Doctors and nurses from surrounding areas rushed to New London to assist. In the days following the explosion, more than 500 injured individuals were treated, with hospitals operating well beyond their capacity. The New London disaster brought a significant response not just from the local community but from across the nation. Aid poured in from all corners of Texas and beyond. The Red Cross and other humanitarian organisations coordinated relief efforts, managed donations, and supported the victims and their families. Governor James Allred dispatched the Texas Rangers and National Guard units to maintain order and assist in recovery operations. Fire departments and emergency services from as far away as Dallas and Houston were called in. Trained rescue teams brought in specialised equipment to help lift heavy debris and clear the site, hoping to find more survivors or recover yet more bodies. The horror of identification was the final heartbreaking phase. The explosion had left human remains scattered across the site. Many bodies couldn't be identified or even gender recognised. One student survivor said, "I saw fathers fight over dead children like dogs over a bone, yelling 'That's mine!' 'No, mine!' I saw children who looked like roadkill; you couldn't tell if it was a boy, girl, or what." Fingerprinting experts were eventually called in to assist, and due to a strange slice of luck that had seen most children in the area fingerprinted for the Texas Centennial Exposition the previous summer, the majority of the dead could finally be identified. Memorial services were held at a rate of 3 or 4 an hour at the local cemetery, which dedicated an entire area to the victims of the tragedy. The physical and emotional recovery from the New London School explosion was lengthy and painful. ## Aftermath The Governor of Texas ordered a full inquiry into the disaster, but investigators initially struggled to decipher what had happened because so much of the evidence had been obliterated. Eventually, a faulty connection was deemed the cause when the school tapped into the gas lines, and anger towards the school board and the Parade Gasoline quickly began to rise. Despite this evidence, no members of the school board or school officials were found responsible for the explosion, which infuriated the local community. Lawsuits were brought against the board and Parade Gasoline, but a court ruled that neither could be held directly liable. Superintendent W. C. Shaw was forced to resign amid furious talk of lynching—the man himself had lost a son, a niece, and a nephew in the explosion. The most immediate and significant change in the United States was the mandatory odorization of natural gas. Within months of the explosion, the Texas Legislature passed a law requiring all natural gas distributed to customers to be mixed with a malodorant, making leaks detectable by smell. This legislative action by Texas set a precedent that was soon followed by other states and eventually became a standard practice nationwide. This simple yet effective measure has undoubtedly prevented countless accidents and saved numerous lives by making gas leaks detectable. Beyond the specific issue of gas safety, the disaster prompted a broader reevaluation of building and construction codes, especially for educational institutions. Building codes were revised to improve safety standards, including better electrical wiring practices, enhanced heating systems, and stricter controls on building materials to ensure they were fire-resistant and structurally sound. Local and state governments began to require that school designs be approved by certified architects who would adhere to these stricter safety codes. Inspections became more rigorous and frequent, identifying risks that could lead to similar disasters. The New London explosion also highlighted deficiencies in school emergency preparedness and response capabilities. In its aftermath, schools nationwide began implementing regular safety drills, including evacuation procedures in case of fire, gas leaks, or other emergencies. Training for school staff on handling these situations became standard, ensuring that all school personnel could guide students to safety in an organised and timely manner. On a broader scale, the tragedy impacted regulations governing public utilities. The oversight of utility companies intensified, and stricter regulations were implemented regarding the maintenance and monitoring of gas lines. State public utility commissions were empowered to enforce these regulations more stringently, requiring regular inspections and immediate repairs of gas systems. Utility companies were also mandated to keep detailed records of their infrastructure and any incidents. These records helped regulatory bodies monitor compliance with safety standards and facilitated quicker responses to potential hazards. ## Deep Scars The New London School explosion remains the worst U.S. school disaster in the nation's history. Over 75 years later, the wounds caused by the explosion are still healing. For a long time, few spoke of the events, while many moved away from the city, choosing to start a new life somewhere rather than face the daily reminders of what happened in New London on the 18th of 1937. There has been a more open approach to the tragedy in recent years, with several documentaries and books appearing on the topic. Most of the survivors have now passed away, but trauma like this is often passed down through generations. Family members recount how their grandparents spoke of the terror of what happened—lying under the rubble, unsure whether they would ever make it out alive before finally being pulled free only to emerge into a world of unspeakable pain, where everything had changed. ## Key Takeaways - The New London School explosion on March 18, 1937, was the deadliest school disaster in U.S. history, killing around 294 people, mostly children. - The disaster was caused by a natural gas leak that ignited, destroying the school and leaving the community devastated. - The tragedy led to mandatory odorization of natural gas nationwide, improving leak detection and preventing future accidents. - The explosion prompted stricter building codes and emergency preparedness measures in schools across the United States. - The community's deep scars from the event persist, with the trauma passed down through generations. ## Frequently Asked Questions ### When and where did the New London School explosion occur? The New London School explosion occurred on March 18, 1937, in the East Texas town of New London. ### What was the cause of the New London School explosion? The explosion was caused by a leak in the natural gas lines that had been tapped into by the school to save on heating costs. The gas ignited when an electric sander was turned on in the woodshop class. ### How many people died in the New London School explosion? The exact death toll is uncertain due to the condition of the bodies and the confusion during the rescue efforts, but it was around 294, most of them children. ### What was the impact of the New London School explosion on gas safety regulations? The disaster prompted the mandatory odorization of natural gas, making leaks detectable by smell. This legislation was first passed in Texas and later adopted nationwide. ### How did the New London School explosion affect building and construction codes? The disaster led to a reevaluation of building and construction codes, particularly for educational institutions. This included better electrical wiring practices, enhanced heating systems, and stricter controls on building materials. ### What was the economic background of New London before the oil discovery? Before the oil discovery, New London was primarily agricultural, with a small population engaged in farming and small-scale trade. The town was expected to suffer greatly from the depression. ### What changes were made to school emergency preparedness after the New London School explosion? Schools nationwide began implementing regular safety drills, including evacuation procedures for fires, gas leaks, and other emergencies. Training for school staff on handling these situations became standard. ### How did the New London School explosion affect public utility regulations? The disaster led to intensified oversight of utility companies and stricter regulations regarding the maintenance and monitoring of gas lines. State public utility commissions were empowered to enforce these regulations more stringently. ### What was the significance of the New London School to the community? The New London School was the pride and joy of the local community, built with lavish spending and oil dollars. It was a large, modern structure with state-of-the-art facilities and was considered one of the largest and most expensive schools of its kind in the United States. ### How did the community respond to the New London School explosion? The community responded with a frantic rescue effort, with parents, emergency workers, and community members working tirelessly to dig through the rubble in a desperate search for survivors. Aid poured in from across Texas and beyond, with the Red Cross and other humanitarian organizations coordinating relief efforts. ## Sources - [Original Into the Shadows video: The New London School Explosion: America's Deadliest School Tragedy](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=LcB0s_fuauo) - [Hero image source](https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/0/0d/Hopewell_School_South_and_East_Elevations_2024.jpg) by Larry D. Moore / openverse, by. ## Related Coverage Simon Whistler https://intotheshadows.pub/article/cobalt-60-rods-totally-silent-totally-deadly https://intotheshadows.pub/article/cobalt-60-rods-totally-silent-totally-deadly Mon, 29 Jun 2026 00:00:00 GMT How do you quickly inform someone that lethal invisible beams of energy are nearby that could fry every cell in their body and, unbeknownst to them, may have already handed them a death sentence? This is the radioactive symbol. Or, more precisely, it is the symbol posted on various devices, containers, and substances, warning of ionizing radiation, which is extremely harmful to the human body. Often fatal. The symbol is also placed at the perimeter of nuclear power plants, former bomb test sites, and areas that have experienced a catastrophic nuclear meltdown — where radiation levels are dangerously high, even when standing at a distance of several hundred feet or perhaps even a couple of miles. The radioactive symbol was first devised in 1946 in the United States and it slowly became adopted as the standard international hazard symbol for ionizing radiation between 1963 and 1974 — officially being designated with the International Standards Organization number 3-6-1. Its "trefoil" shape is supposed to represent three blasts of radiation coming off an atom. If we hadn't seen this symbol a billion times in movies, TV shows, and comic books, I'm not sure how many of us would have been able to figure out that these geometric shapes represent radiation from an atom, or immediately realize the extreme danger it posed, in time to save our lives. Or, at the very least, spare ourselves permanent injury and some agonizing weeks in hospital. Similarly, popular knowledge of the radioactive symbol is not equally distributed around the world. A survey conducted in India, Brazil, and Kenya in 2004 found that only 6% of respondents understood its meaning and the danger it signified. As such, rods made of highly radioactive material have engravings on them that are even more blunt. The most recognizable on the internet being a rod of Cobalt-60, only an inch thick, that could fit in the palm of your hand. The engraving reads, "Danger, Radiation: Drop & Run." If you held one of these fully irradiated rods for five minutes, eventually your hand would swell up like a balloon, large strips of skin would probably turn necrotic and fall off, and the massive amount of radiation that hit the rest of your body would give you a 50/50 chance of dying in the next two months. If you held onto a fully irradiated rod of Cobalt-60 for 10 minutes, you'd soon vomit, soil yourself with a heavy bout of diarrhea, have multiple seizures, fall into a coma within the hour, and be dead within two days. Therefore, "drop and run" is something of an understatement. You should drop it and run for your goddamn life, until you are the better part of a mile away. Or at least until there are some very heavy walls between you and the object. However, to be frank, you'd be wise to keep running all the way to the emergency room. Given that the world's largest supplier of Cobalt-60 rods is Canada, and that the international language of science is English, even this sinister warning may be missed by people who can't read English engravings and aren't terribly familiar with the concept of radioactivity. There are numerous cases from the developing world where people unwittingly dismantled nuclear devices and died horrible deaths. As such, in 2007, the International Atomic Energy Agency unveiled a supplementary radiation warning: ISO symbol #2-1-4-8-2. It is meant to be pasted on nuclear devices in addition to the classic radioactive symbol. If a person ignores the trefoil symbol on the outside of the device and begins to dismantle it, once they lift a panel or remove an outer casing, they will be confronted by a much more insistent blood-red triangle, with the classic radiation symbol at the top. But, this time, the radiation symbol is emitting sinister lines of nuclear energy down toward a skull and crossbones representing high toxicity and death, and next to it, a man running for his life. As such, ISO #21482 is the international symbol of "Stop what you're doing and get the hell out of there, and if you're lucky you haven't already signed your own death warrant." Due to the immense danger posed by radiation to human beings, and the catastrophes that inevitably follow when radioactive materials are unleashed upon the public, everything in our power must be done to keep unsuspecting people away from them. Which brings us to the tragic event which convinced international authorities that the "run for your damn life" symbol was desperately needed around the world — the Samut Prakan Radiation Accident. ## The Perils of Cobalt-60 Samut Prakan is a province included in the Bangkok Metropolitan Area of the Southeast Asian kingdom of Thailand. It is a heavily urbanized region with well over a million people living on top of each other. It was in this crowded area that, in February of the year 2000, a source of tremendous radioactivity was left in a junkyard, sparking a state of emergency and endangering the local populace. The seeds of the disaster were sown several decades earlier in 1969, when the German technology conglomerate, Siemens, exported a radiotherapy machine to a hospital in Bangkok. The machine used targeted radiation to induce cell death and shrink malignant tumors that would otherwise continue to grow rapidly, impeding a patient's bodily functions, and ultimately killing them. The machine in question was powered by a rod of Cobalt-60, which had been produced in Canada. Cobalt-60 is a radioactive source that is not found in nature. It must be artificially made. Plain-old, naturally occurring cobalt is usually extracted as a byproduct of nickel and copper mining, and when extracted from the ore, it can be smelted into a bluish-grey metal. Historically, cobalt was used to infuse a splash of blue in everything from Ancient Roman jewelry to Chinese Ming vases. In the modern age, cobalt is instead frequently shipped to a heavy water nuclear plant, like those in Canada, where it is bombarded with neutrons in order to fill the nucleus of a cobalt atom with more of them — going from 27 neutrons to 33. This process of neutron enrichment takes the relatively stable blue metal and transforms it into a highly unstable radioactive one called an "isotope." A neutron-laden isotope decays by emitting tremendous amounts of energy into the surrounding environment as it tries to settle into a more stable form again. The fierce blast of energy is called "ionizing radiation." The deadly kind of radiation. It is strong enough to strip electrons from the shell surrounding an atom. Sort of like taking a sharp pick, or a knife, or a piece of steel wool, and scraping the enamel off your teeth. As such, in living cells, ionizing radiation can have a hugely unhealthy and destabilizing effect upon the body's complex and fragile patchwork of interwoven parts. It can create horrific swollen burns and skin necrosis, aka dead flesh still attached to your body. It also can destroy parts of DNA — the very fiber of your being — creating grotesque mutations and vastly increasing the risk of cancer. It can also destroy the marrow of your bones, which stops the production of the white blood cells necessary to fight off viruses and hostile bacteria, meaning that the smallest of infections can kill you. It also destroys your gastric, vascular, and neurological systems causing intense nausea, vomiting, bloody diarrhea, unbearable abdominal pain, fever, the shutting down of vital organs, disorientation, seizures, and ultimately death. Once blasted by a significant dose of ionizing radiation, there is often a period of initial nausea followed by a latency period of several days where you show few symptoms. Meanwhile, the cells of your body will quietly contort and curdle until the whole fragile system breaks down and you suddenly become tremendously ill. Without medical treatment, you will almost certainly die. And if you got a heavy enough dose, it doesn't matter if you get medical treatment. You will die anyway. In small, targeted doses via radiotherapy machines, ionizing radiation can do just enough damage to living cells that it slowly shrinks cancerous tumors. But if its full power is unleashed upon the world, it is a horrific thing to behold. No different than the fallout experienced by the people at Hiroshima and Nagasaki. And these devices are in almost every hospital around the globe. As such, the rod of Cobalt-60 used in the Bangkok radiotherapy machine was housed inside of a thick container made out of lead – a metal that is capable of stopping ionizing radiation dead in its tracks. The lead container was surrounded by stainless steel. Because the rod of Cobalt-60 was only an inch thick and 1.5 inches long, the lead and steel container was also quite small: about 17 inches long and 8 inches wide. But due to all the heavy metals involved, the whole thing weighed an astonishingly hefty 230 pounds. Over time, a rod in a radiotherapy machine will lose its strength. As the rod of Cobalt-60 emits an immense blast of radiation, it gradually decays into a stable form of nickel – chemically changing into a completely different element. It takes 5.2714 years for exactly half of the cobalt atoms to decay, otherwise known as a "half-life". As all the Cobalt-60 atoms are slowly used up, the radioactivity of a rod of cobalt becomes less fierce. Thereupon, the rod will need to be replaced. But things didn't work out that way in Bangkok. ## Utter Incompetence, Despicable Negligence In the case of the rod of Cobalt-60 powering the radiotherapy machine in Bangkok, it was in use from 1969 until 1981 — 12 years — long after it should have been replaced with a new rod. What this meant for cancer patients at the Bangkok hospital was that they had to spend unreasonably long amounts of time being blasted by an increasingly weak machine in order to shrink their tumors. A new Cobalt-60 rod was installed in the machine in 1981. Thereafter the pattern repeated itself. The rod was in use for a further 13 years until 1994. Thereupon, the Bangkok hospital replaced the entire radiotherapy machine with a new one manufactured by Nordion, a company based in Canada. It was here that a problem arose. Where do you put the old machine? Nordion refused to take it, because they had not manufactured it. Siemens, the German company that did manufacture it in 1969, also refused to take it because they had long since stopped working with Cobalt-60 and no longer produced the machines. So instead, the Bangkok hospital sold the old machine to the Thai electric company, Kamol Sukosol, or KSE. As a matter of procedure, the hospital and KSE had to report the transfer of the radioactive device to the Thai nuclear regulator, The Office of Atoms for Peace. They did not. That was illegal. The radiotherapy machine was transferred to a KSE warehouse, where it was placed in a storage unit that eventually got filled up with three other radiotherapy machines – when KSE was only licensed to house one. In 1999, KSE terminated their lease of the storage warehouse. Thereupon KSE moved three of the radiotherapy machines to a parking lot they owned in southeast Bangkok. Needless to say, this was also illegal. The radiotherapy machines were stored underneath a simple overhead shelter to protect them from the elements. Otherwise, they were sitting in the open air. Public access was blocked off from the parking lot only by a chain-link fence. However, the neighborhood children had long since cut holes in the fence in order to play football in the wide-open spaces there. Sometime in late 1999 or early 2000, the Bangkok hospital radiotherapy machine was stolen from the parking lot by a person or persons unknown. On January 24th 2000, the container housing the rod of Cobalt-60 was sold to two scrap metal collectors. It is possible these two stole the device on their own, but we shall never know. Due to strict defamation laws in Thailand, these men shall remain nameless, as shall all the other players in this story. They took the container home and left it outside, 100 meters or 330 feet from the house, intending to dismantle it and sell the metal at a later date. The Cobalt-60 at this point was 19 years old. The majority of it had already decayed. The original strength of the rod in 1981 was approximately 197 trillion "becquerels," a measurement unit for radioactivity named after the man who discovered the phenomenon. By the year 2000, the Cobalt-60's radioactivity had declined to 15.7 trillion becquerels, a loss of 92% of its potency. But do not be under any illusions. 15.7 trillion becquerels is roughly as radioactive as the contaminated water that leaked out of the Fukushima power plant in the aftermath of the disaster. It's more than enough to kill you if you get close to it. The only silver lining in this situation is that a brand-new rod of Cobalt-60 would have killed exponentially more people in the area. ## Unleashing Pure Death On February 1st, the two scrap collectors were joined by two other men to try and bust the container open. One was a 23-year-old brother-in-law of one of the collectors, the other was a 19-year-old neighbourhood lad just looking to help out. He was the same age as the rod of Cobalt-60. For the next hour, they all tried to bust it open and one of the scrap collectors took a hammer and chisel to the device. The scrap collector managed to crack a welded seam between the stainless-steel exterior and the thick lead container. A toxic oily liquid came seeping out. This was a build-up of decades of moisture inside the casing that had turned radioactive. Because the scrap collector did the majority of the work, he suffered most of the exposure to it, but the other men were exposed too. At the time, the container of the Cobalt-60 remained largely unpenetrated, so it was not as bad as it could have been. At this point, the other scrap metal collector declared that they weren't getting anywhere and proposed he take the device to a junkyard in Samut Prakan, about 30 minutes' drive away. There the junkyard staff could dismantle the device on site, and the scrap collectors could sell the metal to them. The device was loaded onto a motorcycle driven cart. The impatient scrap collector drove, while the 19-year-old youth sat in the cart with his leg dangling over the now cracked and leaking radiotherapy device. The chisel-man and the brother-in-law remained at the house and avoided being exposed any further. But the worst was yet to come. Arriving at the junkyard, the scrap collector approached a member of staff and asked him to cut open the steel and lead casing containing the Cobalt-60 with an oxy-acetylene welding torch. It burned hot at 3500 degrees Celsius or 6000 degrees Fahrenheit. Another junkyard worker observed the process from just a few feet away. The cutting released a foul-smelling yellow smoke into the air. Part of the lead casing, now cut in half, fell and hit the ground. Unbeknownst to the men, the 1.5 inch long, 1 inch thick rod of Cobalt-60 also fell out and rolled into a nearby pile of scrap. With the rod unleashed, all four men in the junkyard were now getting blasted with a potentially fatal dose of radiation. The junkyard worker picked up the two pieces of lead casing and weighed them in his hands. His hands immediately began to itch. After putting the pieces down, the junkyard staff member continued to work, trying to separate the stainless steel from the lead, but he had become alarmed by the yellow smoke. The owner of the junkyard, a 45-year-old woman, approached the men and told the scrap collector to take the radiotherapy device home and separate the rest of the lead and steel there. The two pieces of lead that had fallen to the ground were laid to one side. Meanwhile, the rod of Cobalt-60 was left in a pile of scrap in the open air, blasting out radiation into the surrounding neighbourhood. It was only 11 feet or 3.35 meters from the junkyard owner's office. Not long after the scrap collector left, the two junkyard employees got severe headaches and began to vomit. On the drive home, the scrap collector also came down with a splitting headache and began to feel nauseated, but did not vomit. His 19-year-old assistant also began to feel ill and felt an itching sensation on his leg where he had draped it over the radiotherapy device on the drive over. Back at the house, the scrap collector and the 19-year-old boy managed to overcome their feelings of illness and they separated the stainless steel from the rest of the lead. Because the Cobalt-60 was back at the yard, they did not suffer further exposure in doing so. The scrap collector brought the stainless steel and the lead back to the junkyard for sale, the next day, on February 2nd. Meanwhile, the junkyard owner and staff continued to feel the brunt of the radiation from the Cobalt-60 sat right there in the yard. The two junkyard employees took some time off for Chinese New Year, during which they lost weight and had no appetite. They returned to work on February 7th and continued to be exposed to radiation. The junkyard owner and her husband, who lived across the street and both worked in the office only a few feet away from the Cobalt-60, also continued to be dosed over the next several days. As did the junkyard owner's 33-year-old maid (who worked part-time in the yard) and the owner's 75-year-old mother who regularly visited her daughter at work. On February 12th, the junkyard owner grew alarmed at how sick her two employees were getting. They were suffering chronic diarrhea which they could only halt by medication. The owner summoned the scrap collector and told him to take away the lead casing and sell it somewhere else, suspecting it was the lead that was somehow making her staff sick. She also asked a different scrap collector to throw away the two smaller pieces that had hit the ground. The man threw them down a nearby public drainpipe. Meanwhile, the rod of Cobalt-60 remained in the scrap pile in the yard. That same day, on February 12th, the scrap collector who had gone to the junkyard became distressed at the swollen burns on his hands and had them checked out at a private clinic. No diagnosis was reached. Over the next few days, the burn continued to swell and darken, and the scrap collector began vomiting and losing his hair. On February 15th, the scrap collector went to the outpatient clinic at Samut Prakan Hospital, where the doctors took some blood. The scrap collector returned on the 16th for the results, was told his white blood cell count was alarmingly low and he was immediately admitted to hospital. Also on the 16th, one of the junkyard staff went to Samut Prakan hospital with a fever, rapid weight loss, diarrhea, burned hands, and loss of hair. He was examined and immediately admitted. The following day, the 17th, the junkyard owner grew distressed at how sick her other employee was getting. He was losing weight and his hair was falling out. The owner drove her second employee to Samut Prakan hospital and he, too, was admitted. Meanwhile, the owner noticed that a stray dog that frequently wandered into the junkyard was lying there dead. Later on the 17th, the owner and her husband drove to Bangkok General Hospital. The owner had been feeling weak and noticed her hair had begun falling out. Her husband, meanwhile, was also feeling weak, in addition to suffering severe abdominal pain and chronic nose bleeds. The doctors took blood and found their white blood cell count was dangerously low. A bone marrow biopsy was also taken from both of them. The husband was admitted due to his uncontrollable nose bleeds, while the junkyard owner was not admitted but remained as an outpatient at Bangkok Hospital. ## The Emergency Response On the morning of February 18th, at Samut Prakan Hospital, the condition of the scrap collector and the two junkyard employees continued to deteriorate. The doctors at Samut Prakan drew a connection between the symptoms of the three patients and concluded they had suffered acute radiation poisoning. At 11:10 am, they called the Office of Atoms for Peace, who dispatched two investigators to Samut Prakan. They arrived at 12:30 pm, concurred with the diagnosis, and summoned the junkyard owner from her husband's beside at Bangkok General to Samut Prakan for questioning. From there, the investigators went to the public drainpipe to fish out the two small pieces of lead. They no longer emitted any radioactivity. At 7 pm, the investigators were driving in the direction of the junkyard, still several blocks away, and noticed that radiation levels were spiking to 8 micro-sieverts per hour, or about 20 times the normal levels. The investigators continued driving and when they arrived at the junkyard, the radiation levels in their car spiked 125 times higher to 1 milli-sievert, the same level as a fenced off high radiation area at a nuclear power plant. The investigators concluded that intense gamma rays were blasting out of the junkyard and called for assistance. The emergency response team arrived and began assessing radiation levels in the area in order to locate the source. The beauty salon on one side of the junkyard and the grocery store on the other side, shielded by walls and fences, were both being blasted with 200 micro-sieverts of radiation per hour, equivalent to cosmic rays in unshielded interplanetary space. Meanwhile, the buildings across the street from the junkyard were being pelted with unobstructed gamma rays. The radiation was twice to four times higher the equivalent of a perpetual CT scan running 24 hours a day. The main gate to the junkyard was even worse, hit by 10 milli-sieverts per hour, or the equivalent of a dose of radiation typically inflicted on a city when a nuclear plant blows up. The junkyard office, being only a few feet from the rod of Cobalt-60, was being hit by 50 milli-sieverts per hour, or roughly 2000 times higher than the radiation experienced by nuclear reactor technicians in the same space of time. The biggest dose of radiation was coming from a scrap pile at the front of the yard – 10 full sieverts per hour. Almost as bad as what emergency workers experienced at ground zero at Chernobyl, and far beyond the levels of exposure that would result in a 50/50 chance of death in the next two months. In fact, 10 full sieverts would typically result in a 99-100% mortality rate, even with medical intervention. As such, the emergency response team couldn't get near the scrap pile in order to locate the source of the radiation. The street was closed to traffic and the immediate area 10 meters from the entrance to the junkyard was cordoned off, but evacuation of the wider area was deemed unnecessary. There were 1872 people living within 100 meters or 330 feet of the junkyard and they were allowed to stay put. Emergency workers continued to narrow down the location of the source of the radiation throughout the night until 4 am on February 19th when operations were suspended as they formulated a plan to remove the source from the scrap pile. Meanwhile, the junkyard owner's maid was admitted to hospital with nausea, vomiting, and headache. The condition of the two junkyard workers continued to worsen. Their white cell count dropped near to zero, they had radiation burns over their arms, chests, and faces, they had fever, nosebleeds that required nasal packing to staunch the flow of blood, and their lips and tongues had become painfully swollen. Back at the junkyard, at 4pm, the source removal plan was put into action. A mechanical excavator tore down the fence at the front of the yard. A bulldozer was rigged up with spotlights and a lead shield that was 6-and-a-half-feet tall and 2 inches thick to allow emergency workers to hide behind it in an effort to get closer to the scrap pile. The workers did not have hazmat suits, but wore cloth gloves and face masks, which were practically useless. Some of the workers also insisted on wearing lead aprons, which are appropriate for a dentist during an X-ray, but they offered next to no protection from the immense levels of radiation blasted out by a rod of Cobalt-60. In fact, the aprons slowed the workers' movements, increasing the risk of exposure. Yet the officials in charge of the emergency response team allowed the workers to wear the lead aprons as a sort of security blanket to allay their fears and keep them calm. Large pieces of scrap were taken away from the pile with a mechanical grasping tool. Smaller pieces of scrap were removed by an improvised 16-foot bamboo pole, with an electromagnet tied to the end. One by one, pieces of scrap were removed, dropped into an old bathtub with a radiation scanner in it, and assessed as to whether the scrap was the source. Next to the bathtub was a 3.3-inch-thick lead container into which the source would be dropped once it was found. With the larger pieces of overhanging scrap removed from the pile, the workers still could not figure out which piece of material was emitting all the radiation. After nightfall, they decided to bring in a fluorescent screen to figure out which piece of material was glowing like a Christmas tree. However, even with the search lights turned off, the moon was so bright that it made it difficult to read the screen. Finally, at around 9pm, there was enough cloud cover to figure out the source of the radiation was a small object only 1.5 inches long. Some more scrap was cleared and, after some difficulty in grasping the object without getting a fatal dose of radiation, at 12:20 am on February 20th, the workers finally managed to pick up the Cobalt-60 with the bamboo rod with the electromagnet at the end. It was dropped in the lead container and then sealed in. The container was then shipped off for safe handling and storage. Despite shoddy and makeshift equipment, the emergency response team managed to pull it off without getting a heavy dose of radiation. At the uppermost 6 of the workers received the equivalent of a full-body CT scan, while the remaining 46 emergency workers received considerably less. As ramshackle as the effort may seem, the lead shield and the grappling tools were a success. ## The Aftermath A few hours later on February 20th, authorities located the second scrap collector – the chisel-man who had initially cracked the welded seam – and took him to Samut Prakan hospital. His white blood cell count was low and his hands were swollen bright red, and looked as if they were half-melted candles. The 19-year-old lad who had draped his leg over the radiotherapy machine on the way to the junkyard was also located. Predictably, the young man had a severe radiation burn down the back of his right leg, stretching from the thigh to the calf. The skin was falling off and slowly becoming necrotic, risking a grisly infection. There was a second burn 10 inches in diameter on his right knee. He also had suffered radiation burns to some of his fingers, and, as with others, he was running low on white blood cells. The junkyard owner was also admitted to hospital on the 20th, was accordingly treated for a low white cell count, and later treated for fever and a bleeding rectum. She also suffered vascular deterioration and damage to her lungs, but thankfully with regular blood transfusions and antibiotics, she did not require invasive surgery or a respirator. By the end of March, she had made a full recovery. The junkyard owner's mother was admitted to hospital on February 22nd. She had been suffering nausea, fever, and a low white blood cell count. The brother-in-law of one of the scrap collectors wasn't located until March 3rd. He had only been present during the hammer and chisel stage. Nevertheless, he had sustained radiation burns to his right hand, and the nails on his middle finger and pinky eventually fell off. The two scrap collectors, the brother-in-law, the 19-year-old, the junkyard owner, her maid, and her mother, spent about a month in hospital and eventually made full recoveries. The others weren't so lucky. The two junkyard workers had received the full brunt of the Cobalt-60 when they had cut open the lead container, and they had worked in the yard for a further week with the Cobalt-60 right there, slowly killing them. The junkyard worker who had actually cut open the container could not recover his white blood cell count, open sores began appearing in his mouth and on his tongue, and large segments of his skin began falling off. He got severe diarrhea again on March 2nd and by March 6th he could no longer eat food and had to be fed through a tube. On the 15th his lungs began to shut down and he was hooked up to a respirator. On the 17th he fell into a coma. It was the low white blood cell count and infection that got him in the end. And on March 18th, he died of sepsis. The other junkyard worker suffered intense fever, his hair almost completely fell out, and open sores began appearing in his mouth and on the sides of his head. By March 7th, he was no longer able to eat or breathe. He began bleeding in his gastrointestinal tract. On March 9th he went into septic shock, suffered a seizure, his heart stopped, defibrillation didn't work, and he died that evening. Finally, the junkyard owner's husband developed hives over his back from a fungal infection, fell into a dangerously high fever, and his white cell count could not be improved. He was put on a respirator on March 22nd, as liquid began to fill his lungs. And on the morning of March 24th, his heart gave out from the stresses of his many symptoms. All told, the regular junkyard staff were the worst hit by the radiation, due to the fact they were exposed to the open air Cobalt-60 whenever they were on-site between February 1st and the 17th. It is estimated that the two junkyard workers, the junkyard owner, and her husband, were hit with approximately 6 to 8 "Grays" which is the measurement unit for the amount of radiation that has been absorbed by the body. The impact on the maid and mother was less severe because they were only there part-time. Bear in mind that 5 Grays gives you a 50/50 chance of dying in the next two months, so the fact that the junkyard owner survived at all when the other three men died is something of a miracle. It is likely due to the fact she didn't work outside her office as often as her two employees and her husband. Not that the nuclear reactor levels of radiation in her office were by any means safe. Meanwhile, the two scrap collectors, the brother-in-law, and the 19-year-old were hit by 1-3 Grays. At 1-3 Grays, with medical intervention, there is a 5-30% chance you will die in the next two months. Most of their symptoms were burns where they had handled the radiotherapy device in their attempts to open and transport it. Despite low white blood cell counts they all made full recoveries. As for the 1872 people who lived within 100 meters or 330 feet of the junkyard, they had received a range of doses equivalent to being blasted by cosmic rays in outer space to getting multiple CT scans to getting a bad sunburn. All of which would increase the risks of cancer in later life. 862 of them were checked out by doctors, 782 of them had their blood taken, 907 of them received government advice. The other half of them got nothing. Five pregnant women lived within 50 meters or 165 feet of the junkyard. One of them decided to have an abortion, fearing that the radiation might cause the child to be born with mutations. KSE, the electricity company who had initially stored the radiotherapy device in a parking lot, along with two other machines, was initially fined just $450 US dollars. In 2003, the Office of Atoms for Peace was sued in a class action lawsuit for failing to keep track of the whereabouts of nuclear device after its removal from the KSE warehouse. The dozen plaintiffs won $155,000 dollars in compensation. That's the average annual salary of about four people in Thailand. In 2007, the quite frankly bigger culprit, KSE, was sued in civil court and had to pay a further $19,000 US dollars to the victims of the disaster. That was all the compensation anyone received. Nor can it be said that this was the last incident of nuclear materials being unleashed on the Thai public as a result of industrial negligence and lack of regulatory oversight. The most positive thing to come out of the incident was the introduction of hazard symbol number 21482, after much institutional humming-and-hahhing, a full seven years later. But, with any luck, it shall encourage anyone who finds themselves in a similar situation to the scrap collectors and junkyard workers to drop what they are doing and run — run for their goddamn lives. ## Key Takeaways - The radioactive symbol, adopted internationally since 1974, warns of ionizing radiation danger. - Cobalt-60 rods carry blunt warnings like 'Danger, Radiation: Drop & Run' due to extreme hazards. - The Samut Prakan Radiation Accident in 2000 highlighted the need for better radiation warnings. - Ionizing radiation from Cobalt-60 can cause severe burns, DNA damage, and fatal health issues. - The incident led to the introduction of a supplementary radiation warning symbol in 2007. ## Frequently Asked Questions ### What does the radioactive symbol represent? The radioactive symbol, also known as the trefoil symbol, represents three blasts of radiation coming off an atom. It is used to warn of ionizing radiation, which is extremely harmful and often fatal to the human body. ### What is Cobalt-60 and why is it dangerous? Cobalt-60 is a radioactive isotope that emits ionizing radiation. It is dangerous because it can cause severe burns, skin necrosis, DNA damage, cancer, and death if exposed to it for extended periods. ### What are the symptoms of acute radiation poisoning? Symptoms of acute radiation poisoning include nausea, vomiting, diarrhea, seizures, coma, and death within a short period. Prolonged exposure can lead to severe burns, hair loss, and internal organ failure. ### What happened in the Samut Prakan Radiation Accident? In February 2000, a rod of Cobalt-60 was left in a junkyard in Samut Prakan, Thailand. Scrap collectors and junkyard workers were exposed to high levels of radiation, leading to severe illness and death for some. ### How was the Cobalt-60 rod handled and transported? The Cobalt-60 rod was initially handled by scrap collectors who attempted to open it with a hammer and chisel. It was then transported to a junkyard on a motorcycle-driven cart, where it was further exposed and eventually cut open with a welding torch. ### What was the international response to the Samut Prakan Radiation Accident? The International Atomic Energy Agency introduced a supplementary radiation warning symbol (ISO #21482) to be used in addition to the classic radioactive symbol. This new symbol is meant to be more insistent and clear, warning people to stop and run away from the source of radiation. ### What are the long-term effects of exposure to the Cobalt-60 rod? Long-term effects of exposure to the Cobalt-60 rod include increased risk of cancer, skin necrosis, and other health issues. Those who lived near the junkyard were advised to seek medical attention and monitor their health. ### What measures were taken to remove the Cobalt-60 rod from the junkyard? Emergency workers used a mechanical excavator and a bulldozer with a lead shield to remove scrap from the pile. They used a bamboo pole with an electromagnet to grasp the rod and place it in a lead container for safe handling and storage. ### What was the outcome for the people involved in the Samut Prakan Radiation Accident? Several people, including scrap collectors and junkyard workers, suffered severe radiation poisoning. Two junkyard workers and the junkyard owner's husband died from their exposure. Others, including the junkyard owner and her family, made full recoveries after medical treatment. ### What was the legal and financial fallout from the Samut Prakan Radiation Accident? KSE, the electricity company that initially stored the radiotherapy device, was fined $450. In 2003, the Office of Atoms for Peace was sued and paid $155,000 in compensation. KSE was later sued and paid an additional $19,000 to the victims. ## Sources - [Original Into the Shadows video: Cobalt-60 Rods: Totally Silent. Totally Deadly.](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=VhVSVXUB1rw) - [Hero image source](https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/b/b8/Dutch_Flat_Placer_County_California_United_States_-_2023_June_05.jpg) by Jengod / openverse, by-sa. ## Related Coverage Simon Whistler https://intotheshadows.pub/article/college-textbooks-are-a-scam https://intotheshadows.pub/article/college-textbooks-are-a-scam Mon, 29 Jun 2026 00:00:00 GMT College life is expensive. Everyone knows that. Tuition costs are sky-high, housing eats up whatever's left of your savings, and even the cafeteria sandwiches feel overpriced. But there's one expense—one sneaky, soul-crushing drain every student loathes. Textbooks. As you begin a new academic year, you walk into the bookstore with your class schedule in hand or look online, and the price makes your jaw drop. Your biology textbook? $250. Your economics book? $180. Oh, and don't forget that supplemental workbook—an extra $80 for a book you'll probably open twice. By the time you've bought everything you need, your bank account is crying, and your wallet feels like it's been mugged. And for what? A book that might have a few new paragraphs compared to last year's edition, or one that you can't even sell back because the professor just had to assign the latest version. College textbooks aren't just expensive—they're designed to be. It is an entire industry built around draining every last dollar from students and has become one of the biggest scams in higher education. ## College Costs for Students Before diving into this cesspool, let's first look at the cost of a college education in the United States. The average tuition for a four-year public university in the U.S. is around $10,000 per year for in-state students—and nearly triple that for out-of-state or private schools—but that's just the beginning. Add in housing, meals, books, fees, and transportation; you're looking at $25,000 to $50,000 a year. Multiply that by four, and you've got a staggering price tag. So, how do many pay for it? Debt. Lots of it. The average graduate leaves college with $37,000 in student loans, but it's far more for some, especially those pursuing advanced degrees. Think about that for a second: you're handed a diploma and a bill that could rival a luxury car loan, all before you've even started your career. And it doesn't stop there. These loans often come with years—or decades—of repayment, with interest piling on top. For many, it delays milestones like buying a home, starting a family, or even just living debt-free. College is supposed to be an investment in your future, but for millions of students, it's starting with a financial ball and chain. The student loan situation in the United States is a growing crisis, with over $1.7 trillion in outstanding debt affecting more than 45 million borrowers. So who does benefit? Lenders, both federal and private, reap the rewards from this sordid saga. The federal government is the largest lender, holding about 92% of student loans. Interest on these loans generates billions of dollars annually, much of which flows back into government programs. Private lenders like Sallie Mae and Navient also rake in profits, mainly from borrowers who refinance federal loans or need supplemental funds. Loan servicers like Nelnet and Great Lakes are paid handsomely to manage accounts, collect payments, and handle customer service. Everything gets a slice of the pie. Except students. They get screwed. The average borrower takes 20 years to fully repay loans, often paying thousands more in interest than the original balance. Even the broader economy feels the strain. As young professionals divert income to debt repayment, spending on goods, services, and investments decreases, slowing economic growth. Ultimately, the system creates a lopsided balance: lenders and institutions grow richer while students are left in a cycle of debt that often feels inescapable. We could go on and on about this particular American horror show, but let's get back to textbooks. ## The Shocking Cost of College Textbooks On average, college students in the U.S. spend $1,200 to $1,400 a year on textbooks. That's per year, not over four years. And for certain majors, like medicine or engineering, the costs can go even higher. The price of textbooks has skyrocketed by over 1,000% since the 1970s. To put that in perspective, that's outpacing inflation, healthcare costs, and even tuition increases by a massive margin. It's an industry that makes some of the biggest financial burdens in America look modest. So, why are textbooks so expensive? First, there's the monopoly problem. A few significant publishers—Pearson, McGraw Hill, and Cengage—control the bulk of the market. These companies decide which books get printed, how often new editions are released, and, of course, the price tags. With so little competition, there's nothing stopping them from hiking prices. It's like if Apple, Google, and Samsung joined forces, but instead of a shiny new smartphone, you're stuck buying a hardcover that costs $300. And here's the most infuriating part: the prices don't reflect the cost of production. Printing a $200 textbook likely costs $15 or less. The rest? Pure greedy profit. Publishers argue that this revenue funds authors and content improvements, but let's be honest—the authors aren't getting rich, and content often rarely changes much from edition to edition. The result is that students often cut corners, skip buying books altogether, or scour the internet for free PDFs. This broken system prioritises profit over education, leaving students to bear the burden. ## Who's Profiting? Let's follow the money. Textbooks don't cost $300 by accident. There's a carefully crafted system behind those sky-high prices, designed to funnel cash straight into the pockets of a select few. First up, the publishers. The three companies we mentioned earlier control around 80% of the college textbook market. They use monopoly tactics that would make even the greediest tech giant blush. By owning the market, they face little to no competition, allowing them to set prices however they want. Most professors genuinely want what's best for their students, but some are part of the problem. There's a particular group of professors who assign books they've written themselves, and this is where things get murky because, of course, they earn royalties every time a student buys their book. While it's not illegal or unethical in some cases, it incentivises choosing expensive textbooks over more affordable or open-source options. Suddenly, you're stuck buying that $150 sociology textbook written by Dr. Smith—your own professor. And then we have the colleges and universities. Some schools partner with publishers in sweetheart deals. They require students to purchase books and materials directly from the campus bookstore, often at marked-up prices. That sees the colleges take a cut of the profits. Yes, your tuition isn't enough—they also want a slice of your textbook budget. It's like being mugged twice: once for tuition and again at the bookstore. ## A Rigged System If you thought overpriced textbooks were bad, wait to see the tricks publishers use to keep you locked into their system. First, there's the scam of mandatory new editions. You've probably seen this before: your professor assigns the "7th Edition" of a textbook, even though the 6th Edition looks identical. What's changed? Maybe they shuffled a few chapters, added a new graphic, or updated one section with recent data. Nothing that couldn't be included in a supplemental PDF. But by releasing a new edition, publishers kill the used book market. Students can't resell old editions, and new students are forced to buy full-price copies. It's not about improving education—it's about protecting profits. The used book market was once a viable option, but not anymore. Publishers have effectively throttled the market by lobbying colleges to require "custom editions" for specific courses and bundling books with single-use codes. And let's talk about digital textbooks and access codes. When ebooks first hit the market, they were marketed as a cheaper, more convenient alternative to traditional books. But publishers quickly realised they could weaponise the format. Many digital textbooks are locked behind paywalls, tied to specific platforms, and can't be downloaded or printed. Worse yet, they often come with expiration dates, meaning you're paying $100 for a book you can only use for six months. Access codes take this scam even further. They're often bundled with textbooks, making them seem essential to the package. But here's the dirty little secret: access codes frequently contain online assignments, quizzes, and other free tools that professors could create themselves. Instead, publishers convince schools to adopt their systems, locking students into a cycle of mandatory purchases every semester. And because access codes are single-use, there's no way to share or resell them. It's a brilliant scheme—for the publishers. And here's the great punt to the testis: students don't have a choice. Textbooks are assigned by professors, required for courses, and often tied to graded assignments. You can't shop around, haggle, or wait for a sale. If your professor says you need the book, you buy the book—no matter the cost. It's a system designed to drain students; every layer—from the publishers to the professors to the colleges—plays a role. The result? A textbook industry that thrives on exploitation, leaving students trapped in a cycle of debt, frustration, and financial strain. ## How We Got Here The textbook scam didn't happen overnight. It's the result of decades of corporate manoeuvring, technological shifts, and a slow erosion of educational priorities. We need to follow the industry's evolution to understand how we ended up with $300 textbooks and single-use access codes. In the early days, textbooks were relatively simple: printed pages, bound together, written by professors for students. They weren't cheap, but weren't the financial black hole they are today. So, what changed? The dark rise of corporate publishing. Over the past few decades, giants like Pearson, McGraw Hill, and Wiley have swallowed small, independent textbook publishers. These corporations didn't just want to sell books—they wanted to dominate the market. And with their deep pockets and aggressive tactics, they succeeded. The used book market was squashed like a belligerent bug, and by the late-2000s, the situation was getting out of hand. Inclusive Access is a program designed to provide students with immediate digital access to required course materials at the start of their classes. The idea was simple: rather than students buying or renting textbooks individually, the cost of materials is bundled into tuition or course fees. It seems like a convenient, cost-saving solution to the expensive textbook problem, but there's more to it. While Federal Student Aid rules had prohibited colleges and universities from charging for books, President Obama's Department of Education carved out an exception where "the institution has an arrangement with a book publisher or other entity that enables it to make those books or supplies available to students below competitive market rates." Colleges partner with major publishers to offer digital textbooks and resources through their learning platforms. When students enrol in a class, they automatically receive access to these materials via a unique login, often integrated into the course's online learning system. Since the program operates on a subscription model, students pay a discounted rate compared to traditional textbooks. Sounds great. However, there's a catch. Firstly, that "discounted rate" already starts from a horrifying figure. It's basically telling students that they should feel fortunate to get a digital copy of a book for $150 when the actual book is $300. To use the mugging analogy again, it's like being stopped at knifepoint, but the thief is kind enough to leave $10 for a cab home. Secondly, Inclusive Access operates as an opt-out system. Students are automatically charged unless they actively choose not to participate, often within a short window. Many students don't even realise they're enrolled in the program, leaving them with fees they might not have wanted. And let's be honest. For many arriving at college and experiencing the first steps into freedom, keeping track of systems like these isn't always a priority. While publishers promote Inclusive Access as a cost-saving measure, critics argue it locks students into paying for materials they can't resell or reuse. As we've said, digital access is often temporary, expiring at the end of the course, which means students are essentially renting content they'll lose after the semester ends. Campus bookstores have become central players in the college textbook pricing problem, profiting significantly while taking minimal risks. With the rise of programs like Inclusive Access, where digital course materials are bundled into tuition fees, bookstores no longer need to manage the physical inventory of textbooks. They aren't buying, shipping, or returning unsold books, nor are they dealing with the logistical challenges of stocking shelves. Instead, they act as middlemen between publishers and students, facilitating access to digital materials while collecting significant fees. In practice, Inclusive Access prioritises convenience but limits student choice. It shifts the power further toward publishers and away from students, reinforcing a system where education costs remain high. While it may save money compared to traditional options, it's not much. Despite claims of savings, students often pay $300-400 per semester, which isn't much lower than standard digital textbook prices. ## Alternatives and Solutions The textbook industry might feel like a behemoth too big to topple, but cracks are starting to form. Students, educators, and even some institutions are finding creative ways to fight back against the scam. From free resources to innovative policies, here's how people are flipping the script on overpriced textbooks. Open Educational Resources (OERs) are free, openly licensed learning materials anyone can use, modify, and share. Think of them as the Wikipedia of textbooks—crowdsourced, collaborative, and focused on accessibility. OERs cover a wide range of subjects, from introductory algebra to advanced engineering, and they're gaining traction in schools and colleges worldwide. Not only are they free, but they also allow professors to customise content to suit their courses. It's a win for students and educators alike—but it poses an issue for the Three Horsemen of the Publishing Apocalypse. McGraw-Hill obviously sees it as enough of a threat to include it in its laughable fact vs myth section on its website, where it rails against OERs by saying, "Most do not include robust learning exercises with animations, videos, and/or software simulations that engage students." Note to McGraw-Hill: students don't care about the cartoons if they can save $1,000 a year. Next, there's the rise of library reserves and rental programs. Many universities are filling the gap, offering students access to required textbooks through on-campus libraries or rental services. While these programs don't eliminate costs entirely, they can significantly reduce the burden. Instead of dropping $300 on a new book, students can borrow or rent it for a fraction of the price. It's not perfect, but it's a step in the right direction. Some professors are also joining the fight, assigning low-cost or no-cost alternatives instead of traditional textbooks. They're adopting OERs, using free online resources, or creating their own materials to share with students. These professors recognise their students' financial strain and are actively working to ease it. They prove educators can challenge the status quo and prioritise learning over profit. On a larger scale, states and institutions are pushing for policy changes. For example, some governments fund initiatives to promote OERs, while others introduce laws requiring colleges to disclose textbook costs upfront. Transparency is a powerful tool—when students know the costs before enrolling in a course, they can make more informed decisions. Even the digital world is providing new options. Websites like Project Gutenberg, LibreTexts, and Bookboon offer free or low-cost digital textbooks across various subjects. Meanwhile, some students turn to peer-to-peer sharing, swapping books, or pooling resources to avoid paying full price. It's a grassroots approach, but it's effective. Of course, these alternatives aren't perfect. OERs can't cover every subject, and library reserves are often limited. But they represent a growing resistance to the textbook monopoly—a sign that change is possible, even in an entrenched industry. ## End of the Road Thankfully, more and more people are becoming aware of this scam, but change is coming slowly. The college textbook industry is a well-oiled machine of exploitation. From inflated prices to mandatory updates and single-use access codes, it's a system built to prioritise profits over education. And for years, students have been the ones footing the bill. But there's hope. The resistance to the textbook monopoly is growing from open-source resources to policy changes. Students, professors, and institutions are finding ways to sidestep the system, proving that education doesn't have to come at such a steep cost. Of course, this is just one aspect of the higher education conveyor belt generating over a trillion dollars in profits. The Biden administration has been huffing and puffing about education reform, particularly with student loan and banking fees, but it remains to be seen whether they can push any significant changes through before the new administration arrives. Or was it simply a ploy for votes that spectacularly backfired? It's an expensive time for everybody these days, and students are certainly paying their share. *Olivier Guiberteau* ## Key Takeaways - College textbooks are extremely expensive, with prices often exceeding $200 per book. - The textbook industry is dominated by a few major publishers, leading to high prices and limited competition. - Publishers use tactics like mandatory new editions and single-use access codes to maintain high profits. - Students often face significant financial strain due to textbook costs, adding to their overall debt. - Alternatives like Open Educational Resources (OERs) and library reserves are emerging to combat high textbook prices. ## Frequently Asked Questions ### How much do college students spend on textbooks annually? College students in the U.S. spend $1,200 to $1,400 a year on textbooks. ### What is the average student loan debt for a graduate? The average graduate leaves college with $37,000 in student loans. ### Who are the major players in the college textbook market? The major players in the college textbook market are Pearson, McGraw Hill, and Cengage. ### What is the Inclusive Access program? Inclusive Access is a program designed to provide students with immediate digital access to required course materials at the start of their classes, often bundled into tuition or course fees. ### How do publishers control the textbook market? Publishers control the textbook market by releasing mandatory new editions, bundling books with single-use codes, and using monopoly tactics to set high prices. ### What are Open Educational Resources (OERs)? Open Educational Resources (OERs) are free, openly licensed learning materials that anyone can use, modify, and share. ### How do some professors contribute to the high cost of textbooks? Some professors assign books they've written themselves, earning royalties every time a student buys their book, which incentivises choosing expensive textbooks over more affordable options. ### What is the average tuition for a four-year public university in the U.S.? The average tuition for a four-year public university in the U.S. is around $10,000 per year for in-state students. ### How do digital textbooks and access codes work? Digital textbooks are often locked behind paywalls, tied to specific platforms, and can't be downloaded or printed. Access codes are bundled with textbooks and frequently contain online assignments and quizzes, making them seem essential but are single-use and non-resellable. ### What role do campus bookstores play in the textbook pricing problem? Campus bookstores act as middlemen between publishers and students, facilitating access to digital materials while collecting significant fees, often profiting significantly while taking minimal risks. ## Sources - [Original Into the Shadows video: College Textbooks are a Scam](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=kz7tlvC0KO8) - [Hero image source](https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/2/2a/Westwood_Elementary_School_-_2050_Selby_Ave_Los_Angeles%2C_CA_90025_United_States_-_2025_December_01.jpg) by Jengod / openverse, by-sa. ## Related Coverage Simon Whistler https://intotheshadows.pub/article/gangs-how-does-ms13-work https://intotheshadows.pub/article/gangs-how-does-ms13-work Mon, 29 Jun 2026 00:00:00 GMT Have you heard of MS-13? Mara Salvatrucha, commonly abbreviated to MS-13, is a street gang composed mainly of Salvadorans, but founded in the United States. It is seen as one of the most violent and notorious in all the Americas. Until recently, they terrorised the tiny Central American country of El Salvador, causing it to be one of the most dangerous countries in the world, and a hotspot for murders and many other forms of criminality. Now, in 2024, the question as to how the gang works could be answered quite concisely: by rotting in prison. But that doesn't tell the full story. Although the gang problem in El Salvador was seemingly largely resolved by President Nayib Bukele's nuclear response, and with the creation of a vast and controversial prison system, it doesn't mean the gang nor its structures has completely disappeared. Let's explore. ## From the City of Angels to the City of the Saviour MS-13 was established in Los Angeles by immigrants from El Salvador in the 1980s. Many of the would-be members were refugees who fled a brutal Civil War in their country between left-wing and right-wing factions, a conflict which claimed around 75,000 lives and which lasted from 1979 until 1992. A large number of these Salvadorans — along with Guatemalans fleeing their own country's civil war — were undocumented, and their numbers included large numbers of minors. Due to a combination of this and general prejudice, many were unable to find jobs in the US, which led to a rise in criminality and contributed to the formation of the gang. Their prospects of undocumented central Americans in the US improved somewhat with the landmark legal case *American Baptist Churches v. Thornburgh*, which began in the late 1980s and was brought against the Immigration and Naturalization Service and others by several religious groups and human rights organisations. The lawsuit eventually ensured that the Guatemalan and Salvadorans' refugees asylum requests had to be assessed once more, given that discrimination and prejudice had impacted their initial requests and that — in 1984 — only 3% of Salvadoran immigrants had succeeded in receiving asylum. However, one of the provisions of the case was that asylum requests and the right to settlement would be excluded for people with a conviction for an aggravated felony. Barred also from a renewed assessment were Salvadorans who'd migrated to the US between 1990 and the end of the suit in 1991. And while the suit sought to minimise rates of deportation even for individuals whose asylum requests were rejected, it was determined that this would not extend to those who'd committed a crime of so-called 'moral turpitude': typically either one which resulted in a sentence of at least 6 months, or which meant that the individual posed a national security risk or threat to public safety. But by then, fairly severe convictions were exactly what many of the gang-affiliated individuals in the US had. And only one year after the conclusion of the suit, the civil war in El Salvador ended. With the perceived threat subsided, many Salvadorans whose asylum was rejected were shipped straight back to a war-ravaged country with precious few functioning state structures in place. Thus, the small Central American country became the breeding ground for what would become one of the most notorious gangs in the world. And perhaps one thing that has faded into the background with the recent downgrading of the threat posed by MS-13 is how bad they were. They were really bad. Infanticide — or the killing of children — was common, as was femicide, with around one in 5,000 Salvadoran women killed in 2016 alone. The gangs would commonly recruit children to take part in their criminal activities, which typically revolved around trafficking and extortion. As the years went on, MS-13 would begin to get into feuds with other Salvadoran gangs — most notably Barrio 18, also founded in Los Angeles — as well as Mexican gangs, having been recruited by groups like the Sinaloa Cartel to aid in their conflict with Los Zetas. The gang also gained notoriety for the intimidation and violence it would use towards objectives such as extorting payments from legitimate or illegitimate businesses in so-called MS-13 territory. According to the US Department of Justice, this would include rapes and other forms of witness intimidation. Bored gang members in El Salvador would shoot at passers-by, often children, safe in the knowledge that they would not be held accountable for their actions — such was the level of power that the gang held for many years. By far, the biggest revenue stream for the organisation came from the illegal trafficking of various goods, as well as narcotics. Stolen vehicles would be taken from the United States for resale to Central America, and MS-13 also participated in weapon smuggling and illegal firearm sales. The gang is believed to be a major retail distributor of drugs in some parts of the United States such as Texas, and is also believed to operate travelling theft crews which steal over-the-counter medications for later sale on the illegal drug market. There have also been reports of MS-13's involvement in human smuggling. ## Initiations, Culture, and Leadership MS-13 would often recruit poor or vulnerable teenagers, and its initiation process was similarly brutal to its various other practices. Joining would require being "jumped in" — being subjected to a vicious 13-second beating by existing members. The number 13 features prominently in the group's symbolism, being the alphabetic numeral representing the letter 'M' for 'Mara', and commonly featuring in gang slogans, graffiti, tattoos, and the MS-13 abbreviation. New members would also be expected to start by "getting wet" — in other words, carrying out a crime, often a murder, on behalf of the gang. Leaving would be dangerous, potentially even lethal, as according to the BBC, some factions were known to murder members who attempted to leave. It would also be rather hard, since large chest — and often face — tattoos would brand members for life. In many ways, joining the gang therefore amounted to a deal for life. Despite this, MS-13's membership ballooned over the decades. A 2008 FBI threat assessment put the size of the gang at between 8,000 and 10,000 members in the US alone, making it one of the largest criminal enterprises in the country. Unlike other major international crime organisations, MS-13 operates largely without a clearly-defined leadership structure. Instead, it is made up of a number of loosely-affiliated cells known as *clicas*, which vary in size and operate in a specific area or territory. Depending on the size of the cell, it may be part of a larger collective known as a *programa*, which in turn is led by a council of veteran gang members. Each *clica* is responsible for its own recruitment, and this allows both a level of autonomy and — above all — high turnover of members, but comes at the expense of authority, coordination and the sophisticated chain-of-command present in other Central American gangs and cartels. Part of the high turnover of members is also probably necessary due to the fact that the gang and its members are rather distinctive, and have made for clear-cut targets for law enforcement. Aside from the distinctive tattoos worn on visible parts of their bodies (including the face), gang members could be suspected by their nationality. Salvadorans represent a rather small population in the US and the population, perhaps unfairly, came to be associated with the gang as it gained notoriety. Another identifying element is the MS-13 gang sign, a distinctive gesture which resembles the sign of the horns made by fans of metal, and which is believed to have its origins in the close association of the group's early members with the California heavy metal scene. Álex Sánchez was a former MS-13 member who was interviewed about his experience for *Insider* magazine's True Crime podcast in 2024. His experience seemed to mirror much of what was known about the gang's rise, as well as its culture and structures. Arriving in the US shortly after the outbreak of the civil war in 1979, Sánchez joined the gang at an early age and described the fraternal bonds offered by membership to impoverished — and often homeless — youths, its regular use of machetes as an instrument of violence (principally because they were cheap), and rapid descent into territorial disputes and feuds with other gangs. He was arrested several times, and was quickly deported when the war in El Salvador ended in 1993. There, Sánchez described how the evolving conflict between the gangs in LA had found its way back to the Old Country, with the gangs' overt violence simply replacing the brutality of the civil war, resulting in that the safety of everyday citizens quickly spiralled out of control, unimpeded. As the threat posed by the group rose in the 2000s, the Salvadoran government took measures which they hoped would contain its power. This included the introduction of *La Mano Dura* and *Super Mano Dura* — translating to the Firm Hand and Super Firm Hand — from 2003. The policies saw increased police raids in gang-held areas, greater engagement of the military, and tougher sentences for suspected gang members. This appeared to have an effect on MS-13 and its now-major rivals, Barrio 18, who agreed to a truce which saw a reduction in the scale of murders. El Salvador reported a 14% fall in homicides in 2004. But in reality, the period of lull was simply intended to allow the factions to consolidate and focus on recruitment, restructuring, and activities such as extortion. The homicide rate rebounded and reached a new high in 2005. When this became clear, the government appeared to take a new line on the problem through the Pinochet-style approach of simply shooting up the gang members where possible. But these extra-judicial killings just drew the ire of the public and resulted in a further boost to the recruitment of the organisations, and a greater distrust of the state security forces. Perhaps unsurprisingly, the *Mano Dura* and the policies of following administrations failed and by 2015, El Salvador had a murder rate which outranked even the body count at the height of the civil war. Everyday freedoms were suppressed by the gangs, private enterprise was crippled by the constant extortion, and the streets became particularly unsafe for women and children. All this came at a great cost not only to citizens' safety but also the economy of El Salvador which, at 24 billion US dollars' GDP in 2016, was comparable to struggling African country of Zimbabwe, and had become reliant on remittances being sent home from the vast Salvadoran diaspora in the US and elsewhere. It seemed that the gangs had brought El Salvador to its knees. But this would all change in the 2020s, with the rise to power of Nayib Bukele. ## The Rise of President Ironfist Bukele was elected President of El Salvador in 2019. Although he is now well known — especially in the Americas — for his uncompromising charge against the country's gangs, and for introducing a model that Latin American governments with a similar gang problem have sought to emulate, it was only three years into his Presidency that Bukele truly unleash his plan of action against the criminal groups. In the intervening period, Bukele had laid the groundwork for the measures that would facilitate his objective — including overhauling the legislature and the Supreme Court to his favour. Now, even so, there didn't appear much likelihood that a strong handed approach against the gangs would work. These were, by now, so powerful that it was not believed that even a robust and incorruptible state would be able to do away with them in one fell swoop. *The Guardian* commented in 2020 that: > The maras will not simply be killed off or arrested away. Neither will the consequences of their continuing evolution be walled off behind national boundaries, increasingly intertwined as they are with the currents of illicit supply and demand that tie producers to the US, the world's largest market for illegal drugs. But a breaking point came in 2022. Although the rate of homicide had been falling for several years, it spiked massively over a single weekend in March that year, during which eighty-seven people were murdered. It was believed by many that the killings — most of them random — were a response to increasing crackdowns by Bukele's government on gang activity. Following the violence, an extraordinary session of the Salvadoran Legislative Assembly met and put in place a so-called 'state of exception'. More of Bukele's reforms were quickly passed, and he came for the gang hard. Members of Bukele's party Nuevas Ideas passed laws which increased prison sentences for convicted gang members by three hundred percent, to at least twenty years — and at least forty for gang lords. The age of criminal responsibility was also reduced: previously sixteen years, children as young as twelve were now subject to imprisonment for gang affiliation. According to *Diario El Mundo*, a Salvadoran newspaper, between March 2022 and October 2024, the government arrested more than 82,000 people — in other words, around 1.2% of the entire population of about 6.3 million. The government published its figures on the 3rd of October 2024, further declaring it had arrested 463 people in only the previous fifteen days. All this might sound crazy, but the country's defence ministry estimated in 2019 — the year that Bukele took office — that of the 6 million or so population, a startling 500,000 Salvadorans were in some way involved or dependent on the gangs. It was also estimated that in 2020, the number of active members of MS-13 (alone) in El Salvador was something close to 60,000. So Bukele rounded them up and set about constructing well-lit, gargantuan prisons with a tight security apparata, into which convicted or suspected members of the gangs would be flung en masse for arbitrary lengths of time. The challenge for El Salvador's President was also to ensure that the individuals would stay in custody, which he accomplished by slapping them with the aforementioned prison terms (which could run up to several hundred years) and bulwarking the prisons with a Warhammer-style force of personnel. The prison conditions are hardly idyllic. Lights remain on at all times, meaning that even at night, inmates are subject to constant light intrusion, no doubt causing sleep deprivation. Prisoners in Cecot, a maximum-security institutions and the largest prison in all of Latin America, are only allowed to leave their cells for 30 minutes a day to exercise, and the cells are both overcrowded and stifling — temperatures can reach 35 degrees celsius during, something exacerbated by poor levels of ventilation. Latrine facilities are lacking too, and food provision is minimal. Of course, Bukele's rampaging response has received some severe criticism. For one thing, it is highly doubtful whether all of this is in any way constitutional, since Bukele overrode parts of the Salvadoran constitution to freeze gang members' rights to a criminal defence, inviolability of correspondence, as well as laws restricting terms of legal detention. But one of the biggest criticisms of the prison system is the high levels of inmate-on-inmate violence suspected there. One human rights observer commented that the prisons appeared to be used "to dispose of people without formally applying the death penalty", to which Amnesty International added that El Salvador is experiencing the "gradual replacement of gang violence with state violence". The Associated Press reported in 2024 that at least 261 people had died in state-run prisons since the beginning of Bukele's crackdown on the gangs two and a half years earlier. Of those, 88 were the result of an undefined "criminal act" — possibly an attempt to escape — while 87 were due to illnesses, and 14 were due to unspecified "acts of violence". No cause of death was identified for the remaining 72. Bukele's tactics were also criticised by Álex Sánchez in his *Insider* interview, pointing to the failure of past zero-tolerance initiatives such as *La Mano Dura* — which doubled El Salvador's prison population but failed to bring the gangs down — and stating that mass incarceration was likely only to further radicalise some young people, especially those arbitrarily detained, rather than bringing an end to the problem. But despite negative press, Bukele's government has proved highly popular in El Salvador, especially in the wake of a tumbling homicide and general crime rate. The homicide rate — according to government figures — collapsed all the way down to 2.4 per 100,000 people in 2023, from a high of a hundred and six eight years before. Concurrently, El Salvador's GDP has risen sharply, increasing from 24 billion USD in 2016 to 34 billion in 2023. This brings its GDP ahead of countries like Jamaica, Guyana, and Nicaragua, and only marginally behind neighbouring Honduras, a much larger country with more natural resources and about 4 million more people. And although El Salvador's GDP per capita is still weak, at around 5,300 USD and far short of the regional average, it is predicted that the country will continue its sharp economic rise in the coming years — possibly bringing the prospects of everyday Salvadorans up with it. Bukelism has since been exported to other countries suffering similarly gang crime deluges, and Bukele himself romped to reelection in February 2024, having previously succeeded in removing the constitution clause prohibiting second terms for presidents. ## Current Status of MS-13 Still, like with any criminal organisation, MS-13 has shown a distinct capacity for regeneration. Even if Bukele succeeds in stamping out the organisation in El Salvador — which, as the pace of recent arrests seemingly indicates, is not a given — an organisation with roots as deep as Mara Salvatrucha has other means at its disposal. In its current form, the gang is most present in the US. MS-13 members routinely continue to be implicated in murders across multiple states, from California all the way to Massachusetts. This is hardly a new development. MS-13 — with its ferocious reputation and involvement in several high-profile crimes in the US — has been on the radar of American administrations for some time. The gang was identified as a significant threat in the 1990s, and the first special FBI task force was convened to target the gang in 1994. But dealing with the organisation entails a sort of quagmire for the US. President Bukele's freedom to hit pause on constitutional rights might fly in El Salvador, but it would definitely not work in the US. The ability to arbitrarily detain individuals is something curtailed in the US legal system, and no President nor District Attorney would have the option to throw children in prisons for heavy sentences, although — notably — some room for detention has been documented under the protocols of ICE — the U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement. The best that the US could do is to deport Salvadoran nationals back to El Salvador, which is exactly what it has been doing, and which gathered pace with the establishment of the FBI's MS-13 National Gang Task Force, established in 2004. But aside from historically only exacerbating the situation in El Salvador, much to the ire of its citizens and government, this would not be an option for ethnic Salvadorans who are US citizens — and, as a reminder, the US works under a *jus soli* system of citizenship, whereby anybody born in the US or its overseas possessions is an automatic citizen, even if their parents were only temporarily visiting. There are around 2.5 million ethnic Salvadorans in the US, according to the Pew Research Center, around 36% of whom are US citizens, and only around 1.3 million being born in El Salvador. Now, it is important to recall that only a tiny fraction of Salvadorans are in any way connected with the gang. Still, the size of the gang — given the long years of freedom it enjoyed in El Salvador — is certainly very substantial. In 2018, it was reported that MS-13's presence in the US had swelled to 10,000 members. The same year, in his first State of the Union address, President Donald Trump railed against "the savage gang MS-13", and called on Congress to "finally close the deadly loopholes that have allowed MS-13, and other criminals, to break into our country." You see, it would appear that instead of being shunted out of the US to Central America as was once the case, MS-13 has come to largely find a home on American soil. Suspected members of the gang have been arrested not only in El Salvador, but in places like Virginia, Maryland and New York. Of the many current or former MS-13 leaders sought by the FBI and Department of Homeland Security, two have been arrested to date — and both were arrested within the United States: one in Houston, the other in southern California. All this is hardly surprising. Given the rampage of Bukele against the organisation in El Salvador, it is as if the opposite effect has taken place to what occurred in the 1990s and 2000s, and which led to its flourishing in the country in the first place. It is now believed that MS-13 has fled back to the US, and has a presence in around 46 US states. According to Insight Crime, there may be as many as 20 MS-13 *clicas* operating in Los Angeles alone, a further 12 in Greater Washington, and 10 in the New York district of Long Island. But its presence in the US is not all. MS-13 members have also been arrested in Mexico, and its presence in that country is upheld by established links with criminal factions such as the Sinaloa Cartel and the Mexican Mafia. The group has a presence in other nearby countries too. The highest-ranked of the many MS-13 leaders currently on the run is believed to be Yulan Adonay Archaga Carias, a native and — most likely — resident of Honduras, a neighbouring country to El Salvador. Back in the US, the question of gang violence linked to immigrant populations has become a ferocious theme in American political discourses, with Republicans and Democrats trading blame. Many Republicans have pointed to so-called 'sanctuary cities' as hotbeds of criminal gang activity, blaming the Democrat Party for enabling these. In fact, accusations of being weak on immigration have been a common weapon used against the Democrats since at least the 1990s, during which time Democrat President Bill Clinton sought to display a robust position on the issue with the notorious Illegal Immigration Reform and Immigrant Responsibility Act. Trump, in particular, frequently lambasted his predecessor, Barack Obama, for his supposedly-permissive attitude on immigration which led to the proliferation of gangs such as MS-13. And while this accusation is likely exaggerated by Trump and other Republicans, a 2017 paper featured in the US Department of Justice federal online library stated that policies attributable to the Obama administration led to a ten-fold increase in crimes in the United States committed by MS-13. With that said, the author's sympathetic descriptions of Trump's heavy rhetoric and reference to the MS-13 members as 'common thugs' would seem to indicate a certain political partisanship — although the term was echoed by New York governor and Democrat Andrew Cuomo in a statement from the same year, in which announced measures to curb the group's presence on the East Coast. Nevertheless, the threat of MS-13 remains large in the US. In 2023, there remain multiple MS-13 leaders, members, and associates besides Carias who are wanted by both the FBI and DHS. Each government agency is offering ten thousand dollars for information leading to their arrest and conviction. ## Key Takeaways - MS-13, a notorious gang, originated in Los Angeles among Salvadoran refugees fleeing civil war. - The gang's brutal initiation and criminal activities, including trafficking and extortion, terrorized El Salvador. - President Nayib Bukele's harsh crackdown significantly reduced MS-13's influence in El Salvador but faced criticism for human rights abuses. - MS-13 has regenerated in the US, with members active in multiple states and links to other criminal organizations. - Despite Bukele's efforts, MS-13's deep roots and adaptability pose ongoing challenges for both El Salvador and the US. ## Frequently Asked Questions ### What is MS-13? MS-13, or Mara Salvatrucha, is a street gang composed mainly of Salvadorans but founded in the United States. It is known for being one of the most violent and notorious gangs in the Americas. ### Where and when was MS-13 established? MS-13 was established in Los Angeles by immigrants from El Salvador in the 1980s. ### What are some of the criminal activities MS-13 is involved in? MS-13 is involved in various criminal activities including trafficking, extortion, infanticide, femicide, and the illegal trafficking of goods and narcotics. They also engage in human smuggling and witness intimidation. ### How does MS-13 recruit new members? MS-13 often recruits poor or vulnerable teenagers. The initiation process involves being 'jumped in,' which is a vicious 13-second beating by existing members. New members are also expected to 'get wet' by committing a crime, often a murder, on behalf of the gang. ### What is the structure of MS-13? MS-13 operates without a clearly-defined leadership structure. It is made up of loosely-affiliated cells known as clicas, which vary in size and operate in specific areas or territories. These clicas may be part of larger collectives known as programas, led by councils of veteran gang members. ### What measures has El Salvador taken to combat MS-13? El Salvador has implemented various measures to combat MS-13, including La Mano Dura and Super Mano Dura policies, which involved increased police raids and tougher sentences. President Nayib Bukele has also implemented a state of exception, increasing prison sentences and reducing the age of criminal responsibility. ### What is the current status of MS-13 in the United States? MS-13 is most present in the US, with members routinely implicated in murders across multiple states. The gang has a presence in around 46 US states, with multiple clicas operating in various regions. ### How has the US government responded to MS-13? The US government has responded to MS-13 by establishing task forces and deporting Salvadoran nationals back to El Salvador. However, the ability to arbitrarily detain individuals is curtailed in the US legal system, making it challenging to fully eradicate the gang. ### What is the impact of MS-13 on El Salvador's economy? MS-13's activities have crippled private enterprise through constant extortion and made the streets unsafe, particularly for women and children. This has had a significant negative impact on El Salvador's economy, which has relied on remittances from the Salvadoran diaspora. ### What are the prison conditions like for MS-13 members in El Salvador? The prison conditions for MS-13 members in El Salvador are harsh. Prisons are well-lit at all times, cells are overcrowded and stifling, and inmates are only allowed to leave their cells for 30 minutes a day to exercise. There are also reports of high levels of inmate-on-inmate violence. ## Sources - [Original Into the Shadows video: Gangs: How Does MS13 Work?](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=MBCLX7R3jGU) - [https://www.bbc.com/news/world-us-canada-39645640](https://www.bbc.com/news/world-us-canada-39645640) - [https://www.theguardian.com/news/2020/jan/10/how-the-us-helped-create-el-salvadors-bloody-gang-war](https://www.theguardian.com/news/2020/jan/10/how-the-us-helped-create-el-salvadors-bloody-gang-war) - [https://www.bbc.com/news/world-latin-america-68244963](https://www.bbc.com/news/world-latin-america-68244963) - [https://apnews.com/article/bukele-el-salvador-gang-crackdown-prison-deaths-9d14cbb1ea35175d75d007f6faade61f](https://apnews.com/article/bukele-el-salvador-gang-crackdown-prison-deaths-9d14cbb1ea35175d75d007f6faade61f) - [https://diario.elmundo.sv/nacionales/el-regimen-de-excepcion-ya-permitio-la-captura-de-82963-personas#google_vignette](https://diario.elmundo.sv/nacionales/el-regimen-de-excepcion-ya-permitio-la-captura-de-82963-personas#google_vignette) - [https://www.fox26houston.com/news/ms-13-gang-leader-cesar-lopez-larios-arrested-bush-airport-houston](https://www.fox26houston.com/news/ms-13-gang-leader-cesar-lopez-larios-arrested-bush-airport-houston) - [https://edition.cnn.com/2024/03/21/us/senior-leader-ms-13-arrested/index.html](https://edition.cnn.com/2024/03/21/us/senior-leader-ms-13-arrested/index.html) - [https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=58e8f6p3yh0](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=58e8f6p3yh0) - [https://www.ojp.gov/ncjrs/virtual-library/abstracts/mara-salvatrucha-deadliest-street-gang-america](https://www.ojp.gov/ncjrs/virtual-library/abstracts/mara-salvatrucha-deadliest-street-gang-america) - [https://qns.com/2018/08/four-suspected-ms-13-gang-members-detained-pending-trial/](https://qns.com/2018/08/four-suspected-ms-13-gang-members-detained-pending-trial/) - [https://www.washingtonpost.com/news/posteverything/wp/2018/01/31/trump-is-wrong-about-ms-13-and-his-rhetoric-will-make-it-worse/](https://www.washingtonpost.com/news/posteverything/wp/2018/01/31/trump-is-wrong-about-ms-13-and-his-rhetoric-will-make-it-worse/) - [https://foreignpolicy.com/2019/11/30/el-salvador-gang-violence-ms13-nation-held-hostage-photography/](https://foreignpolicy.com/2019/11/30/el-salvador-gang-violence-ms13-nation-held-hostage-photography/) - [https://www.amnesty.org/en/latest/news/2023/12/el-salvador-policies-practices-legislation-violate-human-rights/](https://www.amnesty.org/en/latest/news/2023/12/el-salvador-policies-practices-legislation-violate-human-rights/) - [https://pix11.com/news/local-news/long-island/gov-cuomo-speaks-in-brentwood-about-ms-13-gang-activity-day-after-ag-sessions-announces-visit/](https://pix11.com/news/local-news/long-island/gov-cuomo-speaks-in-brentwood-about-ms-13-gang-activity-day-after-ag-sessions-announces-visit/) - [https://www.wola.org/analysis/amid-rising-violence-el-salvador-fails-address-reports-extrajudicial-killings/](https://www.wola.org/analysis/amid-rising-violence-el-salvador-fails-address-reports-extrajudicial-killings/) - [https://www.theguardian.com/global-development/2018/jan/13/el-salvador-women-deported-by-trump-face-deadly-welcome-street-gangs](https://www.theguardian.com/global-development/2018/jan/13/el-salvador-women-deported-by-trump-face-deadly-welcome-street-gangs) - [https://www.justice.gov/opa/pr/three-high-ranking-ms-13-leaders-arrested-terrorism-and-racketeering-charges](https://www.justice.gov/opa/pr/three-high-ranking-ms-13-leaders-arrested-terrorism-and-racketeering-charges) - [https://insightcrime.org/wp-content/uploads/2018/02/MS13-in-the-Americas-InSight-Crime-English-3.pdf](https://insightcrime.org/wp-content/uploads/2018/02/MS13-in-the-Americas-InSight-Crime-English-3.pdf) - [https://edition.cnn.com/2017/03/03/us/ms-13-gang-explained-street-gang-international/index.html](https://edition.cnn.com/2017/03/03/us/ms-13-gang-explained-street-gang-international/index.html) - [https://www.statista.com/statistics/460457/gross-domestic-product-gdp-in-el-salvador/](https://www.statista.com/statistics/460457/gross-domestic-product-gdp-in-el-salvador/) - [https://www.foxbaltimore.com/news/local/ms-13-gang-member-who-entered-us-illegally-three-times-arrested-in-annapolis-raul-orlando-ramos-guido-who-is-a-citizen-of-el-salvador-was-captured-in-annapolis-on-july-1-by-us-immigration-and-customs-enforcement-ice-officials-ice-describes-ramos-g](https://www.foxbaltimore.com/news/local/ms-13-gang-member-who-entered-us-illegally-three-times-arrested-in-annapolis-raul-orlando-ramos-guido-who-is-a-citizen-of-el-salvador-was-captured-in-annapolis-on-july-1-by-us-immigration-and-customs-enforcement-ice-officials-ice-describes-ramos-g) - [https://lawandcrime.com/crime/ms-13-leader-convicted-in-string-of-senseless-murders-including-teen-server-left-unrecognizable-after-she-disparaged-gang/](https://lawandcrime.com/crime/ms-13-leader-convicted-in-string-of-senseless-murders-including-teen-server-left-unrecognizable-after-she-disparaged-gang/) - [Hero image source](https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/2/2a/Westwood_Elementary_School_-_2050_Selby_Ave_Los_Angeles%2C_CA_90025_United_States_-_2025_December_01.jpg) by Jengod / openverse, by-sa. ## Related Coverage Simon Whistler https://intotheshadows.pub/article/1936-olympic-games-nazi-germany-gambit https://intotheshadows.pub/article/1936-olympic-games-nazi-germany-gambit Sun, 28 Jun 2026 00:00:00 GMT Sometimes, sports are about a whole lot more than just sports. Jackie Robinson's 1947 baseball season with the Brooklyn Dodgers set the stage for the racial integration of sports in America, ping-pong diplomacy of the 1970s laid the groundwork for China to reopen friendly contact with the West, and sport is often exploited by dictatorships to keep control of their people. But the 1936 Olympic Games stand above all the rest, in a sporting showdown where Nazi ideology, virulent racism, and the prelude to world war all took center stage. This is the story of the 1936 Olympics: Hitler's grand plan to pitch Aryan supremacy to the world, and the world's bold efforts to fight back. ## Hitler's Machinations When Adolf Hitler and the Nazi Party assumed power in 1933, they took command of a Germany in despair. The country's fractured and discontented population, the aftershocks of the Great Depression, and the emasculating, and borderline bankrupting conditions of the Treaty of Versailles had all muddled together into a uniquely perilous environment—but it was one that Hitler and his Nazis were perfectly poised to exploit. Riding their own wave of anti-Semitic populism, the Nazi Party had made its political fortunes by stoking hatred, and in a country where so many people already seemed hungry for an excuse to voice that hatred, Hitler had been all too ready to capitalize. But hatred, on its own, is a difficult tool to control, and Hitler understood this as well as any dictator throughout history. Let popular anger fester for too long, and it'll turn against anybody. In order to put that hatred to use, Hitler needed an enemy, a battle to win—and although he had his sights set on European conquest, that goal was too far off. Tanks would have to be built, planes put into the skies, and an entire generation of Germans would have to become war-ready. The prospect of empire would have to remain a fiction, at least for now, and without it, Hitler would have to focus German rage toward his enemies by some other means. The Nazis had plenty of other tools in their arsenal. They had propaganda, they had political purges, and they had elaborate designs toward a genocide against Germany's Jewish population and a range of other purportedly undesirable peoples. But they also had a major gift from the Weimar Republic, one that presented some fascinating opportunities for the Nazi Party to expand their power. In 1936, just three years after Hitler became Chancellor of Germany, the Third Reich would host the Olympic Games. Now, the International Olympic Committee, or IOC, hadn't awarded the 1936 Olympics to Nazi Germany. They had awarded the Games to the Weimar Republic in 1931, a full two years before Hitler came to power, choosing Berlin over the Spanish city of Barcelona. From the IOC's perspective, the rise of Hitler was something of an unwelcome surprise—after all, this was before the time that the IOC became known for cozying up to authoritarian regimes, allegedly. But despite concerns that seeming to endorse Hitler's anti-Semitic legislative decisions might be bad for the IOC's brand, the IOC was nevertheless convinced to keep the Games in Berlin, not least because Hitler assured the IOC that he would allow Jewish athletes to compete on the German Olympic team, and vowed not to promote Nazi ideology through the event. It's worth noting here that Hitler didn't particularly like the idea of the Olympics; they were globalist, multicultural, and part of the same world order that he had professed his dedication to bringing down. But their value as a propaganda tool was just too great, and his lieutenants were able to convince him that this sort of an opportunity simply could not be passed up. For Hitler and the Nazis, keeping promises was a matter of convenience, and if they broke their promise to the IOC not to turn the Olympics to their own aims, then they could reap a whole lot of rewards in the process. On the one hand, they would control how the Olympics looked, how they sounded, where they took place, and at least partially, what their enduring, historic message would be. This made the Games into a valuable chance for Hitler to make a sort of Nazi-style elevator pitch to the world, explaining what, exactly, his brand of fascism was about, and why the rest of the world should choose to support him, rather than oppose him, as time went on. The Games also had a second advantage: if Hitler could sweep the Olympic medal counts with a team of Aryan, so-called 'racially pure' athletes, he would reinforce his broader ideologies of Aryanization and anti-Semitism. And finally, by bringing all the world's major governments together under Hitler's roof, the Nazis would get a critical propaganda victory, legitimizing both their rule and their ideology on the world stage. Hitler wasted no time in preparing German society for the Games. In 1933, Propaganda Minister Joseph Goebbels began working to transform sport into a central element of German life; in his words, "German sport has only one task: to strengthen the character of the German people, imbuing it with the fighting spirit and steadfast camaraderie necessary in the struggle for its existence." The German educational curriculum was reshaped around sports and athleticism, partly to identify the athletes who might have the greatest chance of success at the 1936 Games, but partly to begin preparing a generation that would grow up and become soldiers. Control of this initiative was passed on to Hans von Tschammer und Osten, head of the Reich Sports Office, who quickly set to work systematically excluding Jewish, part-Jewish, and Romani athletes from athletic facilities. It's worth emphasizing here that Hitler had promised the IOC that Jewish athletes would be allowed to compete on sports teams—but that's *if* they were to qualify, which Tschammer would make sure they didn't. Only one athlete with Jewish ancestry, the fencer Helene Mayer, would become part of the German Olympic Team, at the insistence of the IOC in order to 'prove' that the Nazis weren't completely prohibiting German Jews from participation. Mayer, an athletic, blonde-haired woman with a Christian mother, was deemed acceptable, while several other impressive German Jewish athletes were never given the opportunity to qualify. And as the table was set for a purportedly Aryan team to represent Germany, so, too, did Hitler set the table for the Olympics to be seen as a German birthright at home. Germany had been supposed to host the Games in 1916, an event which didn't take place due to World War I, and as Hitler saw it, the defeat of the Central Powers in World War I had been an excuse for the world to gut Germany for their own convenience. Germany had even been banned from the Olympics in 1920 and 1924, yet another slap in the face to what Hitler and the Nazis believed was German supremacy. Now, twenty years after the Germans had had their Games stolen, Hitler would be the one to bring them home. As he told his architect Albert Speer in private, he understood that Tokyo would host the Games in 1940, but in 1944, in 1948, in 1952, and every Olympic Games thereafter, he fully intended that Germany would be their permanent home. ## The Games Take Shape The Nazi vision for the Olympics was grandiose, starkly ideological, and opportunistic in nature, taking advantage of the technology of the day in order to amplify the event's importance worldwide. The Propaganda Ministry set to work creating leaflets and writing speeches that would be saved for the event, extolling the natural superiority of the Aryan race, and the Reich Sports Field, a 325-acre complex including four stadiums, was built brand-new and practically wallpapered with Nazi imagery and symbolism. The German Ministry of the Interior saw to it that no undesirables would be able to rain on the Nazi parade; Berlin's Romani population was rounded up and brought to the Berlin-Marzahn concentration camp. The Nazis also took advantage of new technologies to spread their message: The Games would be televised for the first time in 1936, and news footage would be sent quickly via zeppelin to European cities, while the results of the Games were sent out in close to real-time. Hitler also ensured that the Games themselves would include a Nazi's touch, including by fabricating the Olympic Torch Relay, which Hitler's propagandists claimed had its roots in ancient Greece. This was a farce, and it was one of many attempts by Hitler to try and frame his rising German empire under the historic legitimacy of old empires that had long since fallen, but the event was so popular that it's continued on till this day. In 1936, almost 3,500 torch-bearers ran a relay of 0.6 miles each, from Olympia, Greece, to Berlin, along a path marked by pro-Nazi demonstrations in nations the Germans would soon take over. Internationally, Hitler pushed hard against the idea that Jewish or Black athletes would even be allowed to participate in the Games at all, no matter which nation they represented. However, he was eventually forced to give up on that idea, when the threats of a boycott became too loud to ignore. His response, at the pleading of the IOC, was to sanitize the city of anti-Semitic propaganda; even as the Romani population was arrested, anti-Semitic signs and slogans were scrubbed from the city, and Nazi officials made the decision not to subject any of their foreign visitors to laws criminalizing homosexuality. Instead, the populations Hitler didn't want the world to see, would be kept conspicuously absent while Nazi symbolism was promoted. As the Nazis saw it, the viewer would be able to figure out the rest. With the dangers of Nazi ideology now hidden far enough away that the rest of the world didn't have to acknowledge them, forty-nine nations agreed to participate, sending a total of 3,943 athletes along with waves of political representatives, foreign dignitaries, and Olympic die-hard fans to watch the action. The United States Olympic Committee, led by Avery Brundage, became enthusiastic supporters of the Games, leaning heavily on the old and somewhat naïve adage that "politics has no place in sport". Brundage had gone to Germany on a fact-finding trip in 1934 to assess the treatment of Jews, but after having nice conversations with Nazi handlers who were translating for Jewish interviewees that did not speak English, Brundage apparently felt that all was fine in Hitler's kingdom. Jewish athletes did try to lead a boycott of their own, but this was largely brushed aside, and the 1936 Games would feature the largest number of participating nations ever, at least to that point. Spain attempted to hold a competing event, the so-called People's Olympiad, but the Spanish Civil War broke out one day before the People's Olympiad was due to begin. Obviously, it did not take place. The Games began on the first of August, 1936, at the Berlin Olympic Stadium. Hitler featured prominently in the opening ceremonies, watching over the proceedings from his box, and he was shown salutes and acts of deference by most of the participating nations. Here, Hitler's rising cult of personality was on full display from the mostly German audience, and the sheer adoration that was shown to him, was not lost on the international attendees. Unfortunately for Hitler, and fortunately for anyone watching who might need a laugh, the opening ceremonies did have a little hiccup at one point, when twenty-five thousand pigeons were released to begin the ceremony, but immediately after, Hitler's announcement to begin the Games would be punctuated by cannon fire. As it turned out, the cannon fire quite literally scared the shit out of those twenty-five thousand pigeons, and we can only hope that the Fuhrer might have been caught in the crossfire. But, of course, that little detail received only minimal press coverage, and the Games got underway as scheduled. ## The Athlete Resistance Once the Olympics began, it was the athletes who took center stage. On the one hand, it was obvious by looking at Germany's athletes what precisely Hitler's message was; the vast majority were well-muscled, blond-haired, blue-eyed examples of the ideal Aryan regime. But on the other hand, if any athletes had wanted a chance to resist Nazi ideology and flip the bird to Hitler—proverbially, of course—then now was the time to do so. German newspapers were being tightly regulated on what information they allowed to get out, so it wouldn't be enough for an anti-Nazi athlete to have an above-average performance. They would have to medal, in order for their names and achievements to be shown to the world. Black American athletes were central to the international effort to resist Hitler, and even amidst discussions of a boycott in the US, most African-American-run newspapers supported sending their athletes to Germany. Victories by Black athletes, they argued, would be incontrovertible proof that Hitler was wrong about the world. In fact, many Black writers denounced Jewish and other pro-boycott activists for their hypocrisy, arguing against racial discrimination abroad when they'd done nothing to address discrimination against Black athletes at home. The most famous Black American athlete at the Games was no doubt Jesse Owens, who by then had already earned international acclaim by breaking several world records for sprinting, hurdles, and long jump. In 1936, Owens earned four gold medals at the Games: the 100-meter dash, the 200-meter dash, the long jump, and the 4x100-meter relay. His performances in both the 100- and 200-meter dash would set new records, and his gold medal in the long jump came even despite a tough qualifying round, in which two of his three jumps didn't go his way. Despite Nazi ideology, despite Hitler's racial propaganda, Owens won the adoration of the German crowds in attendance, and he apparently was able to royally piss off Propaganda Minister Goebbels in the process. A popular misconception from the event is that Hitler outright refused to shake Owens' hand after his victories; in reality, Hitler had elected not to shake any winners' hands, after he had generated controversy by only shaking German and Finnish winners' hands on the first day of the Games. Regardless, though, Owens' victories became an iconic moment in global sports history, and sparked rage among the Nazi elite. But Owens wasn't the only Black American athlete to take home major medals, either. The high jumpers Cornelius Johnson and David Albritton would take home gold and silver, respectively; the 400-meter runner Archie Williams and the 800-meter runner John Woodruff would each win gold, and the boxer Jack Wilson would earn the silver medal. The runner Ralph Metcalfe finished the 100-meter dash just a tenth of a second after Owens, and Mack Robinson would finish the 200-meter dash within half a second of Owens' time. In all, fourteen medals went to Black American athletes, a quarter of all the medals the United States took home during the game. Despite being dismissed as 'auxiliaries' throughout the entire Olympics, these athletes made a powerful impact at home and abroad, kicking off a racial reckoning that would follow them back to America for decades to come. It wasn't all good news, of course; a relay runner named Louise Stokes was barred from her event, and Black athletes were barred from even attempting to qualify for the American basketball team. But these injustices, too, could only be addressed by the sort of reckoning that the 1936 Olympics provided, even if it would take decades to make substantive change happen in the US. Then, there's the stories of the Jewish athletes who competed, thirteen of whom would win medals over the course of the Games. Six Hungarian Jewish athletes took home gold in water polo, freestyle wrestling, high jump, and fencing, while Polish, Austrian, Belgian, Canadian, and American Jews earned medals of their own. But two American Jewish runners became the focus of the Olympics for very different reasons; both runners in the 4x100 meter relay, Marty Glickman and Sam Stoller were pulled from their event one day before they were set to compete. They were replaced by Jesse Owens and Ralph Metcalfe—again, two Black athletes—which some historians believe indicates that the decision was not racially motivated. But Glickman, one of the runners, saw it differently. According to him, the aforementioned Avery Brundage, as well as their running coach, wanted to ensure Hitler wouldn't have to endure the sight of Jewish athletes on his winners' podium. Owens and Metcalfe would go on to win gold on their behalf, while Glickman and Stoller watched from the sidelines. It's also worth circling back to that German Jewish fencer, Helene Meyer, who had been allowed to compete on Hitler's Olympic team despite her ancestry. Mayer took her sword to the women's foil event, where she would face off with a Hungarian Jewish fencer, Ilona Schacherer, for the gold. The two had already met in the qualifying rounds, where Schacherer's unorthodox style had proven to be too much for Mayer, and despite excellent performances throughout the rest of the tournament, Mayer fell again to Schacherer in the final round. Mayer, after earning her silver medal, flipped a quick "Heil Hitler" in the Fuhrer's direction, but it was Schacherer who had earned the gold, and taken it from a fencer who many Jews around the world saw as a traitor. And finally, there was the story of the marathon runner Sohn Kee-Chung, who showed his own brazen defiance to a different, future Axis Power. A native of Korea, which was in 1936 occupied by Imperial Japan, Sohn was a Korean nationalist who had been forced to adopt a Japanese name and compete for the Japanese team in order to take part in the Olympics. However, he made sure to include his Korean name on his official documentation, and when he won gold, setting a marathon world record at 2 hours, 29 minutes, 19 seconds, Sohn made sure to bow his head in defiance as the Japanese national anthem played to celebrate his victory. Sohn would return to Korea as a hero, and he would be a key part of independent South Korea's Olympic appearances for decades. But even among so many individual stories of resistance, the overwhelming narrative during the Games was all Hitler's. Germany didn't just win the overall medal count for the event; they dominated it, taking home thirty-eight gold medals and 101 overall, compared to the runner-up, the United States, who took home twenty-four gold and 57 medals overall. Stories of German hospitality, German extravagance, and Nazi pride and glamour spread around the world, and most members of the international press described the event as if it had brought Germany back into the upper echelon of world nations. Few pointed out Hitler's and Goebbels' façade, although a few, like writer William Shirer, saw through it: "I'm afraid the Nazis have succeeded with their propaganda. First, the Nazis have run the Games on a lavish scale never before experienced, and this has appealed to the athletes. Second, the Nazis have put up a very good front for the general visitors, especially the big businessmen". Shirer was right; the Olympics would give Hitler and his regime invaluable positive press, and gain them enough respect and acknowledgement from the world that many people would make the choice not to condemn their actions till it was too late. There would be no Olympic Games in 1940, nor would there be in 1944. By then, the Nazis had left the world of sport behind in favor of open warfare. As soon as the Games concluded, the Nazis got right back to work on building the empire they envisioned. During the Games, Jews and other targeted groups had been able to live in relative quiet so long as they kept their heads down, but the Olympics had been a convenient way for the Nazis to essentially write them out of society. Now, the Holocaust would get well and truly underway, far from the view of global onlookers who now knew Germany as a bastion of sport—not a brutal regime. And all through those years before the war, Hitler would operate inside a world order that, at the very least, had learned to tolerate him—and perhaps even liked him, all courtesy of the 1936 Olympics. Nazi Germany's great gambit had worked, and it would take years for the world to learn just what sort of devastation that meant. ## Key Takeaways - The 1936 Olympics were a propaganda tool for Hitler to promote Aryan supremacy and gain international legitimacy.,Hitler manipulated the Games to showcase German strength and hospitality, hiding anti-Semitic policies from international visitors.,Black American athletes like Jesse Owens challenged Nazi ideology by winning multiple gold medals, defying Hitler's racist beliefs.,Despite individual acts of resistance, Germany dominated the medal count, reinforcing Nazi pride and glamour globally.,The 1936 Olympics allowed Hitler to operate within a tolerant world order, delaying widespread condemnation of his regime. ## Frequently Asked Questions ### Why did Hitler want to host the 1936 Olympic Games? Hitler saw the 1936 Olympic Games as an opportunity to promote Aryan supremacy, reinforce his ideologies, and gain international legitimacy for his regime. ### How did Hitler plan to use the Olympics to his advantage? Hitler planned to control the presentation of the Games, promote Nazi ideology, and showcase the supposed superiority of Aryan athletes. He also aimed to legitimize his rule by hosting world leaders. ### What measures did the Nazis take to prepare for the 1936 Olympics? The Nazis transformed sport into a central element of German life, reshaped the educational curriculum around athleticism, and systematically excluded Jewish and Romani athletes from athletic facilities. ### How did the international community react to the Nazi regime hosting the Olympics? There were discussions of a boycott, but many countries, including the United States, decided to participate. The IOC kept the Games in Berlin after Hitler assured them that Jewish athletes would be allowed to compete. ### Who were some of the notable Black American athletes who competed in the 1936 Olympics? Jesse Owens, who won four gold medals, was the most famous. Other notable athletes included Cornelius Johnson, David Albritton, Archie Williams, John Woodruff, Jack Wilson, Ralph Metcalfe, and Mack Robinson. ### What was the significance of Jesse Owens' performance at the 1936 Olympics? Jesse Owens' four gold medals directly contradicted Hitler's racial propaganda and earned him the adoration of the German crowds, sparking rage among the Nazi elite. ### How did Jewish athletes fare in the 1936 Olympics? Thirteen Jewish athletes won medals. Notable examples include Hungarian Jewish athletes who won gold in various events, and American Jewish runners Marty Glickman and Sam Stoller, who were controversially pulled from their event. ### What was the impact of the 1936 Olympics on Hitler's international standing? The Games gave Hitler and his regime invaluable positive press and gained them respect and acknowledgment from the world, making it harder for people to condemn their actions later. ### What happened to the Olympic Games scheduled for 1940 and 1944? There were no Olympic Games in 1940 or 1944 due to the outbreak of World War II. The Nazis shifted their focus from sport to open warfare. ### How did the 1936 Olympics affect the Holocaust? During the Games, Jews and other targeted groups were able to live quietly. After the Games, the Holocaust began in earnest, far from the view of global onlookers who now saw Germany as a bastion of sport. ## Sources - [Original Into the Shadows video: The 1936 Olympic Games: Nazi Germany’s Gambit](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=wVjR3Fwoj_0) - [https://explorethearchive.com/historically-significant-sporting-events](https://explorethearchive.com/historically-significant-sporting-events) - [https://web.archive.org/web/20130607115150/http://www.ushmm.org/museum/exhibit/online/olympics/detail.php?content=sports](https://web.archive.org/web/20130607115150/http://www.ushmm.org/museum/exhibit/online/olympics/detail.php?content=sports) - [https://www.theatlantic.com/international/archive/2012/05/the-nazi-origins-of-the-olympic-flame-relay/257002/](https://www.theatlantic.com/international/archive/2012/05/the-nazi-origins-of-the-olympic-flame-relay/257002/) - [https://time.com/4366120/olympics-brazil-torch-relay-nazi-roots/](https://time.com/4366120/olympics-brazil-torch-relay-nazi-roots/) - [https://www.nytimes.com/2008/04/14/arts/14conn.html](https://www.nytimes.com/2008/04/14/arts/14conn.html) - [https://web.archive.org/web/20081009114014/http://www.ushmm.org/museum/exhibit/online/olympics/detail.php?content=facade_hospitality_more&amp](https://web.archive.org/web/20081009114014/http://www.ushmm.org/museum/exhibit/online/olympics/detail.php?content=facade_hospitality_more&amp) - [https://www.snopes.com/fact-check/pigeons-poop-on-1936-olympics/](https://www.snopes.com/fact-check/pigeons-poop-on-1936-olympics/) - [https://web.archive.org/web/20140202095138/http://www.ushmm.org/wlc/en/article.php?ModuleId=10007087](https://web.archive.org/web/20140202095138/http://www.ushmm.org/wlc/en/article.php?ModuleId=10007087) - [https://www.britannica.com/biography/Jesse-Owens](https://www.britannica.com/biography/Jesse-Owens) - [https://www.britannica.com/topic/1936-Olympic-Games-Fencing-for-the-Fuhrer-1367966](https://www.britannica.com/topic/1936-Olympic-Games-Fencing-for-the-Fuhrer-1367966) - [https://www.britannica.com/topic/Sohn-Kee-Chung-The-Defiant-One-1367969](https://www.britannica.com/topic/Sohn-Kee-Chung-The-Defiant-One-1367969) - [https://www.britannica.com/event/Berlin-1936-Olympic-Games](https://www.britannica.com/event/Berlin-1936-Olympic-Games) - [https://www.jewishvirtuallibrary.org/the-nazi-olympics-august-1936](https://www.jewishvirtuallibrary.org/the-nazi-olympics-august-1936) - [https://www.ushmm.org/collections/bibliography/1936-olympics](https://www.ushmm.org/collections/bibliography/1936-olympics) - [https://encyclopedia.ushmm.org/content/en/article/the-nazi-olympics-berlin-1936](https://encyclopedia.ushmm.org/content/en/article/the-nazi-olympics-berlin-1936) - [https://www.pbs.org/wgbh/americanexperience/features/goebbels-olympics/](https://www.pbs.org/wgbh/americanexperience/features/goebbels-olympics/) - [https://bleacherreport.com/articles/1268484-the-1936-olympics-a-necessary-reflection-and-the-value-of-a-single-human-being](https://bleacherreport.com/articles/1268484-the-1936-olympics-a-necessary-reflection-and-the-value-of-a-single-human-being) - [https://andscape.com/features/jesse-owens-vs-hitler-wasnt-the-only-story-at-the-1936-olympics/](https://andscape.com/features/jesse-owens-vs-hitler-wasnt-the-only-story-at-the-1936-olympics/) - [https://www.lib.cam.ac.uk/collections/departments/germanic-collections/about-collections/spotlight-archive/1936-berlin-olympic](https://www.lib.cam.ac.uk/collections/departments/germanic-collections/about-collections/spotlight-archive/1936-berlin-olympic) - [https://www.nationalgeographic.com/history/article/brutal-story-1936-popular-olympics-boycott-fascism-hitler](https://www.nationalgeographic.com/history/article/brutal-story-1936-popular-olympics-boycott-fascism-hitler) - [https://www.npr.org/2008/06/07/91246674/nazi-olympics-tangled-politics-and-sport](https://www.npr.org/2008/06/07/91246674/nazi-olympics-tangled-politics-and-sport) - [Hero image source](https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/2/21/WW2_Nazi_leaders_Goebbels%2C_Terboven%2C_Rediess%2C_G._W._M%C3%BCller%2C_Stortingssalen%2C_Stortinget_%28parliament%29_Oslo%2C_Norway_November_1940_Published_in_%22Bilder%22_January_1946._Photographer_not_credited._No_known_copyright._Eidsvold_1814.jpg) by Author/creator not provided (photographer not credited). No known copyright restrictions. (Photo taken in 1940, publication issued in 1946) / openverse, by-sa. ## Related Coverage Simon Whistler https://intotheshadows.pub/article/1974-huntsville-prison-longest-hostage-situation-us-history https://intotheshadows.pub/article/1974-huntsville-prison-longest-hostage-situation-us-history Sun, 28 Jun 2026 00:00:00 GMT In the sweltering heat of July 1974, Huntsville Prison in Texas became the scene of one of the longest hostage situations in U.S. history. For 11 harrowing days, the prison descended into chaos as three desperate inmates—Fred Carrasco, Ignacio Cuevas, and Rudy Dominguez—armed and determined, took control of the prison library, holding 16 hostages, including prison staff and educators. The intensity of the standoff gripped the nation but also highlighted critical flaws in the prison system, leading to significant changes in security protocols and crisis management. The combination of a tough prison environment, stringent yet far from comprehensive security measures, and a diverse inmate population made Huntsville Prison a microcosm of the broader challenges facing the U.S. penal system. As the days crept by with no peaceful resolution, the tension inside the prison reached fever pitch. The siege ended in bloodshed and death on the 3rd of August, bringing to an end 11 traumatic days that shook Huntsville Prison to its foundations. ## Huntsville Prison Huntsville Prison, officially known as the Huntsville Unit, is one of Texas' oldest and most significant correctional facilities. Established in 1849, the prison has played a central role in the state's penal system, housing some of Texas's most notorious criminals. By the 1970s, Huntsville Prison had a reputation for its high-security measures and its role as the central hub for executions in Texas—although no death sentences had been carried out since 1964. Over the last forty years, it has been the most active execution chamber in the United States with 587 people put to death between 1982 and 2024. Before the hostage situation, Huntsville Prison operated under stringent security protocols designed to manage its large and often volatile inmate population. The prison's infrastructure included multiple security checkpoints, high walls, and armed guards, all aimed at maintaining order and preventing escapes. Despite these measures, the prison was not immune to the challenges of managing a diverse and sometimes dangerous inmate population. ## Inmates and Conditions In the 1970s, Huntsville Prison housed a mix of inmates, from those serving short sentences for minor offences to hardened criminals with lengthy sentences for violent crimes. The prison environment was often tense, with overcrowding and limited resources contributing to the challenges faced by both inmates and staff. Conditions within the prison were harsh, with strict discipline enforced to maintain control over the inmate population. Leading up to the hostage situation, Huntsville Prison, like many correctional facilities of the time, struggled with issues of limited rehabilitation programs and a high inmate-to-guard ratio. These conditions created an environment ripe for unrest as inmates grappled with the harsh realities of prison life that set the stage for the dramatic events that would unfold in July 1974. ## The Perpetrators The 1974 Huntsville Prison hostage crisis was orchestrated by three inmates: Fred Carrasco, Ignacio Cuevas, and Rudy Dominguez. Fred Carrasco was a prominent figure in the Mexican drug cartel world, known as "El Señor," and was one of the most feared drug lords in South Texas. He was reported to be "the biggest and deadliest drug lord on the Texas-Mexico border, overseeing a cocaine and heroin empire that stretched from Guadalajara to San Diego, California, and Chicago, Illinois." Born in San Antonio, Texas, in 1940, Carrasco slowly worked his way up the drug chain until he became one of the most feared names in the industry, with a litany of charges eventually against him. His first conviction for murder came in 1958, but remarkably, he was paroled after just two years in prison. A second stretch for drug trafficking lasted five years before he was again a free man. By the late 1960s/early 1970s, Carrasco had established a ferocious cartel known as the Dons, which began battling other gangs in Mexico. Fighting became so bad that the Mexican government ordered in the military, and Carrasco fled north. He was arrested in Guadalajara in September 1972 after being found in possession of 213 pounds of heroin worth over $100 million but escaped from jail in Jalisco via a laundry truck after bribing officials. Back in the U.S., he was arrested again in July 1973 in San Antonio, surviving four gunshot wounds fired at him by police and charged with the murder of a police officer from a past incident. He was also suspected of either directly murdering or ordering the murders of at least 47 people throughout his criminal career. Compared to Carrasco, we don't know much about his two other accomplices. Ignacio Cuevas had a criminal history marked by a series of violent crimes and was serving a 45-year sentence for murder at the time of his incarceration. Though not as notorious as Carrasco or Cuevas, Rudy Dominguez was a young and ambitious criminal serving time for armed robbery. His willingness to follow the lead of more experienced inmates like Carrasco and Cuevas made him a valuable asset in the planning and executing of their daring escape plan. ## Initial Planning The meticulous planning of the hostage situation began months before the actual event. Carrasco, with his extensive criminal experience, masterminded the entire operation. His plan was relatively simple: take hostages and negotiate their way out of the prison. His charisma and influence allowed him to recruit Cuevas and Dominguez, two men equally desperate to escape the confines of Huntsville Prison. A critical component of their plan was the smuggling of weapons into the prison, with Carrasco using his connections both inside and outside the prison to bring them in. Three .357 magnum pistols were smuggled in a can of ham, while more than 300 rounds of ammunition found their way inside the prison via cans of peaches. While Huntsville certainly had its security features, inmates still received a degree of freedom that meant they could move around the prison relatively easily. The plan hinged on the element of surprise and the perpetrators' ability to take control quickly and efficiently. And that is precisely what happened. ## Day 1 The hostage situation at Huntsville Prison began on a scorching summer day on 24th July 1974. Fred Carrasco, Ignacio Cuevas, and Rudy Dominguez meticulously executed their plan to take control of the prison library, where several educators and staff members were present. The trio, armed with smuggled weapons, overpowered the guards and took 16 hostages, including librarians, prison employees, and four prisoners. The swift, violent and ease of the takeover shocked everybody at the prison. Realising the gravity of the situation, the prison's emergency protocols were immediately activated. Law enforcement and tactical units were swiftly mobilised, surrounding the prison to contain the crisis and prevent any escape attempts. ## Escalation As the standoff began, negotiations between the inmates and authorities commenced. The primary negotiator was Captain Marvin "Buck" Berry of the Texas Department of Public Safety, who worked tirelessly to establish a dialogue with Carrasco and his accomplices. The demands of the hostage-takers were straightforward but challenging to meet: they wanted an armoured car to transport them and their hostages to the airport, where they would be flown to safety—reportedly to Cuba. Additionally, they asked for tailored suits, dress shoes, toothpaste, cologne, walkie-talkies and bulletproof helmets—all of which were delivered quickly. The conditions facing the hostages during this period were dire. Confined to the library, they were under constant threat from the armed inmates. Carrasco, Cuevas, and Dominguez made it clear that any attempt to storm the library would result in the immediate execution of the hostages. This ultimatum put immense pressure on law enforcement to find a peaceful resolution. Throughout the standoff, Carrasco used the hostages as human shields, positioning them near windows to deter any potential sniper attempts. He also allowed some hostages to communicate with negotiators, a move aimed at showing their condition and leveraging their safety to pressure authorities. ## Hostage Crisis In the first few days, negotiations continued with little progress. Carrasco demanded that his escape vehicle be delivered promptly, but authorities were reluctant to meet this demand without ensuring the hostages' safety. By Day 5, tensions escalated as Carrasco began to lose patience. He threatened to start killing hostages if his demands were not met soon. Throughout the standoff, law enforcement employed a combination of negotiation and tactical planning. The negotiators' primary goal was to keep the situation from escalating further while exploring every possible avenue for a peaceful resolution. The tactical units, meanwhile, prepared for the worst-case scenario, developing multiple plans to storm the library if negotiations failed. Negotiators tried to convince Carrasco to release some hostages as a gesture of goodwill, but he refused. On Day 9, Carrasco allowed medical supplies to be sent in for the hostages. This action provided some relief to the captives but did little to advance the negotiations meaningfully. At this point, law enforcement's patience was wearing thin, and plans for a potential assault were finalised. However, the risk to the hostages remained a significant deterrent to any immediate action. During the final days of the standoff, it became clear that Carrasco was growing impatient and losing hope. His threats against the hostages became more severe, indicating a willingness to kill if his demands were not met soon. Negotiators held their nerve and continued to seek a peaceful resolution but also prepared for the possibility that force might be necessary. An armoured car was finally brought into the prison, with only a small amount of gas inside, and parked a short distance from the library door. For the hostage takers inside, it was now or never, but the car sat agonisingly far from the library door. In response, they constructed what came to be known as the Trojan Horse, a structure of 4 blackboards grouped together, with thick law books taped to the outside. Knowing that a vast phalanx of police officers and prison guards lay just outside, itching to end the crisis, Carrasco decided the time had come for a showdown. ## The Escape Attempt Four hostages were placed inside the Trojan Horse with Carrasco, Cuevas, and Dominguez, while the remaining 12 were instructed to act as human shields while rolling the structure down the ramp from the second storey entrance to the ground floor where the armoured car was waiting. Outside, the authorities waited, with guns and fire hoses trained on the library. The door inched open, and the Trojan Horse was slowly wheeled down the ramp by the clearly terrified hostages. As it reached the bottom, it became stuck. The exact information of what happened next and how it all played out remains a little hazy. Several high-powered water hoses blasted the Trojan Horse, attempting to topple it. They failed. In response, two of the hostages inside, Elizabeth Beseda and Julia Standley, were immediately executed. Once the firing began, those outside the Trojan Horse ran for cover as authorities managed to ram it with a ladder and finally topple it. A firefight erupted that lasted anywhere from 7 to 10 minutes, depending on your source. With all hope lost, Carrasco turned his magnum on himself and pulled the trigger. A hail of bullets hit Dominguez, killing him instantly, and a deathly silence descended. Initially, the authorities believed Cuevas had been killed also, but his wounds were only superficial, and he was taken into custody. The 11-day standoff had come to an end. ## Immediate Aftermath In the immediate aftermath of the resolution, law enforcement and prison authorities took swift action to secure the site and address any lingering threats. The scene was chaotic as medical teams attended to the injured hostages and officers. As a news anchor said at the time, "Two hostages have been killed; it was a miracle more weren't." The physical and psychological impact on the hostages was profound. Many of the hostages had sustained injuries, both minor and severe, during the initial takeover and the final assault. The psychological trauma was perhaps even more significant. The hostages had been under constant threat of death, living in fear of execution for eleven days. This experience left lasting scars. In the days following their release, many hostages provided statements and reflections on their ordeal. Their accounts highlighted the intense fear and uncertainty they had faced but also the resilience and solidarity they developed while held captive. Cuevas was tried for the murder of Julia Standley three separate times. To this day, it's not entirely clear whether he pulled the trigger, with his first two convictions quashed on appeal. His third, however, ruled him culpable under a law that holds all participants equally responsible. He was convicted of capital murder and executed in 1991 at Huntsville Prison, just a short walk from the library where he and his two accomplices held a reign of terror for 11 days in July 1974. ## Prison System Reforms The 1974 Huntsville Prison hostage crisis exposed significant vulnerabilities in the U.S. prison system, leading to widespread reforms aimed at preventing such incidents in the future. Both Texas and the broader national prison system underwent critical evaluations to identify and rectify the shortcomings that had allowed such a dire situation to unfold. One of the most significant changes implemented was the enhancement of security measures within prisons. This included stricter control over access to weapons and contraband, as the ability of the inmates to smuggle guns and communication devices into the prison had been a key factor in the hostage crisis. Improved screening processes for visitors and staff were instituted to prevent future breaches. Additionally, there was a renewed focus on training and preparedness. Correctional officers received more comprehensive training in crisis management, negotiation, and tactical response. The Texas Department of Corrections, in particular, revamped its training programs to ensure that all personnel could effectively handle high-stakes situations. Policy shifts also emphasised the importance of inmate rehabilitation and mental health. Recognising that overcrowded and under-resourced prisons contributed to inmates' desperation and volatility, reforms aimed to improve living conditions and provide better mental health services. Programs focusing on education, vocational training, and counselling were expanded to reduce recidivism and improve inmate behaviour. The Huntsville Prison Siege remains one of the longest prison hostage situations in U.S. history and one of the few that ended as brutally as it did with civilian deaths. A dark 11 days in Texas Penitentiary history. A chaotic, bloody conclusion to a siege that led to a dramatic rethinking of prison policy across the country. ## Key Takeaways - The 1974 Huntsville Prison hostage crisis was one of the longest in U.S. history, lasting 11 days. - Fred Carrasco, a notorious drug lord, led the hostage-taking with accomplices Ignacio Cuevas and Rudy Dominguez. - The siege highlighted flaws in prison security, leading to significant reforms in crisis management and rehabilitation. - Hostages faced severe physical and psychological trauma, with two ultimately losing their lives. - The incident prompted nationwide evaluations and improvements in prison security and inmate rehabilitation programs. ## Frequently Asked Questions ### What was the duration of the 1974 Huntsville Prison hostage situation? The hostage situation lasted for 11 days, from July 24, 1974, to August 3, 1974. ### Who were the three inmates involved in the 1974 Huntsville Prison hostage crisis? The three inmates involved were Fred Carrasco, Ignacio Cuevas, and Rudy Dominguez. ### What were the demands of the hostage-takers during the Huntsville Prison crisis? The hostage-takers demanded an armoured car to transport them and their hostages to the airport, where they would be flown to safety. They also asked for tailored suits, dress shoes, toothpaste, cologne, walkie-talkies, and bulletproof helmets. ### How did the hostage situation at Huntsville Prison end? The siege ended in bloodshed and death on August 3, 1974. Fred Carrasco committed suicide, Rudy Dominguez was killed in a firefight, and Ignacio Cuevas was injured but taken into custody. Two hostages, Elizabeth Beseda and Julia Standley, were executed by the inmates. ### What were some of the security measures in place at Huntsville Prison before the hostage situation? Huntsville Prison had multiple security checkpoints, high walls, and armed guards. However, these measures were not comprehensive enough to prevent the smuggling of weapons and the subsequent hostage crisis. ### What changes were made to the U.S. prison system following the 1974 Huntsville Prison hostage crisis? The crisis led to enhanced security measures, improved training for correctional officers, and a renewed focus on inmate rehabilitation and mental health. Stricter controls over access to weapons and contraband, improved screening processes, and expanded programs for education and vocational training were implemented. ### What was the significance of the 1974 Huntsville Prison hostage crisis in U.S. history? The crisis is one of the longest prison hostage situations in U.S. history and led to significant reforms in the prison system, including enhanced security measures and a greater emphasis on inmate rehabilitation. ### What was the background of Fred Carrasco, one of the hostage-takers? Fred Carrasco was a prominent figure in the Mexican drug cartel world, known as 'El Señor.' He was one of the most feared drug lords in South Texas, with a history of violent crimes and multiple convictions. ### How did the hostages communicate with negotiators during the standoff? Carrasco allowed some hostages to communicate with negotiators to show their condition and leverage their safety to pressure authorities. ### What was the 'Trojan Horse' used in the escape attempt? The 'Trojan Horse' was a structure made of four blackboards grouped together with thick law books taped to the outside. It was used to transport the hostages and the inmates to the armoured car during their escape attempt. ## Sources - [Original Into the Shadows video: 1974 Huntsville Prison: The Longest Hostage Situation in US History](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=zBeK_cNV-qU) - [Hero image source](https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/d/d0/Fulton_Mansion_Texas_2024.jpg) by Larry D. Moore / openverse, by. ## Related Coverage Simon Whistler https://intotheshadows.pub/article/2012-benghazi-attack https://intotheshadows.pub/article/2012-benghazi-attack Sun, 28 Jun 2026 00:00:00 GMT When September 11th comes to mind, most naturally think of the tragic events that unfolded in cities across America in 2001, from New York to Washington, D.C. A decade after those, though, an attack that took place some 5,000 miles from America would come to dominate the US political scene for years. As darkness fell on September 11th, 2012, armed militants linked to al-Qaeda stormed a poorly defended U.S. consulate haphazardly set up in Benghazi, Libya, shortly after a revolution toppled longtime dictator Muammar Gaddafi. The events of that night would plunge Americans throughout the country into a fight for their survival. Ultimately, the US Ambassador would be killed along with several other U.S. security personnel. The response to this almost immediately descended into rank political squabbling, with the real events being clouded in partisan attacks. Now, after more than a decade, we can present the story of what really unfolded on that fateful night. ## Setting the Stage Muammar Gaddafi had ruled Libya with an iron fist since 1969. He was as brutal as he was erratic—jailing or executing dissidents and tightly controlling the country's vast oil wealth, a move which unsurprisingly led to an economically stagnant country with little opportunity for advancement. Internationally, he gained infamy for sponsoring terrorist organizations, including involvement in the 1988 Lockerbie bombing, which left Libya a pariah state on the world stage. A North African North Korea, if you will. This all came crashing down during the First Libyan Civil War in 2011, as part of the broader Arab Spring movement. Across the Middle East, Arab populations rose up in opposition to authoritarian leaders who had been in power for decades. From Cairo to Tunis, it seemed as though no dictator was safe. US foreign policy at the time was strongly in favor of the pro-democracy movements, supporting the revolutions that toppled Hosni Mubarak in Egypt as well as others. The narrative that a region that had been all but dismissed as some backwards, anti-democratic timewarp was finally ready to embrace liberal democracy proved hard to resist for many across the West. The strongmen the rebels were fighting also made for poor targets to rally behind—crackpot dictators who had presided over largely impoverished nations while enriching themselves and their cronies. US and other NATO members would ultimately end up intervening on behalf of the rebels in Libya. Until this point, it was unclear who was going to pull out ahead—but once the bombs started falling, Gaddafi's forces were firmly on the retreat. One by one, cities across Libya began falling into rebel hands. By the time rebels stormed the capital city of Tripoli, it was all but over for the regime. After the collapse of the Gaddafi regime, Libya found itself in a now all-too familiar situation where the loss of a strongman dictator who held a country together by brute force left a chaotic power vacuum in its wake. This gave rise to a broad swath of fighters, many of whom were genuinely supportive of democracy and would come to play a crucial role in supporting the US presence in the country. Others, however, were far more nefarious. Take Ansar al-Shariah, for instance. The group was a Salafi jihadist militia with clear ideological and operational ties to al Qaeda which rejected outright the idea of democratic governance, instead advocating for strict adherence to Sharia law. Their black and white flag, eerily familiar to anyone following Middle Eastern affairs, soon became brazenly flown across cities outside the provisional government's control. Chief among these was the Libyan city of Benghazi. ## Shots Fired On the night of September 11th, 2012, Ambassador Stevens was attempting to keep a low profile at a haphazardly arranged diplomatic outpost in Benghazi. Tensions were already high due to the anniversary of 9/11, with Islamist militants known to organize attacks on that date as a perverse kind of celebration. Complicating the matter was an overall deteriorating security situation in the city, with US State Department intelligence warning of imminent attacks by Ansar al-Shariah, as well as other Islamist groups in the area. Given this backdrop, Ambassador Stevens was advised to not leave the compound. However, given the haste with which said compound had been set up, its temporary nature, and the fact that it lacked official embassy status, saying that security there was "light" would be a little like saying that *Joker 2* was slightly misconceived—an almost award-winning understatement. Most U.S. embassies have at least one Marine Security Guard, which consist of typically 10-20 highly trained Marines stationed to defend the outpost at all costs. They operate within a heavily fortified base equipped with physical security features such as high, blast-proof walls and watch towers. The consulate in Benghazi had none of these. There was no Marine Security Guard, no blast-resistant walls, no heavily fortified safe-haven with its own independent ventilation system. What it did have was merely an 8-foot-high wall, and a small group of five Diplomatic Security personnel. Given this security setup, it was heavily reliant on the presence of local Libyan security. In short, defending such an outpost would be a logistical nightmare—and damn near impossible without Libyan support. At 9:42 pm local time, the first shots rang out. Approximately 20-40 attackers had arrived outside the main gate, armed to the teeth with AK-47s, RPGs, hand grenades, and heavy machine guns. The local security—which had received neither proper training nor advanced weaponry—simply fled in the first few moments of the attack. Without any defensive towers and the front security team having fled, storming the compound had already gone from "easy" to "absolute cakewalk". Immediately, the priority was to secure the Ambassador in the semi-fortified safe haven in Villa C. Quickly sealing themselves in with Stevens was DS Scott Strickland and Information Management Officer Sean Smith. The call went out to a CIA station just one mile away urgently requesting reinforcements. The safe haven in the compound was a defensive room designed to keep out attackers, featuring bars on the windows and bullet-proof, reinforced doors. Designed to withstand small attacks from presumably thieves and lightly-armed groups, it lacked the sophisticated features that a safe haven in a full-fledged embassy would have—namely, an independent ventilation system. Such an oversight would prove to be the compound's downfall. After overrunning the consulate, the attackers quickly located the safe haven, which was easily identifiable from its seemingly-impenetrable doors. Suspecting that the ambassador was inside, they began trying to force their way in. All the Ambassador and his small security detail could do was sit there and watch a camera stream of the attackers directly outside their fortified safe haven. The team frantically scrambled to radio for assistance. Aside from the small CIA annex down the road, the nearest assistance was about 400 miles away on the other side of the country in Tripoli. Within 20 minutes of receiving the distress call, highly trained ex-special forces personnel departed for the consulate at around 10:00 pm local time on what they knew would be a life-or-death mission. Back at the compound, despite kicking and shooting the door repeatedly, the attackers were unable to breach the barrier. Undeterred, they knew they had to get more radical. If they couldn't get in to the Ambassador, they would force him out. Still confined to the safe haven, Ambassador Stevens could only watch in horror as the attackers began to bring in canister after canister of diesel fuel. It became all too clear what was about to transpire, and they were powerless to stop it. One by one, the attackers began emptying the canisters throughout the complex, splashing it on walls and furniture. And then, at roughly 10:05pm, they lit the match. The safe haven, lacking fireproofing and an isolated ventilation system, stood no chance against this new onslaught. The building, and later the entire complex, went up in flames. The scene was like something from a medieval painting of Hell, with thick, black smoke rapidly filling the safe haven. It was clear that the room designed to keep them safe from attackers would be their grave if they did not flee. The events that transpired over the next several minutes remain unclear, even after more than a decade. With thick, black smoke billowing into their enclave, the three men took the only option available to them: an attempt to escape. ## The Cavalry Arrives By 10:25pm, the GRS forces arrived from the nearby CIA compound. By this point, flames engulfed much of what had been Villas C and B. The front gate was breached, allowing opportunistic looters and curious local civilians alike entrance into the compound. The attackers that remained were not dressed in uniform, leading to a situation where the GRS could not tell who was who. Upon entry, the team came under immediate fire. Shots rang out at them from multiple directions, from multiple buildings. The February 17 brigade—a group of friendly Libyans—were supposed to have been there to protect the compound but had allegedly fled. Were some still there? Was this friendly fire, or were these the attackers? It was chaos. Nevertheless, the GRS pushed ahead. The attackers—some of whom had already begun to flee after the fires ignited—were taken by surprise by the speed and force with which the American reinforcements arrived. Within a matter of minutes, the attackers abandoned the compound to regroup. GRS forces reached Villa C—where they had last heard Ambassador Stevens was held up—at 10:30pm. There, they met up with DS Strickland, who had managed to escape out of a bathroom window inside the safe haven. He thought that Ambassador Stevens and DS Smith were behind him, but had lost both of them in the confusion and near-zero visibility inside the safe haven due to smoke. Battling intense heat and smoke from the ongoing fires, GRS and DS agents made multiple attempts to get inside Villa C to locate the Ambassador. Without saying a word, they all knew the truth: nobody could have survived the heat and smoke inside that building. This was confirmed when they found the body of DS Smith, who would later be determined to have died from smoke inhalation. Unable to find the Ambassador despite multiple attempts and acutely aware that the building risked imminent collapse, the team was ultimately but reluctantly forced to withdraw from Villa C. They knew that the militants were regrouping, and every passing moment they stayed risked another ambush on the poorly defended compound. After completing a quick sweep of the other two villas to ensure nobody was to be left behind, the team pulled out of the compound altogether and made their way back to the annex. On their way back, they knew that the attackers were not done. After scoring a victory as massive as raiding a U.S. consulate, they would be back. ## Hunkering Down By 11:30, less than two hours after the attack first broke out, all surviving American personnel had arrived at the CIA annex. The situation was grim: the Ambassador had in all likelihood been either killed or kidnapped—which would have been worse, nobody could say for sure. The consulate was completely destroyed, and DS Smith's corpse lay in the back of one of their vans. The February 17 militia, which was supposed to provide security for the compound, had all but vanished. It wasn't until they arrived at the annex, though, that they realized just how alone they were. The GRS consisted of ex-special force veterans who had served multiple tours in Iraq and Afghanistan. There, the US military had positioned large amounts of reinforcements, armed drones, Apache attack helicopters, and bombers for situations like this. It wasn't always immediate, but in both of those countries when you called for reinforcements, they came. Libya was a completely different situation. The fall of the Gaddafi regime left behind a fractured country with no strong central authority, militias running rampant, and essentially zero US military presence inside the country or in any of its neighbors. There was the additional small team of six Americans in Tripoli who had been dispatched, but there was no telling when they would arrive. The best rapid response that could be provided was an unarmed Predator drone for aerial surveillance. This wasn't for a lack of attention once the attack began, though. While there were serious security missteps in the leadup, Washington was alert to events as they unfolded. Defense Secretary Leon Panetta and Joint Chiefs Chairman General Martin Dempsey were notified within 50 minutes of the attack. Panetta would soon order two Marine platoons in Spain to prepare to deploy, and instructed a special operations team in Europe and another in the US to get ready to stage. The issue was not a lack of response, but rather a lack of preparation. Now, you may be under the impression that CIA hideouts are supposed to be top-secret. And you would be right, they're supposed to be—in theory. In Libya, however, nothing quite goes according to plan. Locals had been aware for some time that something wasn't quite right about the place. Its high walls, guard towers, and constant guards outside its gate was a bright red flag that something was going on there. Adding in the steady stream of Westerners coming and going from inside the compound, and it didn't take a rocket scientist to put two and two together. Keep in mind, post-revolution Benghazi was not exactly a top tourist destination. While they may not have known that it was specifically a CIA outpost, even local civilians had begun to refer to it as the "American compound." In other words, the team in the annex knew the attackers were coming for them. Despite repeated attempts to get in touch with Libyan brigade commanders, it quickly became clear that reinforcements would not be coming any time soon. Meanwhile, the six-man armada—Team Tripoli—had landed in Benghazi, but were stuck at the airport without Libyan transportation. The lack of American presence in the country meant that they would be entirely dependent on Libyans for armored transports. Security for the team was front and center: they would do nobody any good if they themselves got ambushed and pinned down in one of Benghazi's infamously narrow, winding streets. Inside the annex, it was all hands-on deck. Sandbagging rooftops, strategically positioning their limited firepower to ensure 360 degrees of surveillance, they were as ready for the incoming siege as they could be. Above head, their only tangible backup provided since the attack began: a single, unarmed drone for aerial surveillance. Washington was watching, but powerless to help. By the time the clock struck midnight, it was completely silent around the annex. Too quiet. Despite being a CIA outpost, there were other civilian buildings nearby—but they had all gone dark. GRS officer Kris "Tanto" Paronto put it this way in a subsequent interview: "It got too quiet. You could feel it. Everyone disappeared. Like they knew what was about to happen." And then, they saw it. First one, then another, then another. Bodies, walking slowly and close to the ground, were approaching the annex. It was hard to tell exactly how many there were, but there were easily over two dozen. This time, though, the Americans knew they had the advantage. Unlike the consulate—which at one point was described as a "sniper's paradise"—the annex was significantly better defended. The consulate was also caught completely off guard by the attack, with much of their security collapsing immediately due to the fleeing Libyan militia. This would not be repeated here: friendly Libyan support had thus far failed to materialize, meaning the sole defenders were highly trained US soldiers who were very much expecting this attack. Contrary to what you might expect, they actually let the attackers get relatively close to the compound. This was more out of strategic decision making than anything: opening fire would give away their location from their muzzle flash. They only had one chance at this, so when they did open fire, they wanted to be deadly accurate and take down the attackers as fast as possible. Once they did open fire, it was short work to take out the enemy. Despite returning fire, the attackers' lack of training and lower-quality firearms—largely looted from ex-Gaddafi strongholds, much of which were holdovers from the Soviet era—failed to hit a single American target. They were caught completely off-guard by the enhanced defenses of the annex and quickly retreated. You would think that by this point, the United States' military would have been able to mobilize some sort of support for them. And yet even after all this, they were still essentially alone. The Marine force that had been ordered to prepare to deploy from Spain were bogged down in a bureaucratic mess and had not even taken off yet. The rules of engagement were unclear, as they were not formally authorized by the provisional Libyan government to deploy. Should they be in civilian clothing or in full combat uniforms? This trivial point became a massive hold-up on legalistic grounds, with the team ordered to change in and out of uniform multiple times before deploying. Armed drones at the time were more limited than they are today, with most being deployed in locations like Iraq and Afghanistan—out of range to Benghazi. Around this time, news reports were coming in that an American had been brought to a Libyan hospital, alive. Immediately, both hope and panic washed over the staff in the annex—this surely had to be Ambassador Stevens. They were relieved that he was alive, yet panicked as they were fighting for their lives in a heavily fortified compound; leaving on a rescue mission to a hospital across the city would've been a death sentence for all involved. These initial reports would prove to be only partially accurate: the American brought in was indeed Stevens. Local concerned Libyan civilians had searched the compound after the attack ended in an attempt to rescue any surviving Americans and carried the Ambassador to the hospital, where they would attempt to revive him for over 90 minutes. What the report got wrong, though, was that he was alive. He had likely passed away before ever making it to the hospital, and was pronounced dead there from smoke inhalation after their resuscitation attempts failed. Team Tripoli, meanwhile, remained grounded on the tarmac. Operating in a foreign country without any military presence meant no armored ground units to transport them, so they were completely dependent on the Libyan militias to get them there. The militias were themselves hastily organized, and scraping together armored convoys to secure Americans in a city that was rapidly falling into al-Qaeda linked groups' hands would take time. By the time 5am rolled around, the sun was beginning to rise over the horizon. The annex had successfully fought off another wave of attackers, and they had no idea when the next one would arrive. With daylight, though, came the first good news since the attacks began: Team Tripoli had finally arrived. It had taken hours, but they managed to scrape together a convoy of friendly Libyan militia brigades to escort them from the airport. This newfound hope would not last long, though. Less than fifteen minutes after arriving, a deafening explosion rocked the annex. Then another, then another. This was different from the previous waves of attacks: this was not gunfire, but rather mortar shells raining down on the compound. The first landed just outside the walls, but their accuracy would improve. The second and third were direct hits to the rooftop where Tyrone Woods and Glen Doherty were positioned. Both men were killed instantly. DS Dave Ubben, who was also on the rooftop, was thrown by the blast—his leg mutilated, and his body peppered with shrapnel. It was clear that holding the compound was no longer tenable. Fending off a rag tag coalition of rebels with Soviet era Kalashnikovs was one thing. There was simply no way to prevent more mortar shells from raining down on them. They had to leave, now. The team hurriedly evacuated the compound, climbing into the Libyan Shield vehicles that had brought Team Tripoli only minutes earlier under threat of more mortars and gunfire. They were armed to the teeth, braced for one final ambush that, miraculously, never came. Within the hour, the entire team arrived safely at Benghazi's airport. Despite another setback due to dependence on Libyan personnel and aircraft for transportation, the team eventually would be wheels-up on a flight from Benghazi to Tripoli, grateful to be alive. ## Aftermath It did not take long for the events of September 11th, 2012, to become politicized. It would lead to years of investigations and Congressional hearings, but almost a decade and a half on, we can see with hindsight how things actually unfolded. US intelligence broadly underestimated how much Islamist extremist groups had grown in Benghazi at the time. This quickly became apparent as the attack unfolded, but the Obama administration did itself no favors in the coming days. Despite intelligence from the CIA pointing to groups like Ansar al-Shariah to blame, the White House repeatedly pointed to this being more an organic, civilian-led protest gone wrong in response to an anti-Islamic film that had been uploaded to YouTube in previous days which insulted Prophet Mohammad. While true that the film in question did lead to protests in the Middle East, they broadly missed the mark here. None of the attackers of the compound were carrying signs or seemed to be protesting anything. It ultimately took the administration nine days to admit that this was not a spontaneous protest, but rather a well-planned, coordinated act of terrorism. The reason for this long-held insistence remains murky, especially when considering internal intelligence never suggested that it was the result of protests. One theory suggests that the administration was concerned about appearing to have "dropped the ball" on national security in the leadup to election year, but this would ultimately come back to bite them. Republicans, for their part, were eager to leap on this opportunity to portray President Obama—and later down the road in 2016, then Secretary of State Hillary Clinton—as weak on national security. Repeatedly circulated was a rumor that a "stand down" order had been given to the GRS, stopping them from leaving the CIA annex to rescue the Ambassador, but evidence for this never surfaced. The lessons learned from Benghazi are more nuanced. Speaking with the benefit of hindsight, it is clear that a US Ambassador should never have been left with such minimal security in a country going through waves of post-revolution violence. Reinforcements were too far away to effectively deploy in a meaningfully timely manner, and armed drones were all out of reach. This set up a perfect storm situation: a US military "dead zone," if you will. While no stand down order was directly given, the CIA station chief did choose to rely more on local Libyan security than hindsight would suggest would have been wise. Once the mayday was given from the consulate that they were under attack, the station chief wanted to coordinate with Libyan militias before deploying the GRS team to rescue Ambassador Stevens. This resulted in a roughly 20-minute delay which GRS team members strongly believed after the fact made the difference in arriving at the consulate after the ambassador was killed. The Benghazi attack was a tragedy shaped by chaos, miscalculation, poor preparation, and delayed decisions. Four Americans died not because of a single failure, but because of a chain of them—strategic, logistical, and political. The lessons that must be learned from this are clear: in volatile regions, security must never be an afterthought. The truth, however uncomfortable, should be pursued without being twisted for political gain. ## Key Takeaways - The 2012 attack on the U.S. consulate in Benghazi, Libya, resulted in the deaths of the U.S. Ambassador and several security personnel. - The consulate was poorly defended, lacking standard security measures like Marine guards and reinforced structures. - The Obama administration initially misrepresented the attack as a spontaneous protest, delaying the acknowledgment of it as a terrorist act. - Political squabbling and investigations followed, with Republicans criticizing the administration's handling of the situation. - The Benghazi attack highlighted significant security and logistical failures, emphasizing the need for better preparation in volatile regions. ## Frequently Asked Questions ### What happened during the 2012 Benghazi attack? On September 11, 2012, armed militants linked to al-Qaeda stormed a poorly defended U.S. consulate in Benghazi, Libya. The attack resulted in the deaths of U.S. Ambassador J. Christopher Stevens and several other U.S. security personnel. ### What was the security situation like at the Benghazi consulate? The consulate in Benghazi had minimal security. There was no Marine Security Guard, no blast-resistant walls, and no heavily fortified safe-haven. The security setup relied heavily on local Libyan security, which proved inadequate during the attack. ### Who were the primary attackers in the Benghazi consulate raid? The primary attackers were linked to Ansar al-Shariah, a Salafi jihadist militia with ties to al-Qaeda. They rejected democratic governance and advocated for strict adherence to Sharia law. ### What was the initial response to the attack from the U.S. government? The initial response was chaotic and politically charged. The Obama administration initially suggested the attack was a spontaneous protest gone wrong due to an anti-Islamic film, but later admitted it was a coordinated act of terrorism. ### What role did local Libyan security play in the Benghazi attack? Local Libyan security, specifically the February 17 brigade, was supposed to protect the consulate but fled during the initial attack. This left the consulate vulnerable and reliant on a small group of U.S. security personnel. ### What was the condition of the safe haven in the Benghazi consulate? The safe haven in the consulate was designed to withstand small attacks but lacked an independent ventilation system. This oversight proved fatal when attackers set the building on fire, filling it with thick, black smoke. ### What was the political fallout from the Benghazi attack? The attack became highly politicized, leading to years of investigations and Congressional hearings. Republicans criticized the Obama administration for appearing weak on national security, while the administration faced criticism for its initial response and narrative. ### What were the key lessons learned from the Benghazi attack? The attack highlighted the need for adequate security in volatile regions, the importance of timely and effective reinforcement, and the dangers of political interference in national security responses. ### What was the role of the CIA annex in the Benghazi attack? The CIA annex, located about a mile away from the consulate, provided reinforcements during the attack. However, the annex itself came under siege later in the night, resulting in the deaths of two CIA contractors. ### What was the significance of the date September 11 in the context of the Benghazi attack? September 11 was chosen by Islamist militants to organize attacks as a perverse kind of celebration of the 9/11 attacks in the U.S. This made tensions high and increased the likelihood of an attack. ## Sources - [Original Into the Shadows video: The 2012 Benghazi Attack...](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=yC1eaKMuATo) - [Hero image source](https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/a/a2/250114-D-LS763-1019_%2854267120727%29.jpg) by Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff from Washington D.C, United States / openverse, by. ## Related Coverage Simon Whistler https://intotheshadows.pub/article/anti-vax-movement-even-worse-than-you-think https://intotheshadows.pub/article/anti-vax-movement-even-worse-than-you-think Sun, 28 Jun 2026 00:00:00 GMT Written by Dave Page These days it seems that as soon as an idea is proposed, no matter how much peer-reviewed scientific evidence exists to back it up, a huge group of misinformed, angry objectors will immediately form online and attempt to dispute it. Some of these groups of objectors, such as the members of The Flat Earth Society, are completely harmless and even fairly entertaining, even if it is somewhat disconcerting to discover that such people are increasing in number. More serious false claims, such as those which suggested that the Covid 19 vaccination drive was really a secret conspiracy to microchip the entire population of the world or turn everybody into 5G signal transmitters would have also been nothing more than a bit of light entertainment, were it not for the human propensity to believe almost anything we are told assuming it is presented in a clear and authoritative manner. A quick Google search will allow you to spend many hours perusing untold numbers of similar conspiracy theories, and the sad thing is, to anybody who is not satirically impaired, many of the theories that have gained significant traction online clearly started out as nothing more than a bit of tongue in cheek humour. But what happens when one of these conspiracy theories really does take off? Could it be possible for a few misguided individuals to create such a powerful campaign of fake news that it actually has a detrimental effect on the general health of the entire world? In this article we will take a look at just such a campaign. Please join us as we discover the origins, justifications, and effects of the anti-vaccination movement. ## Early Religious Opposition Although it is tempting to assume that the anti-vaccination movement is a recent development—a result of online echo chambers or celebrities so desperate for attention that they will parrot anything they hear on Twitter—there have been people speaking out against vaccinations for almost as long as vaccinations have existed. It will probably not come as a shock to most of you to learn that the most vociferous objectors were religious figures. One of the earliest documented examples of this comes from a sermon by Reverend Edmund Massey, apocalyptically titled "The Dangerous and Sinful Practice of Inoculation." In this sermon, which he delivered during 1772, he states that: > "Diseases are sent, if not for the Trial of our Faith, for the Punishment of our Sins. Bad as the World is, it would still be worse, if the Wickedness of Mankind should be so successful as to meet with no more Rebuke than it would willingly suffer." The implication being that vaccinations subvert the will of God. This viewpoint was not purely a product of the Church of England. Several other religions such as Orthodox Judaism and the Church of the Latter-Day Saints employed similar fear mongering rhetoric. ## The Vaccination Act and the Anti-Vaccination League The next big push against vaccination, in the United Kingdom at least, came after the enactment of "The Vaccination Act 1853" which, according to "navigator.health.org.uk": > "Made it compulsory for all children born after 1 August 1853 to be vaccinated against smallpox during their first 3 months of life. Parents who failed to get their children vaccinated would be subject to a fine." Whilst this law undoubtedly created a reduction in cases of smallpox, there were those who believed that forcing parents to vaccinate their children was far beyond the remit of any government and that it should be a matter of personal choice. The spreading of this belief led to the forming of "The Anti-Vaccination League", an organisation that claimed its aims were to: > "Protect the liberties of the people which were being 'invaded' by Parliament and its compulsory vaccination laws." This organisation was able to gain enough support and put enough pressure on Parliament that, in 1898, the government not only removed the previously mentioned fine but also allowed parents to choose not to vaccinate their children if they believed it to be unsafe or not beneficial. Believe it or not, this led to a sharp rise in cases of smallpox. ## The Pertussis Vaccine Scare of the 1970s Not vaccinating children against potentially deadly diseases once again became popular during the 1970s when a report, which was later debunked, listed 36 negative neurological reactions to the whole-cell pertussis vaccine. The subsequent mass reporting of this inaccurate information by the press lead to vaccination numbers dropping from 81% in 1974 to 31% in 1980. This catastrophic drop in immunisation meant that a serious outbreak of Pertussis was almost inevitable and, such an outbreak did in fact occur between 1981 and 1983. Vaccination rates were only restored after a national publication which reaffirmed the medications efficacy and benefits alongside a somewhat questionable program in which general practitioners received financial incentives to hit vaccination targets. ## The MMR Controversy Although the instances that we have discussed so far certainly caused many people to become unnecessarily unwell, none of them even come close to comparing with the manufactured controversy that still surrounds the measles, mumps, and rubella vaccination. In 1998, Dr Andrew Wakefield published a paper in the highly respected British medical journal, *The Lancet*. In this article, titled "Ileal-Lymphoid-Nodular Hyperplasia, Non-Specific Colitis, and Pervasive Developmental Disorder in Children," Wakefield promoted a supposed link between having the measles, mumps, and rubella vaccination, and developing autism. Before we go any further, it is important that we take a quick look into some of the more problematic aspects of this published paper. It is also important to clarify that nobody here at Into the Shadows is a medical professional. However, as you shall see, that particular skill set is not really necessary in this situation. First of all, the study only included 12 children. Whilst it is not entirely unusual to carry out a small-scale pilot study when building a hypothesis, in order to gain any meaningful validity for such a hypothesis, research needs to be carried out on a far larger scale. Secondly, any alleged link between the measles, mumps, and rubella vaccination and signs of autism are at best exceptionally tenuous and at worst merely coincidental. The paper, which we must remember is often cited by anti-vaccine campaigners, contains such phrases as: "He received a dose of measles, mumps, and rubella vaccine at age 4·5 years, the day after which his mother described a striking deterioration in his behaviour that she did link with the immunisation." Whilst it is understandable that a concerned parent may make a link between a recently received inoculation and the first signs of autism, a concerned parent is perhaps not the most qualified person to carry out a medical diagnosis. Furthermore, most of the children who participated in the study received their measles, mumps, and rubella inoculation at around the same time that most experts believe the early signs of autism become apparent. Even *The Lancet*, the medical journal that actually published this paper, had some concerns about its credibility. In fact, saying that they had some concerns is putting it very mildly. In the same issue that contained Wakefield's paper, another piece was published which contained the following quote: > "Vaccine safety concerns such as that reported by Wakefield and colleagues may snowball into societal tragedies when the media and the public confuse association with causality and shun immunisation. This would be tragic because passion would then conquer reason and the facts again in the UK." ## The Press Conference and Media Frenzy It is possible that Wakefield's paper may have been almost completely disregarded if it were not for the fact that, almost immediately after its release, he held a press conference in which he warned that millions of children might be at risk from the MMR vaccine. Not being in the habit of passing up an opportunity to unnecessarily terrify the public, the tabloid news jumped on this story. Over the next few weeks, headlines such as: "MMR Killed My Daughter", "MMR Fears Gain Support", and "MMR Safe? Baloney" were spread across the front pages. Several high-profile celebrities, such as American actress Jenny McCarthy, who also believed that her son's autism had been caused by the MMR vaccine, also began publicising the alleged findings and, before very long, the number of children receiving the jab had fallen dramatically. Wakefield took every available opportunity to capitalise on his newfound fame, talking to journalists, writing his own articles, and appearing on various television shows. During these appearances, he made absolutely sure to state that he was not against vaccines at all, it was only that particular vaccine, the measles, mumps, and rubella injection, that he believed to be dangerous. His message to those concerned parents, the overwhelming majority of whom had only become concerned after reading his travesty of a research paper, was that they should insist on three individual vaccines against measles, months, and rubella to ensure that their children were safe. Incidentally, although the individual injections were available, they came with a fairly substantial price tag. ## The Motive Behind the Fraud So, why would a doctor, somebody whose job it was to ensure the safety of the people in his care, actively encourage parents to avoid a free vaccination based purely on the alleged results contained within such a questionable paper? Was Wakefield simply a concerned medical professional who, whilst carrying out research, had stumbled across something which he genuinely believed could cause harm to millions of children? Or was something more sinister afoot? In order to properly answer that question, we need to introduce another person to this story. Award-winning journalist and certified legend Brian Deer. Deer had been closely following the story ever since Wakefield's paper was published and, unlike many of his journalistic colleagues, he decided to investigate some of the more serious alarm bells rather than thoughtlessly parroting every word that came out of Wakefield's mouth. What Deer discovered after a complex and lengthy investigation was truly disturbing. Not only would it completely invalidate all of the claims published in *The Lancet*, it would also uncover a much more sinister motive behind Wakefield's actions. Two years before the paper was published, and before Wakefield had even met any of the children involved, he went into business with a lawyer, Richard Barr, who hoped to bring a speculative lawsuit against the manufacturers of the measles, mumps, and rubella vaccination. In a letter discovered by Deer, which was sent to Wakefield 6 months before the original paper was published, Barr said: > "I have mentioned to you before that the prime objective is to produce unassailable evidence in court so as to convince a court that these vaccines are dangerous." Even without what happens next, this conflict of interest is absolutely staggering! Far from going into the research with, as he always claimed, a completely open mind, he designed the program in order to maximise the chances of providing the results for which he had already been paid. Unfortunately for Wakefield, given that his study was intending to find a link that did not exist, even his carefully assembled research program failed to yield the necessary results. So, he changed them. According to Deer's research, almost none of the information about the children who took part in the research was completely correct in the final paper. One parent who eventually found out about this misrepresentation wrote a letter to Wakefield, part of which says: > "If my son really is Patient 11, then the Lancet article is simply an outright fabrication." Wakefield had carried out distressing, dangerous, and unnecessary tests on 12 young vulnerable children, fabricated some of the results, and all to further line his own pockets. ## The Patent Scheme But Wakefield was far too ambitious to concentrate on one scam at a time. Remember how we told you that, during every public appearance, Wakefield assured the public that he was not against vaccinations and how he would extol the benefits of having the measles, mumps, and rubella vaccinations separately? Well, it turns out that there was a very good reason for this. Wakefield had filed a patent for a standalone measles vaccine. Obviously, should this vaccine ever be produced, it would be utterly superfluous due to the already existing, and medically proven MMR vaccine. However, should the MMR vaccine somehow become discredited, Wakefield would stand to make an incredible amount of money. ## Exposure and Disgrace Thanks almost entirely to the exceptional journalism carried out by Brian Deer, this callous charlatan was exposed. In 2006, a General Medical Council investigation was opened in order to investigate Wakefield's actions. Although Wakefield would continue to deny misconduct, the panel of judges disagreed and, on the 24th of May 2010, Andrew Wakefield was removed from the General Medical Council register and forbidden to practice medicine in the United Kingdom. Speaking to journalists after the conclusion of the hearing, Wakefield said: > "It seemed to me that they had come to this decision a long time ago, long before the evidence was fairly heard. This is the way the system deals with dissent. You isolate, discredit, and provide an example to other doctors and scientists not to get involved in this kind of thing. That is examining questions of vaccine safety." Sadly, he has been able to carve out a fairly lucrative career speaking at anti-vaccination events around the world. The people who attend these events, despite the fact that he originally claimed not to be against vaccinations, herald him as the hero that restarted the anti-vaccination movement. ## The Devastating Impact So how much damage did this appallingly selfish, money-making scheme actually cause? Well, the exact amount of damage caused is impossible to quantify but let's take a look at some of the numbers. In the year 2000, uptake rates for the MMR vaccine were 87.4%. As the Wakefield fuelled vaccination controversy spread over the next few years, uptake numbers dropped to 79.9% in 2003. This was the lowest uptake since the vaccine was widely introduced. This, in turn, led to a rise in cases of measles, a disease which it has been speculated could have been almost completely eradicated in developed countries by the time of writing. Although the absolute discreditation of Wakefield's work has led to an increase in uptake of MMR, there is still an incredible amount of work to be done in order to undo the damage. According to an article published on "contemporarypediatrics.com": > "A new Harris Interactive-Health Day poll found that 52% of Americans believe that vaccines do not cause autism." Which is certainly positive news. Unfortunately, the article goes on to say that: > "18% of Americans are certain that vaccines, such as the measles-mumps-rubella (MMR) vaccine, can cause the disorder, and another 30% are still not certain." It is worth noting that, in spite of numerous large-scale studies, no link has ever been found between any vaccination and the development of autism. Furthermore, when Wakefield himself was offered the opportunity to carry out a fully funded, larger scale research program by the hospital that employed him at that time, he would ultimately refuse. This resulted in the hospital in question, The Royal Free in London, terminating his employment, and the hospitals director, Mark Pepys, calling him a "wanker and a fraud". ## Conclusion Ultimately, it is not possible to change the mind of everybody in the anti-vaccination community. However, for anybody who is still on the fence about the matter, we invite you to take a moment and actually read Wakefield's paper which forms the basis of almost every anti-vaccination argument. As we previously mentioned, you do not need any sort of medical background to spot the deep flaws and glaring inconsistencies. Maybe, just maybe reading this document will allow a few people to see just how devoid of facts and evidence the anti-vaccination movement is. ## Key Takeaways - The anti-vaccination movement has historical roots, including religious opposition and resistance to compulsory vaccination laws. - Dr. Andrew Wakefield's fraudulent 1998 study linking the MMR vaccine to autism sparked a significant decline in vaccination rates. - Wakefield's study was debunked, revealing financial conflicts of interest and fabricated research, leading to his disbarment. - The misinformation spread by Wakefield resulted in increased measles cases and ongoing public health challenges. - Despite Wakefield's discreditation, a significant portion of the public remains uncertain about vaccine safety. ## Frequently Asked Questions ### When did the anti-vaccination movement begin? The anti-vaccination movement began almost as long as vaccinations have existed. One of the earliest documented examples is a sermon by Reverend Edmund Massey in 1772. ### What was the impact of the Vaccination Act 1853 in the UK? The Vaccination Act 1853 made it compulsory for all children born after August 1, 1853, to be vaccinated against smallpox during their first three months of life. This led to a reduction in smallpox cases but also sparked opposition, leading to the formation of the Anti-Vaccination League. ### What was the result of the Anti-Vaccination League's efforts? The Anti-Vaccination League's efforts led to the government removing fines for non-vaccination and allowing parents to choose not to vaccinate their children if they believed it was unsafe or not beneficial. This resulted in a sharp rise in smallpox cases. ### What was the impact of the 1970s report on the whole-cell pertussis vaccine? A debunked report listing 36 negative neurological reactions to the whole-cell pertussis vaccine led to a drop in vaccination rates from 81% in 1974 to 31% in 1980, resulting in a serious outbreak of Pertussis between 1981 and 1983. ### What was the content of Dr. Andrew Wakefield's 1998 paper? Dr. Andrew Wakefield's 1998 paper, published in 'The Lancet,' promoted a supposed link between the measles, mumps, and rubella (MMR) vaccination and the development of autism. The study was based on only 12 children and had significant methodological flaws. ### What was the outcome of the investigation into Dr. Andrew Wakefield's actions? An investigation by the General Medical Council found Wakefield guilty of serious professional misconduct. He was removed from the medical register in the UK and forbidden to practice medicine. ### What was the impact of Wakefield's paper on MMR vaccination rates? Wakefield's paper led to a significant drop in MMR vaccination rates, from 87.4% in 2000 to 79.9% in 2003, resulting in a rise in measles cases. ### What was the public's perception of vaccines and autism in recent years? A Harris Interactive-Health Day poll found that 52% of Americans believe that vaccines do not cause autism, but 18% are certain that vaccines can cause autism, and 30% are still uncertain. ### What was the motivation behind Wakefield's actions? Wakefield had a conflict of interest as he was in business with a lawyer planning a lawsuit against the manufacturers of the MMR vaccine. He also had a patent for a standalone measles vaccine, which would have been profitable if the MMR vaccine was discredited. ## Sources - [Original Into the Shadows video: The Anti-vax Movement is Even Worse than you Think](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=HPgnQo2_U-Q) - [Hero image source](https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/c/c7/Certificate_of_Temporary_Registration_in_the_Medical_Register_Wellcome_L0071279.jpg) by openverse, by. ## Related Coverage Simon Whistler https://intotheshadows.pub/article/antibiotic-resistance-is-way-worse-than-you-think https://intotheshadows.pub/article/antibiotic-resistance-is-way-worse-than-you-think Sun, 28 Jun 2026 00:00:00 GMT Imagine a world in which existence itself is so fragile that something as simple as a superficial wound, or a droplet of saliva expelled in a bout of cough could lead to death, sometimes swift, sometimes slow and painful. Now imagine a world in which science is so advanced that a short course of treatment could wipe out an invisible, yet deadly invasion taking hold of your body. We don't need to push our imagination too far. As a species, we have experienced both worlds. One in which harmful bacteria could invade our defenceless bodies, corrupting our bloodstream and organs. One in which a microorganism such as *yersinia pestis* could ravage three continents in the XIV century, wiping out up to half of the population of Asia, Africa and Europe. Or in which badly cleaned wounds could lead to septicaemia, claiming more casualties on the battlefield than spears, muskets, rifles and bayonets. And then we had a new world, the result of advances in pharmacology and medicine which gave us powerful antibiotic drugs, effectively stemming bacterial infections which had been the scourge of humanity for millennia. And yet, our species is currently facing a lethal challenge, a sword of Damocles hanging over our heads. The first world is at risk of making a comeback, heralded by the spectre of antibiotic resistance. ## 10 Million Lives Let's begin with some definitions. First things first: what are bacteria? Bacteria are unicellular microorganisms, they are found almost everywhere, and are vital to our planet's ecosystems. There are friendly bacteria, but there are also harmful ones. The latter kind may multiply so quickly that they overwhelm host tissues, disrupting their normal function. Or they may outright kill healthy cells, sometimes by secreting toxins. In other cases, bacteria may cause a disproportionate reaction by our own immune system, in itself harmful. Across millennia, bacterial infections have proven to be amongst humanity's deadliest foes, a scourge more widespread, exacting and cruel than war, famine or natural disasters. *Yersinia pestis*, the bug responsible for the bubonic plague pandemic, killed up to 75 million people over the span of seven years in the XIV century. *Vibrio cholerae*, endemic in areas with poor sanitation, was responsible for 40 million deaths in the XIX century alone. And then there is the worst killer of all: the *Mycobacterium* causing tuberculosis, a stubborn enemy of our species which may have claimed up to 1 billion lives to date. These are just three examples of the many deadly diseases caused by bacteria, which are believed to be the main cause of death in history up to the 1940s — when the use of antibiotic drugs became widespread. The first natural antibiotic was penicillin, discovered by Sir Alexander Fleming in 1928, a truly revolutionary achievement. The National Bureau of Economic Research estimates that the introduction of this drug immediately reduced mortality rate in penicillin-sensitive infection cases by 58%! Since the introduction of penicillin, antibiotic drugs have become the most common form of treatment against bacterial infections — alongside vaccines, of course, used for the prevention of most widespread bacterial strains. Some antibiotic drugs may act by stemming the proliferation of bacterial cells, thus containing the infection. Others, known as 'bactericidal antibiotics' kill the harmful microorganisms outright, for example by disrupting the formation of the bacterial cell wall. However, these treatments proved from an early stage that they were far from being a silver bullet. As early as 1945, in his Nobel Prize acceptance speech, Fleming himself warned about the dangers of bacterial resistance caused by an inappropriate use of penicillin. Which takes us to the next definition: what is antibiotic resistance exactly? This can be defined as a scenario in which bacteria evolve, developing resistance mechanisms against commonly used drugs, thus making infections more difficult to cure and increasing the risk of outbreaks, serious illness, and death. In other words: bacteria are living, fast-evolving micro-organisms, which over time can develop defences or immunity against the weapons we use to kill them. More precisely, these microbes, from the least worrying to the most harmful, have proven an ability to develop resistance genes, which can then easily and quickly spread around the world. In some cases, such resistance genes can be transmitted among different species of bacteria! Bacterial resistance is definitely one of the most urgent problems faced by modern medicine worldwide, but especially in developing countries in Africa and Asia. In these countries, pathogens transmitted via poorly cooked or preserved food appear to have developed a total immunity even against multi-drug treatments. Food-borne diseases are not the only worry, however, and common infections such as pneumonia, gonorrhoea, tuberculosis and septicaemia are becoming increasingly difficult to treat. Nowadays, more than 70% of all pathogenic bacteria are estimated to be resistant to at least one commercially available antibiotic. As stated by Dr David Chinemerem Nwobodo, Renaissance University, Enugu, Nigeria in a 2022 paper: > 'We are rapidly approaching a post-antibiotic era in which common infections and minor injuries can kill again unless immediate and proactive action is taken.' According to a 2019 report by the US Centres for Disease Control and Prevention, or CDC, more than 2.8 million cases of antimicrobial-resistant infections occurred in the States, which resulted in more that 35,000 deaths. The costs to the public healthcare sector are substantial, estimated at more than $4.6 billion annually. The Global situation is no less concerning. A study released by medical journal *The Lancet* in 2019, revealed that antimicrobial resistance was directly responsible for the death of 1.27 million people in that year alone, and was associated with a total of 5 million deaths. In 2021, the World Health Organisation, or WHO flagged bacterial resistance as one of the top 10 public health threats worldwide. Infections immune to antibiotics are projected to claim up to 10 million lives per year by 2050. In addition to this grim balance sheet, resistance will exact a hefty bill on the global economy. The World Bank estimates that bacterial resistance may result in $1 trillion additional healthcare costs by 2050. Furthermore, by the year 2030 it could result in GDP losses of up to $3.4 trillion per year. As is often the case with public health emergencies, low- and middle-income countries are the most affected ones. To quote again from Dr Nwobodo, this is due to, among other factors: > 'poor-drug quality, insufficient surveillance … poor-healthcare standards, malnutrition, chronic and recurring infection, and the inability to afford more effective and costly drugs' ## Resistance Against all Odds We already hinted at the reason behind this creeping catastrophe: the ability of certain bacterial species to develop resistance genes. But what exactly causes this type of resistance? The answers are manifold, and not all possible causes have been identified to this day. The first, obvious culprit, was already pinpointed by Sir Alexander Fleming in his Nobel acceptance speech: the misuse, overuse and abuse of antibiotics. Not only in humans, but also in farm animals. To clarify: bacterial populations can undergo genetic mutations which make them impervious to attacks delivered by antibiotic drugs. In other words, they develop Antibiotic Resistance Genes, or ARG. ARGs themselves were believed to derive mainly from *de novo* mutations, that is, recent mutations triggered by the presence of antibiotics themselves. While these mutations may occur, researchers such as Matthew Stracy, from Oxford University and Israel Institute of Technology, point out that: > 'Selection for existing resistant strains rather than de novo evolution is the predominant mechanism of treatment-induced emergence of resistance' Allow me to clarify this complex point. Fact is, many microorganisms possess inherent, inbuilt resistance mechanisms. These were around long before penicillin and other antibacterial agents were discovered. Known as 'primary resistance', these mechanisms emerge from a spontaneous mutation. The frequency of such spontaneous mutations is low, but once you throw an antibiotic into the mix, there is a shift in the balance of power. The antibiotic kills the majority of the non-mutated bacterial population, and now the 'mutants' have an advantage over the survivors. Thanks to their resistance genes, they can quickly proliferate and spread to other hosts. With successive generations, the once minority mutants will replace the previous strains, which were more vulnerable to drugs. On the other hand, the development of antibiotics cannot keep up with this evolutionary arms race — and we keep on throwing blunt weapons against enemies who are increasingly aggressive, skilled, elusive and well-armoured! To quote just an example: the antibiotic ciprofloxacin was licensed as a treatment against *Escherichia Coli*, among other pathogens. According to the WHO, after the licensing of this drug, *E. Coli* proved resistant in 8.4% of cases. So, more than 90% of patients were effectively treated. Not bad at all! But over time *E. Coli* has evolved into a much deadlier foe, and now it can resist ciprofloxacin in 92.9% of cases! Another worrying example involves the bacterium *Staphylococcus*, a common pathogen in both humans and animals, responsible for infections of the skin, mucosae and other soft tissues. *Staphylococcus* infections are particularly common and insidious in hospital settings, when they infest surgical wounds. Now, *Staphylococcus* was once sensitive to good old penicillin. But over time it developed resistance against natural penicillins, mainly as a result of antibiotic treatments in livestock. It makes sense that intensive farmers worldwide wish to protect their large herds of animals against infection, but overuse of penicillins in this setting caused the emergence of mutated *Staphylococcus* strains, equipped with a clever defence mechanism: the production of a protein, called PBP2a, which binds to the antibiotic molecules rendering them harmless. In the 1970s and early 1980s, penicillin-resistant strains of *Staphylococcus* first became widespread in humans, mainly in hospital settings. These prompted researchers to develop new, artificial stronger types of penicillinic drugs, able to circumvent the PBP2a defence. The weapons race is still on! In recent years, the Covid-19 pandemic has further contributed to exacerbating antibiotic resistance. Almost 7% of all Covid diagnoses were associated with a concomitant bacterial infection, leading to a higher use of antibiotics in hospitals. A higher use which, again, takes resistance one step further. Moreover, a multicentre study conducted in the US revealed that 72% of Covid patients were misdiagnosed and misprescribed antibiotics — another factor enhancing defence mechanisms amongst bacterial strains. ## Rats and Squirrels The scary part is that resistance genes can be transferred horizontally: they can break the species barrier, and jump from one type of bacterium to another. This Horizontal Gene Transfer, or HGT, can occur also between 'environmental bacteria' — such as the 'good' kind living in your gut — and the pathogenic kind. And research has shown that the transfer of genetic material can be induced by 'stressor' elements, such as, well, antibiotics! This is what happens in the not unfamiliar situation in which patients are mis-prescribed an antibiotic treatment. Maybe they are suffering from a viral infection: in that case, the drug they receive will do absolutely nothing against their virus; but it may harm the 'friendly' bacterial flora, killing off a part of it, while sparing those bacteria which are immune to the drug — setting the stage for Horizontal Gene Transfer. Let's recap this rather convoluted explanation with a metaphor. Let's pretend that your garden is home to a colony of rats, who chew on your broadband cables, steal your food and in general make your life a misery. And these rats coexist with a family of friendly squirrels, who leave hazelnuts on your windowsill and jump on your shoulder when you break into a song. You then decide to litter your garden with traps to get rid of the vermin. After initial success, a minority of rats survives. They are genetically predisposed to, well, smell a rat, and dodge your traps. These rats will proliferate, making a mockery of the now useless traps you will keep throwing at them! Now, let's pretend that the garden in question is inhabited only by friendly squirrels, but you somehow decide to litter the grounds anyway with your killing contraptions. This will enact a mass murder of the cute critters, but some of them will survive. When the rats will eventually rock up in your backyard, the surviving squirrels will transfer to the vermin their innate ability to dodge the killing machines. OK, maybe the metaphor is not entirely fitting, but I hope I made my point clear: play it easy with the traps, lest you find yourself doubly, totally screwed. So, we have identified abuse of antibiotics as the main guilty party, but it may not be the only one, as suggested by recent research. In October 2022, Doctor Xingdong Shi, at the Centre for Technology in Water and Wastewater, University of Technology, Sydney, published a chilling piece of research. Dr Shi first points out that antibiotic-resistant bacteria are rife in water reservoirs: > 'In many cases this is because human excreta are a source of both antibiotic and resistance.' Translated in trivial English: when you take a load of antibiotics, and then take a leak, your pee will eventually make it to bacteria swimming in our waters, perpetuating the cycle of resistance. Which is scary enough to begin with. But Shi's paper adds another worrying point. It appears that 'Many non-antibiotic chemicals have recently been demonstrated to promote the transfer of ARGs (Antibiotic Resistant Genes) such as metallic nanoparticles, microplastics and some other pollutants … The previous reports in observation of enhanced spread of ARGs by non-antibiotic conditions raise an intriguing and profound question about the role of contaminants other than antibiotics in spreading ARGs.' Going back to our rodent-based metaphor: according to Dr Shi, it's not only your traps that will eventually create an army of invulnerable vermin. But even the presence of incorrectly disposed trash in your yard, or even environmental pollution may spawn generations of buff, aggressive critters. ## Can We Crush the Resistance? With this disaster looming ahead, what can we do to defend ourselves against the new generations of resistant bacteria? The first, obvious answer would be to develop new drugs to throw at them! The problem, though, is that pharmaceutical research requires loads of money, the average cost of bringing one new molecule to market being $1.3 billion. This is a huge investment at a huge risk, as there is no guarantee that a new drug, however promising, proves to be efficacious and safe enough when it reaches the stage of Phase III trials. When it comes to developing antibiotics there is an added risk: a new treatment might be efficacious at first, but it may later encounter resistance! A 2021 report by the US congressional budget office states this point very clearly: > 'It is pertinent to state that the problem of antimicrobial resistance is aggravated by the lack of interest by pharmaceutical industries in new antimicrobial investment, as they view research for new antimicrobials as "low profit" and believe that resistance will develop for new antimicrobials sooner or later.' Hence, pharma companies may not be willing to invest in this field, diverting research to other therapeutic areas, such as oncology, metabolic disease and chronic ailments. The state of antibiotic research might not be so catastrophic, however. We interrogated the online database of clinical studies, ClinicalTrials.gov to assess the research pipeline in the fight against bacterial infections. As of December 2023, there are 337 Phase III studies worldwide, assessing new antibiotic treatments, all of which present promising results and may reach our hospitals and pharmacies in the near future. A further 505 trials are in Phase I and II, hinting at a quite 'healthy' pipeline. However, it could be argued that these future drugs may encounter the same fate as the current one, and eventually lose their battle of wits with mutated bacteria. So, it makes sense for researchers and governmental authorities to look for alternative solutions. One possible strategy is to increase infection control efforts within the community and hospitals, such as encouraging hand washing, immunisation with vaccines and cleaning of surfaces and medical implements. A 2019 CDC report noted that such efforts contributed to the reduction of hospital deaths due to bacterial resistance by 30%. Also in 2019, the European Union enacted legislative measures to reduce or eliminate the addition of antibiotics to livestock feed — thus stemming resistance via controls on the food chain. When it comes to innovative treatment regimens, a promising alternative is the use of bacteriophages, or phages: these are viruses which infect only bacterial cells. These phages are basically everywhere, in fact they are considered as the most numerous biological agents on earth! These friendly killer viruses can be introduced into an infected organism at low concentration. They will then proliferate, attack and infect only the bacterial cells, causing no harm to the human host — which sounds awesome! They essentially behave like an army of tiny SAS operators who infiltrate a building and surgically take out the terrorists without harming the hostages! There are a couple of snags, however. First, it appears that certain bacteria may spontaneously mutate to develop resistance to phages. Phage-resistant bacteria have been observed in up to 80% of in-vitro studies, simulating intestinal and blood infections. Potentially, though, this resistance may be overcome by the application of 'phage cocktails'. If the terrorists in question know how to fight off the SAS, you also deploy the SBS, the Delta Force and the SEALs! But I stress 'potentially'. You see, the second snag when it comes to phages is the dearth of extensive research, due to a lack of regulatory guidance standards and robust clinical trial protocols. In other words, we are yet to develop the right framework to conduct large-scale phage studies. According to a 2019 paper by biotechnologist Danitza Romero-Calle, State University of Feira de Santana, Brazil, human application of phages has been limited to small-scale series of case studies. The routine use of these therapies is currently limited to Georgia, Poland and Russia, with strictly limited use in France for patients with extreme cases of drug-resistant infections. ## Rise of the Machines Phages may be the answer of the future, but science never sleeps, seeking other alternatives. A promising and fascinating strand of research is centred around the use of machine learning, defined as the: > 'Use and development of computer systems that are able to learn and adapt without following explicit instructions, by using algorithms and statistical models to analyse and draw inferences from patterns in data.' In February 2022, the already quoted Mathew Stracy and his team at the Israel Institute of Technology published some encouraging results, based on the use of such methods. Their starting point was the discovery that antibiotic resistance was seldom caused by unpredictable, *de novo* mutations resulting directly from treatment. Instead, it derived more typically from strain or species replacement, resulting from mutations occurring naturally. They further observed that certain strains recurred in the same patient, even after several years. Therefore, they hypothesised: > 'That patients with a history of infections with strains resistant to a given antibiotic are at higher risk of gained-resistance recurrence after susceptibility-matched treatment with that antibiotic' In other words, their assumption was that the emergence of resistance in individual, specific patients, could be predicted! Next, they developed machine learning algorithms to generate a personalised antibiotic recommendation for each patient in their study, selected among those suffering from Urinary Tract Infections — UTIs — or wound infections. Then, for each recommended antibiotic drug, they trained a: > 'Logistic regression model' Which was able to predict the risk of resistance. The model was fed with patient variables such as demographics, risk factors, record of prior infections and, very importantly, previous occurrences of bacterial resistance. This last variable is key: > 'As most infections are seeded from a patient's own microbiota, these resistance-gaining recurrences can be predicted using the patient's past infection history' And now, for the results! Dr Stracy and his team chose for each patient the antibiotic with the lowest risk of emergence of resistance, as predicted by their machine learning models. The treatments selected with this method reduced the: > 'overall risk of emergence of resistance by 70% for UTIs and 74% for wound infections compared with the risk for physician-prescribed treatments' How awesome is science? ## Conclusion Antibacterial resistance is a clear and present danger, the result of an evolutionary struggle pitting *homo sapiens* against mindless single cell organisms, with an apparently unstoppable will to survive and to harm. What is worse, this public health concern is only one facet of a larger issue, antimicrobial resistance. Bacteria are not the only microscopic beings infecting our tissues: viruses, fungi, parasites and other microbes all want a place at the table inside our bodies. Where possible, modern medicine has developed efficacious vaccines and treatments against most of them, but — as is the case with bacteria — also these foes have eventually developed some levels of resistance. Are we heading to a future similar to our past, one where endemic infections exact a constant toll on our loved ones? Or where sudden, sweeping pandemic outbreaks leave cities depopulated? The risk is always there, of course. But, if we are allowed a glimmer of light, our species has progressed by leaps and bounds since the times when tuberculosis ran rampant. We have benefitted from astounding achievements in sanitation, hygiene, prevention and infection control. Recent discoveries have shown that we can enrol phage viruses and machine learning to our cause. The fight is still on, but we have good reasons to hope. ## Key Takeaways - Antibiotic resistance is a growing threat, with bacteria evolving to resist common treatments. - Misuse and overuse of antibiotics in humans and animals are primary drivers of resistance. - Resistant bacteria can spread through horizontal gene transfer, even between different species. - Innovative solutions like bacteriophages and machine learning are being explored to combat resistance. - Global efforts in infection control and regulation are crucial to mitigate the spread of resistant bacteria. ## Frequently Asked Questions ### What is antibiotic resistance? Antibiotic resistance is a scenario in which bacteria evolve, developing resistance mechanisms against commonly used drugs, thus making infections more difficult to cure and increasing the risk of outbreaks, serious illness, and death. ### How many deaths were caused by antibiotic-resistant infections in the US in 2019? In 2019, more than 2.8 million cases of antimicrobial-resistant infections occurred in the US, resulting in more than 35,000 deaths. ### What are the main causes of antibiotic resistance? The main causes of antibiotic resistance include the misuse, overuse, and abuse of antibiotics in humans and farm animals, as well as the presence of non-antibiotic chemicals that promote the transfer of antibiotic-resistant genes. ### How does antibiotic resistance develop in bacteria? Antibiotic resistance develops in bacteria through genetic mutations that make them impervious to attacks delivered by antibiotic drugs. These mutations can occur spontaneously or be triggered by the presence of antibiotics, leading to the development of antibiotic resistance genes (ARGs). ### What is the projected number of deaths due to antibiotic-resistant infections by 2050? Infections immune to antibiotics are projected to claim up to 10 million lives per year by 2050. ### What are some alternative solutions to combat antibiotic resistance? Alternative solutions to combat antibiotic resistance include increasing infection control efforts, using bacteriophages (viruses that infect only bacterial cells), and employing machine learning to predict and personalize antibiotic treatments. ### How can machine learning help in the fight against antibiotic resistance? Machine learning can help by predicting the risk of resistance emergence in individual patients based on their infection history and other variables. This allows for personalized antibiotic recommendations that reduce the overall risk of resistance. ### What is the role of bacteriophages in treating bacterial infections? Bacteriophages, or phages, are viruses that infect only bacterial cells. They can be introduced into an infected organism to proliferate and attack bacterial cells without harming the human host, potentially overcoming resistance issues. ### What are some of the economic impacts of antibiotic resistance? Antibiotic resistance is estimated to result in $1 trillion additional healthcare costs by 2050 and GDP losses of up to $3.4 trillion per year by 2030. ### What is the current state of antibiotic research and development? As of December 2023, there are 337 Phase III studies worldwide assessing new antibiotic treatments, with an additional 505 trials in Phase I and II, indicating a healthy research pipeline. ## Sources - [Original Into the Shadows video: Antibiotic Resistance is Way Worse than You Think...](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=QbkNdOdpxzs) - [https://www.mdpi.com/2079-6382/11/8/1079](https://www.mdpi.com/2079-6382/11/8/1079) - [https://www.cdc.gov/drugresistance/national-estimates.html](https://www.cdc.gov/drugresistance/national-estimates.html) - [https://www.cdc.gov/drugresistance/actions-to-fight.html](https://www.cdc.gov/drugresistance/actions-to-fight.html) - [https://www.cdc.gov/drugresistance/intl-activities/tatfar.html](https://www.cdc.gov/drugresistance/intl-activities/tatfar.html) - [https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/abs/10.1002/jcla.24655](https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/abs/10.1002/jcla.24655) - [https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S0043135422010065](https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S0043135422010065) - [https://www.science.org/doi/abs/10.1126/science.abg9868](https://www.science.org/doi/abs/10.1126/science.abg9868) - [https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S2468584423000521https://arxiv.org/abs/2307.14790](https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S2468584423000521https://arxiv.org/abs/2307.14790) - [https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC6784059/#:~:text=Compared%20to%20antibiotics%2C%20only%20a,may%20adsorb%20to%20individual%20bacteria](https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC6784059/#:~:text=Compared%20to%20antibiotics%2C%20only%20a,may%20adsorb%20to%20individual%20bacteria) - [https://academic.oup.com/clinchem/article/58/8/1182/5620739](https://academic.oup.com/clinchem/article/58/8/1182/5620739) - [https://clinicaltrials.gov/search?intr=Antibiotic%20treatment&aggFilters=docs:prot,funderType:industry,phase:3,results:with,studyType:int](https://clinicaltrials.gov/search?intr=Antibiotic%20treatment&aggFilters=docs:prot,funderType:industry,phase:3,results:with,studyType:int) - [https://www.who.int/news-room/fact-sheets/detail/antimicrobial-resistance#:~:text=A%20growing%20number%20of%20infections,medical%20costs%20and%20increased%20mortality](https://www.who.int/news-room/fact-sheets/detail/antimicrobial-resistance#:~:text=A%20growing%20number%20of%20infections,medical%20costs%20and%20increased%20mortality) - [https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC4378521/](https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC4378521/) - [https://www.who.int/health-topics/antimicrobial-resistance](https://www.who.int/health-topics/antimicrobial-resistance) - [Hero image source](https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/9/99/WF1845837_20240220_SDN_Abubaker-Garelnabei_067.jpg) by WFP/Abubaker Garelnabei / openverse, by. ## Related Coverage Simon Whistler https://intotheshadows.pub/article/bath-school-bombing-worst-attack-school-us-history https://intotheshadows.pub/article/bath-school-bombing-worst-attack-school-us-history Sun, 28 Jun 2026 00:00:00 GMT We all know Sandy Hook, Virginia Tech, and Columbine—massacres in U.S. schools or colleges. And while as horrendous as they all were, none of them can match what happened in Bath, Michigan, on May 18, 1927. It began as a normal school day—parents kissing their children goodbye, teachers preparing lessons, and students filing into classrooms. Bath was a small, quiet farming town where life moved slowly, predictably. That day, however, something would happen that would rupture that peaceful rhythm forever. It remains the deadliest school massacre in American history—a brutal and twisted tragedy orchestrated by one man, leaving devastation in its wake. In the quiet hours before dawn, Andrew Kehoe, a man who was anything but ordinary, was putting the final pieces of his deadly plan into place. This wasn't a man in a blind rage, acting impulsively. No, this was cold, calculated hatred—anger that had simmered over months, perhaps years, into something monstrous. Kehoe's wrath was directed at the very heart of his community: the Bath Consolidated School. ## Bath, Michigan Bath was small—one of those American towns where everyone knew each other. People worked hard, mostly on farms, raising livestock, harvesting crops, and building a modest life for themselves and their families. Communities like Bath were woven tight, not just because of proximity, but because they relied on each other. They shared equipment, weathered tough seasons, and celebrated the small victories of rural life together. Amidst this, the Bath Consolidated School was something new, something ambitious. Built only a few years earlier, it represented hope and progress. This school was a source of pride for Bath, a symbol that the town was investing in its children—in their future. For a city like Bath, education was a luxury and a chance to break free from farm life's gruelling, endless cycles. The school was designed to consolidate several smaller, rural schools, bringing children from miles around into one centralised building and offering them a better education. But while the school meant progress for many, it came with a literal cost. Property taxes had risen sharply to fund this new school, hitting the farmers of Bath hard, and for some, it was a burden they could hardly bear. Among them was a man named Andrew Kehoe. ## Andrew Kehoe Andrew Philip Kehoe was born in Tecumseh, Michigan, on February 1, 1872, into a family of thirteen children. After leaving home, he worked as an electrician for a period. During this time, Kehoe experienced a severe head injury after a fall, leaving him in a semi-conscious state or coma for several weeks. Once recovered, he returned to Michigan to live on his father's farm. After his mother's passing, Kehoe's father remarried Frances Wilder, a younger widow. On September 17, 1911, Frances tried to ignite the family's oil stove. The stove exploded, engulfing her in flames. Kehoe attempted to douse the fire with water, but because the flames were fueled by oil, the water only caused the fire to spread faster. Frances suffered fatal burns and passed away the following day. Some neighbours later speculated that Kehoe had intentionally caused the explosion. In 1912, aged 40, Kehoe married Ellen "Nellie" Price and in 1919, the couple moved to a farm near Bath. While Kehoe was known for being reliable and helping neighbours with odd jobs and volunteer efforts, he was also infamous for his short temper. He once shot a neighbour's dog for barking on his property and killed one of his horses after it failed to meet his expectations. He was a man people tended to keep one eye on—just in case. Kehoe wasn't just any farmer. He was meticulous; some might say obsessive. He was known around town as a man who took his work seriously. Many described him as a perfectionist with a fixation on control, an almost ruthless pursuit of order. He kept his farm in an immaculate state, often spending more time fixing machinery than actually farming. But Kehoe's life wasn't as pristine as his well-oiled machines. Financial strain was bearing down on him and the new school tax had only made things worse. Ironically, considering how it all played out, he had a hand in the institution he came to despise, which only intensified his hatred. Kehoe was a member of the school board and had played a major role in having the school approved—though he had always firmly stated his opposition to higher taxes. ## The Descent Kehoe's descent into darkness was spread over several years, and gradually, something dark and twisted took root inside him. In 1926, he lost an election for township clerk, which many agreed he took badly—a damnation of his very character and prestige. Rising taxes and mounting debt were like fuel to a fire, and by the start of 1927, he was informed that his mortgage would be foreclosed. It was a thumping final nail in the coffin for a man who prided himself on doing things well. Nellie Kehoe had also become chronically ill with what resembled tuberculosis, for which there was no effective treatment or cure at the time. Her frequent hospital stays may have contributed to the family's debt, and Kehoe completely ceased making any effort to pay his mortgage or homeowner's insurance payments. But it wasn't just about money. Kehoe's pride and sense of control were slipping away, and he couldn't stand it. He was a man who was used to precision, to things going exactly as he wanted. But now? Now, things were spiralling, and he blamed everyone but himself. People in Bath knew Kehoe wasn't exactly friendly, but no one could've guessed what was happening in his mind. He was quiet and secretive, and even those closest to him found him hard to read. Kehoe became even more withdrawn, and his interactions with neighbors were often short and tense. There were whispers about his temper and how he kept to himself, but small towns were full of rumors. No one thought much of it. To the outside world, he tried to keep up appearances, keeping his farm neat and orderly. But the debt was swallowing him whole behind closed doors, and resentment was morphing into something darker, something vicious—something almost unimaginable. As methodical as he was on his farm, he was equally careful in planning his revenge. This wasn't a man who acted on impulse. He calculated. He prepared. Thanks to his position on the board, he knew every inch of that school, every hallway, and hidden corner. A terrible plan was forming. ## The Plan in Motion In the months leading up to that fateful day, Kehoe worked slowly and quietly. He'd visit the school under the guise of "repairs," saying he was fixing wires, maintaining the furnace, and checking on things that, in his words, needed a "man's touch." No one questioned him. After all, he was a school board member, a bit odd, but still a trusted figure. But each visit had a hidden purpose; each hour spent in the school's basement was spent placing explosives, concealing wires, and ensuring everything was in place for the grand plan that only he knew of. Kehoe wasn't just setting up a single bomb—he was building a network, weaving wires, and hiding dynamite throughout the school's basement. Hundreds of pounds of explosives were carefully concealed under the floorboards where children sat, oblivious to the horror that lurked just beneath their feet. He left nothing to chance. He wired the explosives to a timer, calculating precisely when they'd detonate. This would be a calculated massacre, one designed to inflict maximum pain. After her release from the hospital on May 16, Andrew Kehoe murdered his wife, Nellie, sometime over the next two days and placed her body in a wheelbarrow at the rear of their farm's chicken coop. Her remains were found in a heavily charred condition after Kehoe set fire to their farm buildings on May 18. By dawn on May 18, 1927, everything was set. The explosives were hidden and wired, and the farm was primed to go up in flames. He drove to the school one last time, setting everything in motion before returning home to wait. ## May 18, 1927 On the morning of May 18, children made their way to the Bath Consolidated School, their laughter and chatter filling the hallways as the school day began. A few miles away, a firebomb detonated inside Kehoe's home, raining debris over a huge area. As neighbours arrived to help, they were shocked to see Kehoe driving his truck away from the shattered carcass of the house. He stopped and said, "You should all get to the school," before speeding away. At 8:45 a.m., the first explosion ripped through the Bath Consolidated School—a blast so powerful that windows shattered in houses block away, and the ground trembled. The school's south wing was instantly obliterated, reduced to splintered wood, broken glass, and twisted metal. Children and teachers were thrown from their seats, some buried under the rubble, some crushed instantly. The survivors were left disoriented, struggling to comprehend the sudden chaos, dust, and smoke filling the air. The initial shock was overwhelming, but within moments, panic set in. Parents, hearing the blast from across town, rushed toward the school, their hearts pounding with fear, desperate to reach their children. Teachers, still reeling from the explosion, scrambled to help the injured, pulling children from the wreckage, comforting the terrified, and calling for help. The scene was a nightmarish mix of blood, smoke, and broken bodies. Townspeople and anyone within earshot joined the rescue, clawing through the debris with their bare hands, desperate to find the children and staff who lay buried within. As the rescue attempts were ongoing, Andrew Kehoe arrived on the scene. He saw the panic, the grief, and the raw horror on the faces of parents, teachers, and first responders as they fought to save lives. But he wasn't done. His truck was loaded with even more explosives and metal shrapnel intended to maim and kill. A second wave of hell was about to hit. In a final, monstrous act, Kehoe triggered the explosives in his truck—reportedly after getting into a heated exchange with Superintendent Emory Huyck, who he had summoned over. The blast killed both men instantly, along with several others nearby. His final act of violence was complete—a second calculated blow designed to inflict as much suffering as possible, even in his own death. ## The Aftermath When the smoke cleared, Bath was left with a sight that no one should ever have to witness. The bodies of 38 children, aged seven to fourteen, lay among the rubble, along with six adults who had perished in the blast. Another 58 had been injured. It was an almost unbearable loss for a town as small as Bath. And yet, it could have been even worse. During the rescue and recovery efforts, searchers discovered a further 230 kg (500 pounds) of explosives beneath the South Wing of the school that had failed to go off. All were placed within six lengths of eavestrough pipe, three bamboo fishing rods, and what was described as "windmill rods" secured in the basement ceiling. Nearly every family had been touched by the tragedy—almost an entire generation of children, gone in an instant. The heart of the town had been ripped out, and in its place was a raw, aching wound. Families buried their children side by side in funerals that stretched on for days. The surviving children, many of whom had lost siblings and friends, were left badly traumatized, struggling to comprehend the horror they'd witnessed. Parents who had raced to the scene that morning, only to find the lifeless bodies of their children, were left with memories that would haunt them forever. The community was broken, shattered not just by the violence but by the knowledge that it had come from one of their own. The Bath School disaster quickly made headlines across the country, and soon, the entire nation knew of the horror that had unfolded in Michigan. There were no words to fully capture the magnitude of what had happened, no straightforward explanations to offer comfort. People wanted to understand how someone could harbour such hatred, such cold-blooded cruelty. But there were no clear answers. Andrew Kehoe had left no note, no confession, only carnage. In the days and weeks that followed, the people of Bath began the slow, painful process of rebuilding, both physically and emotionally. They cleared the school's rubble, but the scars ran far deeper than any pile of debris could show. Memorials were set up, and a new school was eventually built, but the memory of that day, the children who would never come home, lingered in every corner of the town. This was Andrew Kehoe's legacy—a legacy of loss, horror, and a town forever changed by one man's unimaginable rage. Bath, Michigan, had become an unwilling witness to the darkest depths of human anger. Some have speculated about Kehoe's mental state, wondering if he suffered from undiagnosed mental illness or personality disorders. Could his head injury from years before provide some kind of explanation? His actions—the cold, calculated nature of his plan—suggest a deeply disturbed mind. But in the 1920s, mental health was scarcely understood, much less discussed openly. We'll never know for certain what was going on in his mind, what shadows he harboured in his thoughts, or whether any intervention could have stopped him. More than 90 years later, this remains the worst attack on a school in U.S. history. In total, 45 people lost their lives at the hands of Kehoe—including his wife and a young girl who died several months later during hip surgery. A horrifying, shocking tale of what can happen when madness, murderous rage, revenge, and cold-blooded precision merge. *Olivier Guiberteau* ## Key Takeaways - The Bath School massacre in 1927 remains the deadliest school attack in U.S. history. - Andrew Kehoe meticulously planned the attack over months, hiding explosives in the school. - Kehoe's actions were driven by financial strain, personal failures, and a desire for revenge. - The explosion killed 38 children and six adults, injuring 58 more. - The community of Bath was devastated, with nearly every family affected by the tragedy. ## Frequently Asked Questions ### What was the Bath School Bombing? The Bath School Bombing was the deadliest school massacre in American history, occurring on May 18, 1927, in Bath, Michigan. It was orchestrated by Andrew Kehoe, resulting in the deaths of 38 children and six adults. ### Who was Andrew Kehoe? Andrew Philip Kehoe was a farmer and school board member in Bath, Michigan. He was known for his meticulous and obsessive nature, as well as his short temper. Kehoe orchestrated the Bath School Bombing in 1927. ### What motivated Andrew Kehoe to carry out the Bath School Bombing? Kehoe's motivations included financial strain, rising property taxes due to the new school, and a sense of losing control over his life. His resentment and hatred towards the community and the school board, of which he was a member, also played a significant role. ### How did Andrew Kehoe plan and execute the Bath School Bombing? Kehoe spent months planning the attack, using his position on the school board to place explosives throughout the school's basement. He wired the explosives to a timer and set them to detonate during the school day. He also set fire to his farm and murdered his wife before the explosions. ### What was the impact of the Bath School Bombing on the community? The bombing left the small town of Bath devastated, with nearly every family affected by the loss of children and teachers. The community struggled to rebuild both physically and emotionally, with the memory of the tragedy lingering for years. ### How many people died in the Bath School Bombing? A total of 45 people lost their lives, including 38 children aged seven to fourteen, six adults, Kehoe's wife, and a young girl who died several months later during hip surgery. ### What was the Bath Consolidated School? The Bath Consolidated School was a new, ambitious school built a few years before the bombing. It was designed to consolidate several smaller, rural schools and offer a better education to children from miles around. The school was a source of pride for Bath but also came with a significant financial burden due to increased property taxes. ### What happened to Andrew Kehoe after the first explosion at the school? After the first explosion, Kehoe arrived at the scene and triggered additional explosives in his truck, killing himself, Superintendent Emory Huyck, and several others nearby. ### Were there any unexploded bombs found after the Bath School Bombing? Yes, during the rescue and recovery efforts, searchers discovered an additional 230 kg (500 pounds) of explosives beneath the South Wing of the school that had failed to go off. ### How did the nation react to the Bath School Bombing? The Bath School disaster quickly made headlines across the country, and the nation was shocked by the horror that had unfolded in Michigan. People struggled to understand how someone could harbour such hatred and cruelty. ## Sources - [Original Into the Shadows video: The Bath School Bombing: The Worst Attack on a School in U.S History](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=0OSaqRZTOzQ) - [Hero image source](https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/3/3a/Sally_Lunn%E2%80%99s_House%2C_Bath_2025-07-22.jpg) by Andy Li / openverse, cc0. ## Related Coverage Simon Whistler https://intotheshadows.pub/article/blizzard-1888-children-trapped https://intotheshadows.pub/article/blizzard-1888-children-trapped Sun, 28 Jun 2026 00:00:00 GMT The 12th of January 1888 dawned uncharacteristically warm across the American Midwest, a stark contrast to the ferocious winter months that the residents were accustomed to. After weeks of bitter cold, that morning provided a wonderful respite as children skipped to school without their heavy winter coats, farmers took advantage of the break in the weather to attend to neglected jobs, and people across the region smiled as the warm sunshine beat down. And yet, this was but a cruel meteorological trick that would have a devastating effect. While the morning and early afternoon remained unseasonably warm, by mid-afternoon, a swift and brutal arctic front was barreling down from Canada. Within hours, the temperature plummeted, and a blinding snowstorm engulfed the plains. The sudden change caught everyone off guard, transforming the landscape into a white inferno of icy particles and fierce winds. Had children not been in school at the time and had many of them not left without their winter attire, the consequences would have been very different. By the following morning, 235 people had died across the midwest, many of them children attempting to battle through the snowstorm towards the safety of their own homes. One of the region's most devastating weather events came and went in less than 12 hours, but left an indelible mark on the area. It became known as the Schoolhouse or Children's Blizzard. ## Winter & The Midwest Harsh winters were nothing new to the residents of Nebraska, the Dakotas, Minnesota, and Iowa. This region's geography makes it particularly susceptible to diverse weather phenomena. With few natural barriers to disrupt airflow, cold arctic air from Canada can sweep down freely, smashing into the warm, moist air coming up from the Gulf of Mexico. This mix of air is a perfect recipe for severe weather, including thunderstorms, tornadoes, and blizzards. Summers can be oppressively hot, with temperatures soaring above 37 degrees celsius (100 Fahrenheit), while winters are known for their bitter cold, with temperatures that can plummet well below zero. Historically, the Great Plains have been notorious for their harsh winters. Snowstorms and blizzards are expected, with the flat, open landscape doing little to slow the development or movement of winter storms. Before the advent of advanced meteorological tools, these storms often struck without warning. The region's settlers, mainly farmers and ranchers, had to be remarkably resilient, adapting their lifestyles to cope with the unpredictable and often harsh climate. Homes needed to be built to withstand extreme weather, and communities frequently rallied together to help each other through particularly tough seasons. In the 1880s, much of Great Plains population were immigrant settlers who were relatively inexperienced with the region's climate's helter-skelter nature. Many were ill-prepared for the severity of the winters, often lacking the resources or knowledge to adequately predict and respond to severe weather events. The rapid settlement of the region, driven by the promise of fertile land and new opportunities, meant that many communities were still in the early stages of development and lacked robust infrastructure to deal with emergencies. ## Warnings While many might not have been grizzled veterans, those living on the Great Plains had seen how bad winter could be just the previous year. The winter of 1886-1887 was one of the most severe ever recorded on the Great Plains, wreaking havoc on the region's economy, environment, and the cattle industry in particular. That winter, often referred to as 'The Great Die-Up,' saw extreme cold temperatures and unusually heavy snowfall, resulting in catastrophic losses for the burgeoning cattle industry, which was then crucial to the economy of the American Midwest. The winter began with early snows in November that blanketed the plains, followed by bitter cold that persisted throughout the season. The temperatures plunged to record lows, and the snow depth made it nearly impossible for cattle to reach the sparse winter grasses. By the end of the winter, up to 90% of the open-range herds had perished in some areas. It seems unlikely that the memory of the previous winter hadn't remained clearly in most people's minds, but one year on, a tragedy was about to unfold that would go much further than the cattle industry. ## 12th January The morning's warmth seemed to promise a gentle day. Children in light jackets laughed and played on their way to school, a stark contrast to the heavy garments, frozen limbs, and cautious walks of the weeks before. Teachers opened windows to let in the fresh air, and lessons began with a cheer that only comes with a sunny day. As the morning progressed into early afternoon, there were few signs of the impending disaster. The sky remained clear, and the air was still — ominous signs that meteorologists today would recognise as precursors to a dramatic shift in weather, but that went unheeded by the 19th-century population. The change, when it came, was abrupt and fierce. By mid-afternoon, the skies darkened, and the winds shifted. The temperature plummeted dramatically within moments, catching everyone off guard. The cold front's leading edge was so sharp that within minutes, the mild air was replaced by a frigid gale, the temperatures dropping over 7 degrees Celsius (18 degrees Fahrenheit) almost instantaneously in some areas. People on the Great Plains were used to blizzards that started slowly and built up over time. This was not that kind of blizzard. It struck with immediate brutality that crashed across the region. Visibility dropped to zero as the winds whipped up the snow on the ground, mixing it with heavy snowfall. Roads and paths quickly became impassable, and the landscape turned into a bewildering maze of white. Carl Saltee, a teenage Norwegian immigrant in Fortier, Minnesota, recalled, "A dark and heavy wall built up around the northwest coming fast, coming like those heavy thunderstorms, like a shot. In a few moments, we had the severest snowstorm I ever saw in my life with a terrible hard wind, like a Hurricane, snow so thick we could not see more than three steps from the door at times." Farmers and townspeople out were also caught unprepared. Many were far from home without sufficient clothing to face the freezing temperatures. The normal routes and landscapes they knew well were quickly obscured by the blinding snow, making navigation perilous. The rapid change in weather left little chance for a safe response. School children were suddenly at risk because classroom temperatures were plummeting and few teachers had thought of bringing firewood in. Teachers faced agonising decisions; whether to send children home in hopes they could make it safely before conditions worsened or keep them in increasingly cold buildings with dwindling fuel supplies. Many chose the first option, and this decision, made with the best intentions under unforeseen circumstances, led to catastrophic outcomes. ## Painful Choice Children, some as young as six years old, now found themselves battling through snow drifts taller than they were in a desperate race to reach the safety of their homes. Many who set out for home never arrived; others suffered severe frostbite and hypothermia, resulting in life-long disabilities. The blizzard claimed the lives of at least 235 people who became disoriented while trying to find their way home. In one heartbreaking instance, the bodies of two brothers, John and Isaac Steege, were found just metres from their front door in the Dakota Territory, having succumbed to the cold only moments from safety. The tragedy was horrendous but could have been so much worse. Some of the most poignant tales of that day are those of heroic teachers across the storm-hit region. In many instances, these teachers made life-saving decisions that protected their students. Minnie Freeman, a young school teacher in Nebraska, famously led her seventeen students to safety after the powerful winds ripped off the schoolhouse roof. Using a rope, she tied all the children together and navigated through the blinding snow to a nearby farmhouse where they found refuge. Another teacher, Lois Royce, found herself trapped with three students in her schoolhouse in Plainfield, Nebraska. With the building coming apart under the storm, Royce decided to lead them to her home less than 80 metres (90 yards) from their school. Sadly, they quickly became lost, and the children died of hypothermia, with Royce losing her feet to frostbite. Etta Shattuck, a teacher in South Dakota, survived two nights in the freezing cold after getting lost trying to make her way home. She was found with severe frostbite but, somehow, still alive. Those who survived the storm spoke of ice pellets that stung their eyes or even froze them shut. With such an amount of snow falling and then being swept through the air, it was as if the sun had already set. With few noticeable physical marks on the open plains, compounded by the relentless white barrage, many staggered on, unsure whether they were even going in the right direction. One weather station recorded a high of 6 degrees Celsius (44 degrees Fahrenheit) at 2 pm that day. By 9 pm, the temperature had crashed to -23 degrees Celsius (-11 degrees Fahrenheit) and dropped to an overnight low of -41 degrees Celsius (-42 degrees Fahrenheit.) It was a miracle that anybody made it through the night outside. ## Aftermath In the days following the storm, impromptu search parties braved the still-treacherous conditions to dig out those stranded or recover the bodies of the less fortunate. In retrospect, the meteorological event for the Children's Blizzard was a classic case of rapid cyclogenesis — the development of a cyclone or storm system — which often leads to severe weather phenomena. A strong area of high pressure had settled over the region, pushing temperatures higher than usual for that time of year. Meanwhile, unbeknownst to those on the Great Plains and the rudimentary weather forecasting capabilities of the time, a powerful arctic cold front was making its way south from Canada. Today, this is the kind of weather event that would be splashed all over the news days in advance. It would be inconceivable to leave home without the required winter wear, and let's be honest, we'd probably be advised not even to go outside. Yet this was the late 19th Century, and we were still far from accurate meteorological predictions that could have saved hundreds of lives. There has also been some debate about whether the army should have sent out a cold weather warning after picking up foreboding readings in the Rocky Mountains. Even if they had, it's unclear whether this message could have been relayed to rural communities in time. It was simply a case of terrible luck. One of the major changes following the blizzard was the enhancement of weather forecasting capabilities and the dissemination of weather information. The U.S. Weather Bureau (now the National Weather Service), which was relatively new at the time, recognised the need for more accurate forecasting and timely distribution of weather warnings. Efforts were made to expand the meteorological network and improve telegraphic communications to ensure that warnings could reach even the most remote communities more quickly. Modifications were also made to construct and design schoolhouses across the Midwest. Features such as reinforced insulation, better heating systems, and emergency provisions became standard. The aim was to make school buildings safer and more comfortable during extreme weather conditions. There was a significant push to educate children and adults about emergency preparedness, including how to react during sudden storms. Schools began implementing drills and teaching survival strategies for dealing with severe weather, including keeping extra fuel, food, and blankets at school. The blizzard highlighted the isolation of many rural communities during emergencies. There was a drive to develop more robust community support systems in response. This included establishing more reliable means of transportation and communication between rural areas and larger towns or cities, which could facilitate faster emergency responses when needed. Two months later, another cataclysmic storm hit the United States. The Great Blizzard of 1888 remains one of the most devastating events in the country's history. Between 11th March and 14th March, this extraordinary storm paralysed the East Coast from the Chesapeake Bay to Maine with unprecedented snowfall, ferocious winds, and frigid temperatures, killing 400 people and causing more than $25 million ($850 million today) in damage. The blizzard brought cities like New York to a complete standstill and had profound societal impacts, leading to significant changes in urban infrastructure. The Schoolhouse Blizzard and the Great Blizzard showed how relentless and unpredictable weather patterns could be. Whether you were on the streets of New York City or the plains of Nebraska, storms were deadly and could bring terrifying chaos. ## Key Takeaways - The Schoolhouse Blizzard of 1888 struck the American Midwest, killing 235 people, many of whom were children trying to return home from school. - The blizzard began with an unseasonably warm morning, followed by a sudden, severe arctic front that caught everyone off guard. - The Great Plains' geography and lack of natural barriers make it susceptible to extreme weather, including blizzards and severe cold. - The tragedy led to improvements in weather forecasting, school safety, and emergency preparedness in the Midwest. - Teachers played heroic roles during the blizzard, with some successfully leading students to safety and others tragically losing their lives. ## Frequently Asked Questions ### What date did the Children's Blizzard of 1888 occur? The Children's Blizzard of 1888 occurred on January 12, 1888. ### How many people died during the Children's Blizzard of 1888? At least 235 people died during the Children's Blizzard of 1888. ### What caused the sudden and severe weather change during the Children's Blizzard? A swift and brutal arctic front from Canada caused the sudden and severe weather change. ### What was the temperature change during the Children's Blizzard? The temperature plummeted dramatically within moments, dropping over 7 degrees Celsius (18 degrees Fahrenheit) almost instantaneously in some areas. ### What was the impact of the Children's Blizzard on weather forecasting? The U.S. Weather Bureau recognized the need for more accurate forecasting and timely distribution of weather warnings, leading to improvements in meteorological networks and telegraphic communications. ### What changes were made to schoolhouses after the Children's Blizzard? Schoolhouses were modified to include reinforced insulation, better heating systems, and emergency provisions to make them safer during extreme weather conditions. ### What was the winter of 1886-1887 known as? The winter of 1886-1887 was known as 'The Great Die-Up,' due to the extreme cold temperatures and unusually heavy snowfall that resulted in catastrophic losses for the cattle industry. ### What was the temperature range in the Great Plains during winter? Winters in the Great Plains are known for their bitter cold, with temperatures that can plummet well below zero. ### What was the impact of the Children's Blizzard on rural communities? The blizzard highlighted the isolation of many rural communities during emergencies, leading to a drive to develop more robust community support systems and reliable means of transportation and communication. ### What was the Great Blizzard of 1888? The Great Blizzard of 1888 was a catastrophic storm that hit the East Coast of the United States from March 11th to March 14th, causing unprecedented snowfall, ferocious winds, and frigid temperatures, killing 400 people and causing significant damage. ## Sources - [Original Into the Shadows video: The Blizzard of 1888: When the Children Got Trapped](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=_LeCcWpYjjI) - [Hero image source](https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/c/c6/Windmills_in_2008_in_the_American_midwest_-a.jpg) by Emily Allen from Minneapolis, USA / openverse, by. ## Related Coverage Simon Whistler https://intotheshadows.pub/article/bosnian-genocide-europe-only-genocide-since-wwii https://intotheshadows.pub/article/bosnian-genocide-europe-only-genocide-since-wwii Sun, 28 Jun 2026 00:00:00 GMT Tragically, Europe is no stranger to genocide. From the Harrying of the North in the 11th century, in which up to 75% of the population of Northern England was either killed or displaced, to the Holocaust of the 20th century, in which up to 20 million minorities met their end at the hands of the wicked Nazi Empire. A small, ever so slight silver lining to this cloud most dark, however, is the fact that we are better than that nowadays — "never again," and all that… or so we like to tell ourselves anyway, because actually, the spectre of genocide continues to rear its wicked head over European soil even in the modern day, as exemplified by the Bosnian Genocide, which ravaged Bosnia and Herzegovina in the 1990s. It is a tragically unknown event in the modern zeitgeist, and today, we shall be doing what we can to right that wrong, by presenting to you a primer on how it played out, right from its early nascent beginnings to its brutal zenith. Oh, and fair warning before we get going… this is a heavy one. ## Background The Bosnian Genocide occurred within the wider context of the collapse of Yugoslavia, and the many wars that broke out among the former members of the Federation, which included Serbia, Bosnia, Croatia, Macedonia, Montenegro, and Slovenia. Tensions had always existed within multi-ethnic Yugoslavia, but Josip Broz Tito, who ruled as President from 1953 to 1980, had managed to by and large keep a lid on these tensions, particularly during the autumn years of his rule. But following his death, later leaders such as Lazar Koliševski, Petar Stambolić, and Raif Dizdarević completely failed to nurture any sense of 'Yugoslavian-ness' like Tito had before them, and thus, lacking any sense of collective identity, it wasn't long until the people of Yugoslavia were identifying primarily with their ethnic identities, something that naturally made a multi-ethnic federation such as Yugoslavia… 'volatile,' to say the least. And then, just to pour petrol onto a well stacked bonfire, ethno-nationalist leaders who exploited these divisions to consolidate power began to rise, with examples being Slobodan Milošević from Serbia, Franjo Tuđman from Croatia, and Radovan Karadžić from the Serbian minority within Bosnia — and remember him in particular… he'll become important later in the story. Figures such as these manipulated ethnic identities, rewrote historical narratives, and stoked fears of the "other" as they consolidated power, and as a result, when Yugoslavia finally collapsed, it wasn't exactly a clean breakup, and armed conflict commenced almost immediately, under the umbrella moniker of the 'Yugoslav Wars,' which would rage from 1991 to 2001. Within that expansive umbrella were old fashioned wars of independence such as the Slovenian War of Independence and Croatian War of Independence, which raged for 10 days in 1991, and between 1991 and 1995 respectively. Nothing too complicated here, they wanted out, Yugoslavia wanted to keep them, and so war ensued, with both prior examples winning their independence after their respective conflicts. There were also 'insurgencies' such as the 1999 to 2001 Preševo Valley Insurgency in what is now Serbia, and the 2001 Macedonian Insurgency. These were caused by the fears of various minority groups who were, for want of a better description, 'left behind' as Yugoslavia collapsed, and feared for their safety in ethnically orientated states that weren't their own. In both of those examples the minority in question were Albanians — a minority which hadn't got a nation of its own during the breakup, and understandably, didn't see why it should have to up sticks and flee to Albania proper just for a basic guarantee of safety and prosperity. This brings us to the Bosnian War, the war in which the foul events of the Bosnian Genocide occurred. It was one of the former such independence wars, and broke out following the 1992 Bosnian independence referendum, which returned a 99.71% result in the aye direction, and led to Bosnia and Herzegovina formally declaring independence on the 3rd of March 1992. Bosnian Serbs however were furious about this turn of events, and so they in turn immediately declared independence from the newly independent nation, creating the Serbian Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina under the leadership of Radovan Karadžić. They then immediately asked for aid in securing their independence from what was left of the Yugoslav Central Government, which was still dominated by Serbs, and only too happy to oblige. The war's exact start date is still contested, but it is typically given as the 6th of April 1992, the day that Bosnia and Herzegovina's independence received international recognition, and as for the genocide, that is typically agreed upon as starting on the same day, with massacres organised from both the top down and bottom up beginning almost immediately. ## The Genocide The genocide itself was made up of a plethora of individual acts and instances of Serb-perpetrated, Bosnian-targeted ethnic violence, and as a result, if we wish to get our heads around it, we are better suited to 'jump' around the story somewhat, so that you can get a general impression of the wicked violence that overtook Bosnia and Herzegovina during the genocide, rather than worrying too much about a strict 'timeline' of the violence as we otherwise might. So, with that said, let's begin with the Markale Massacres. They were two separate mortar attacks launched against the marketplace at the centre of Sarajevo's old town. The market had no strategic value, and no Bosnian military presence, and instead was full of nothing but innocent civilians simply trying to get on with some semblance of a normal life as their country burnt around them. Serbian Forces were fully aware of those facts and nonetheless targeted the market specifically — to them it was simply a handy opportunity to quickly kill a large number of Bosnians. The first attack occurred on the 5th of February 1994, and consisted of a single 120mm mortar round being fired at the market. It landed dead on a heavily crowded fruit stand, and as a result, despite being only a single round, the toll it wrought was nothing short of horrific, killing 68 outright, and wounding a further 144 — all of whom were left with permanent life-altering wounds. The second attack occurred on the 28th of August 1995, and saw five mortar rounds launched on the market. Mercifully, despite the greater intensity of the barrage, none of the rounds managed to strike a target as crowded as in the first attack, but they still killed 43 outright, and wounded a further 75. Serbian forces vehemently denied responsibility for both attacks, and even suggested that they were false flag attacks carried out by the Bosnian Government in order to drum up sympathy for their cause in order to increase the odds of NATO entering the war on their side. Needless to say, such claims have long since been debunked and proven to be complete nonsense. There was also the Tuzla Massacre. The atrocious event occurred on the 25th of May 1995, and saw the Serbs set up a battery of 130mm artillery guns outside of the town of Tuzla and proceed to hammer it with relentless fire throughout the night. Their primary target was Kapija Square, a leisure quarter popular with the city's youth, and it once again had absolutely no strategic value or military presence — and of course, yet again, the Serbian forces were perfectly aware of this fact. 71 were killed, and 240 were injured in the attack, nearly all of whom were between the ages of 18 and 25. At the time, Serbian forces claimed the attack was legitimate, as a convoy of nearby evacuating troops were ambushed by Bosnian troops in violation of an agreed withdrawal, and thus as far as they were concerned the town was a legitimate military target. This ambush did indeed happen, but their specific targeting of civilian areas in response was deemed to be a nonsense response by international observers — they were angry and wanted to vent by slaughtering civilians, and there was nothing more to it than that. Incidents such as those, tragically, represent the smaller end of the scale when it comes to attacks carried out against Bosnians. On the larger end, you have horrific incidents such as the Višegrad Massacres. They occurred during mid-1992 and saw the entire town of Višegrad emptied of Bosnians, either through murder or deportation, in what the United Nations' International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia called "one of the most comprehensive and ruthless campaigns of ethnic cleansing in the Bosnian conflict." It began on the 6th of April, when Serbian forces occupied the town following several days of fighting in the local vicinity. To formalise their control over the area, the Serbian Municipality of Višegrad was then incorporated, which centred on the town, after which the Serbian Army proper withdrew, and control was handed to Serbian police and paramilitary forces. The killing started immediately after the handover, with those aforementioned controlling forces taking their guns, spanning out, and shooting at anything Bosnian that moved. They began by roaming the streets, clearing them out as they roamed, and then moved on to a house-to-house search, where they spanned the entire length of the town, kicked open every door they found, and if Bosnians happened to be on the other side of it, they emptied their magazines and moved on. The only pause in the shooting came when Serbian Forces found a young woman, because often, they weren't killed, and instead were dragged off for wicked reasons we're sure you really don't need us to go into details on — we stress the young part as well, there was no lower age limit on who would be dragged off. Many Bosnians did attempt to flee when it became apparent what was going on, but barely any escaped — those who dallied and tried to pack possessions were found and shot before they left their homes, and those who took unfortunate turns as they fled were shot before they could escape the town. The exact numbers of survivors is unclear, but we're talking a couple of hundred, max. When the massacres finally ended in August 1992, the town which used to be 63% Bosnian and 33% Serbian, was now 100% Serbian. Events such as these give you a general 'feel' for how the Bosnian Genocide played out; brutal war was waged between the Bosnians and the Serbians, and while that played out massacres of all kinds were committed against the Bosnians — from small scale ones such as at Tuzla and Sarajevo, to larger scale systematic ethnic cleansing as at Višegrad. So, now that we have a general understanding of how the genocide played out, let's now bring this chapter to a close, and move on to deepen our understanding by zooming in further still and having a look at a single massacre in depth; the single worst one of the entire genocide, at least by numbers — the Srebrenica Massacre. ## The Srebrenica Massacre In 1992, as the war waged on, tens of thousands of Bosnians fled to the relative safety of Srebrenica. The mid-sized town faced unrelenting assault by Serbian forces, but the Bosnians were holding, at least for now, and so the town, with its reasonable infrastructure and connections to aid networks, seemed like a sensible enough place to find refuge — at least compared to remaining in outlying settlements, where at any time Serbian forces could sweep through and massacre everyone. Eventually however, as the Serbian assault eventually remoulded into a full-blown siege, the situation in the town began to deteriorate. The now 60,000 people crammed inside, many of whom were forced to find shelter in stairwells, corridors, bus shelters; anything that offered some semblance of cover from the elements, were now all but cut off from the outside world. Aid packages, which now had to go through the Serbians, were more often than not stolen for their own use. In response to what was gearing up to be a humanitarian disaster, the UN Security Council declared the town a 'safe area' and negotiated a unilateral cease fire in April 1993. A small contingent of 600 lightly armed Dutch troops were dispatched to enforce this, and a humanitarian corridor was opened out of Srebrenica to allow the evacuation of the wounded, and the delivery of desperately needed supplies. This was by no means ideal to be sure, but the situation was at least stable — the people inside could survive. This situation persevered for 23 months, until Radovan Karadžić, fuelled partly by rabid racial rage, and the realisation that the 600 lightly armed Dutch soldiers stationed there were, in real terms, powerless to stop him, snapped, and issued 'Directive 7,' which ordered the Drina Corps of his Army to, quote: > "By planned and well-thought-out combat operations, create an unbearable situation of total insecurity with no hope of further survival or life for inhabitants of Srebrenica." Said operations began on the 12th of July 1995. They quickly took control of Potočari, an outlying village to the north of Srebrenica, and then they immediately began separating the male and female inhabitants of the village. The women were loaded up onto buses and transported further back into Serbian held territory, and as for the men, they were rounded up in a building in Potočari known locally as 'the white house.' Their personal belongings were torn from them, piled up outside, and torched… "you won't be needing them any longer," the brave few who dared to ask questions were told. The following day, Srebrenica itself fell, and the separation of men and women continued. When no one else in the town could be found, 15,000 of the men and boys in their custody were formed into a lengthy column ten kilometres long, and marched off in the direction of Tuzla, which Serbian forces then held. As for those who remained, they began to be loaded up onto buses, and driven north to Bratunac, a large town a few kilometres north of Srebrenica — they were given no food or water, and those who expressed their distress over this fact were beaten mercilessly. And then, when people began arriving in Bratunac en masse, the killing started. The majority of the detained were being held at the local high school. No food was provided, and occasionally a bucket of dirty old rainwater was hurled into the rooms packed shoulder to shoulder with people. Those who needed to use a bathroom were among the first to die. They were only allowed to go if escorted by Serbian soldiers, and those soldiers, disgusted by the task, beat them with the butts of their rifles the entire way — several were also shot in fits of rage on the part of their captors, their corpses then simply being kicked into the side of the hallway to get them out of the way. From there the killing only escalated, as sporadic Bosnian prisoners began to be dragged out of the school and shot for the slightest of imagined infractions against their captors — about 50 were killed in these spontaneous ways before the intentional mass killing began, which wouldn't take long. On the afternoon of the 13th of July, prisoners began to be transferred to Kravica Warehouse, a small one-story building not too far away — either by bus or being forced to march there on foot. Come 5pm, the warehouse was rammed so tightly that many had already suffocated to death… and then the shooting started. Serbian forces had surrounded the warehouse and they all opened up in unison, dumping magazine after magazine, and belt after belt into every door and window the warehouse had — pausing only to give the soldiers the safety needed to approach a window and throw in a grenade, or dump a magazine more closely. The shooting quietened come nightfall, at which point over 1,000 innocent Bosnian men had been killed. But tragically, that was just the start. The following day prisoners began to be loaded up onto buses and taken to the school in Orahovac, another village in the surrounding area. When it was full later that day, men and boys were blindfolded and taken from the school by the truck full, driven 800 metres down the road to a nearby meadow, where they were then unloaded from the trucks and shot without hesitation. This continued for a little over two hours, at which point at least 839 men and boys had been killed, their bodies left where they fell in the meadow. Elsewhere on the 14th, other prisoners began to be taken to the school in Petkovci, which once again was filled until it was crammed shoulder to shoulder. In this instance, the Serbian soldiers chose to add greater humiliation to their barbaric routine, forcing unloaded prisoners to sing patriotic Serbian songs as they were pushed into the school, and then, when inside, a Serbian officer took to the stage that used to be used for wholesome school assemblies, and had them repeat in chorus "This is Serbian land and will always remain so" over and over again, all the while sporadic bursts of gunfire could be heard as prisoners were occasionally dragged outside and shot. Come dusk, with the officer leading the forced chorus getting bored, those prisoners who had survived until that point were slowly bused down the road to Petkovci Dam, where they were immediately shot. At least 815 men and boys were killed during this ordeal, with only two being known to have survived. The following day Vujadin Popović, Chief of Security of the Drina Corps arrived on site to see how the execution of Directive 7 was coming along, and he ordered that a new approach be taken — now the prisoners were to dig their own graves to expedite the cover up. Make no mistake however, Popović was a demon the likes of which have barely trampled European dirt before, and so his want to see bodies expediently covered was not the result of some lingering shred of humanity that tugged away at the furthest reaches of his psyche and reminded him that what he was doing was wrong, oh no, he was just a pragmatist, and was well aware that with the whole world firmly taking Bosnia's side in the war, his team likely wasn't going to emerge victorious, and thus he wanted to ensure that evidence was properly buried; as much as possible, as quickly as possible, rather than just being left out in the meadows and warehouses to be easily found. True to his order, that was exactly what was done for the next mass killing, as that afternoon, some prisoners were taken to a site adjacent to the Drina River, and after digging an enormous hole by hand, they were subsequently pushed into the hole and shot. Only to then have their remains covered by more victims, who were transported out on trucks, tipped out in the hole, and then shot while clamouring over the remains of the last victims. All in all, a further 809 victims met their end in that hole. Two more further mass killings were then carried out before the massacre came to an end, another on the 16th, in which around 1,200 were killed at the Branjevo Military Farm, and another at Pilica Cultural Centre in which around 500 were killed. All that was to be done then was to sweep the area for survivors, of which the Serbian Forces found four at Baljkovica, two near Snagovo, 39 in Bišina, and six around Trnovo by the 31st of July. All of those found were killed, no exceptions, some were killed while bound by rope, some while blindfolded, and some were humiliated on film for the soldiers' enjoyment before meeting their end — and with that, the Srebrenica Massacre was over. We ultimately have no idea how many were murdered for certain, and even the figures we presented should be taken as provisional, because new exhumations constantly reveal the remains of new victims who previously went undocumented, and so the tragic tally ticks ever upwards. As things stand however, at the time of writing, the number of known victims rests at 8,372. ## Conclusion The genocide was only stopped by the end of the Bosnian War itself, which was brought to an end by the signing of the Dayton Agreement on the 14th of December 1995 — an agreement that saw the Serbian Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina abandon its claims of independence, its forces lay down its arms, and its allies from Serbia proper (Yugoslavia having fully disintegrated in 1992) withdraw their forces back across the border. As for the final death toll, for much the same reasons as we couldn't fully commit to a number in the last chapter, we cannot commit to the one for the whole genocide, but as of the time of writing, the provisional figure stands at 33,071. Mercifully, extensive efforts have at least been made to bring the perpetrators to justice, with the UN founding the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia exclusively for that very reason. This saw Radovan Karadžić be handed a 40-year sentence in 2016, Vujadin Popović receive life imprisonment in 2010, and Novak Đukić, the lead perpetrator of the Tuzla Massacre, get 25 years in 2009 — not that any length of time behind bars can ever truly heal the wounds their actions created. Such wicked violence can never be allowed to happen again, and we can only hope that for once, when Europeans all join hands and declare "never again," that we actually mean it this time. ## Key Takeaways - The Bosnian Genocide occurred during the Bosnian War in the 1990s, following the collapse of Yugoslavia. - Ethnic tensions and nationalist leaders fueled the conflict, leading to widespread violence against Bosnians. - The genocide included systematic ethnic cleansing and massacres, such as the Srebrenica Massacre, which resulted in over 8,000 deaths. - The Dayton Agreement in 1995 ended the Bosnian War and the genocide, with efforts made to bring perpetrators to justice. - The final death toll of the Bosnian Genocide is estimated at over 33,000, with ongoing efforts to document and honor the victims. ## Frequently Asked Questions ### What was the Bosnian Genocide? The Bosnian Genocide was a series of atrocities committed against Bosniaks (Bosnian Muslims) and other non-Serbs by Bosnian Serbs, backed by the Serbian government and military, during the Bosnian War in the 1990s. ### When did the Bosnian Genocide start? The Bosnian Genocide is typically agreed upon as starting on April 6, 1992, the same day Bosnia and Herzegovina's independence received international recognition. ### What were the Markale Massacres? The Markale Massacres were two separate mortar attacks launched against the marketplace in the center of Sarajevo’s old town, killing and wounding hundreds of innocent civilians. ### What was the Srebrenica Massacre? The Srebrenica Massacre was the single worst massacre of the Bosnian Genocide, where over 8,000 Bosniak men and boys were systematically killed by Bosnian Serb forces in July 1995. ### What was Directive 7? Directive 7 was an order issued by Radovan Karadžić to the Drina Corps of his Army to create an unbearable situation of total insecurity for the inhabitants of Srebrenica, leading to the Srebrenica Massacre. ### What was the Višegrad Massacre? The Višegrad Massacres occurred during mid-1992 and saw the entire town of Višegrad emptied of Bosniaks, either through murder or deportation, in a campaign of ethnic cleansing. ### What was the Tulza Massacre? The Tulza Massacre occurred on May 25, 1995, when Serbian forces targeted Kapija Square in Tulza with artillery fire, killing 71 and injuring 240, mostly young people. ### What was the Dayton Agreement? The Dayton Agreement, signed on December 14, 1995, ended the Bosnian War and the Bosnian Genocide. It saw the Serbian Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina abandon its claims of independence and its forces lay down their arms. ### What was the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia? The International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia was founded by the UN to bring the perpetrators of the Bosnian Genocide to justice. It handed down sentences to key figures like Radovan Karadžić and Vujadin Popović. ### What was the final death toll of the Bosnian Genocide? As of the time of recording, the provisional figure for the death toll of the Bosnian Genocide stands at 33,071, though this number may increase with new exhumations. ## Sources - [Original Into the Shadows video: The Bosnian Genocide: Europe’s Only Genocide Since WWII](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=dqnfU4w23R4) - [Hero image source](https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/5/58/Irene_Shashar%2C_a_Holocaust_survivor_of_the_Warsaw_ghetto%2C_addressed_MEPs_in_a_plenary_session_in_Brussels%2C_Belgium_on_International_Holocaust_Remembrance_Day_at_the_European_Parliament_on_25_January_2024_-_3.jpg) by European Parliament / openverse, by. ## Related Coverage Simon Whistler https://intotheshadows.pub/article/britains-most-hated-man-youve-never-heard-of https://intotheshadows.pub/article/britains-most-hated-man-youve-never-heard-of Sun, 28 Jun 2026 00:00:00 GMT Britain is not a country most people associate with fascism – there was no British Hitler or Mussolini seizing power after all. And yet, in the 1930s, one ambitious aristocrat tried to do exactly that. His name was Sir Oswald Mosley, and he would become Britain's most notorious fascist. A figure both charming and eloquent, Mosley rose to fame in traditional politics, only to abandon democracy and embrace the dark allure of fascism. He then modelled himself after the dictators of Europe, preaching authoritarian rule, ultra-nationalism, and antisemitic conspiracy theories. By the eve of World War II, he had earned the dubious title of "Hitler's man in Britain," a symbol of homegrown extremism that the British people ultimately rejected. This is the story of Mosley's rise and fall – from privileged beginnings to fascist infamy – and how his fanatical movement met its end. ## Early Life Oswald Mosley was born on the 16th of November 1896 into an aristocratic family in Mayfair, London. The eldest son of a baronet, Mosley attended Winchester College and the Royal Military College at Sandhurst, where he proved an excellent fencer and boxer. He was also known for his pride and temper however, as exemplified by the fact he was expelled from Sandhurst following a violent altercation stemming from a polo match defeat. When WWI broke out, however, all was then forgiven for the then 18-year-old Mosley, as the British Army needed every able-bodied man it could get its hands on. This saw him serve as both a cavalry officer and pilot on the Western Front, before he was later invalided out in 1916 for injuries sustained during a crash. A bit of a damp squib to be sure, but it did give him a reputation as a war hero, which, along with a cheeky bit of aristocratic nepotism, he used to find his way to the House of Commons in 1918, where he served as one of Britain's youngest Members of Parliament; specifically for the constituency of Harrow – as a Conservative. There he sat for a time, being a good boy and doing what he was told by the men at the top, as back benchers are want to do, but soon enough he found himself disillusioned with the Old Guard that held the party reigns, and so he left the Conservatives and sat as an independent MP instead, before later joining up with Labour in March 1924. He didn't contest his seat however next time a vote came around, and so he left the Commons following the General Election in October of that same year. Come 1926, he was back – having won a by-election for the constituency of Smethwick. There, once again, he was an obedient little lapdog, doing whatever party leadership told him to do. This saw him in good stead for a while, with him even landing himself a junior ministerial role when Labour formed a government following the 1929 election, but in May 1930, he had enough of all that tosh, and left the Labour Party to strike it out with the man he respected and admired more than any other… himself. This saw him found the 'New Party' in March 1931, and, if nothing else, it was a peculiar blend of ideas – combining left leaning economic ideas with very strong nationalist overtones. Thanks to Mosley's ego, there was also a whole nascent cult of personality thing going on too, which, in calls which were nothing if not prophetic, contemporary observers noted as being reminiscent of an "incipient fascism." Mosley threw himself into campaigning, but the New Party failed to catch fire. He was even booted out of his seat following the October '31 election – the electorate had seen what he was trying to sell… and they weren't buying. And this, right here, could well have been the end of the story… but then Mosley went on holiday. ## Turn Towards Fascism In early 1932, Mosley travelled to Rome to meet Mussolini, and he was rather well received, to put it mildly – with the big chinned Italian fascist staging a 100,000 strong Blackshirt parade to formally welcome him. And because there was no more expedient way to Mosley's heart than a bit of ego-stroking, it then wasn't much of a mental leap for him to take the New Party's embryonic ideas, jigger them about a bit, and switch it up into full blown Fascism – and so Mosley returned from Rome a true believer. The stage was set for Britain's experiment with fascism, led by the ambitious aristocrat who had run out of patience with democracy, and he began by dissolving the New Party, and to replace it, founding the British Union of Fascists in October 1932. Like Mussolini's followers, Mosley's recruits wore military-style uniforms of black shirts, complete with armbands bearing a striking insignia – a flash of lightning inside a circle. They marched in formation and greeted their leader with stiff-armed salutes modelled on those of Italian and German fascists. All these symbols were meant to convey strength, unity, and action. Mosley wanted to look like a man of destiny leading an army of loyal warriors, not just another politician with a committee. At first, Mosley's British Fascists attracted considerable attention – and even a measure of support – from people who saw him as bold and modern. By early 1934, newspaper baron Viscount Rothermere, owner of the Daily Mail, even threw his influential weight behind Mosley, with his paper printing the now infamous "Hurrah for the Blackshirts!" headline in January of that year. Backed by such favourable press, and underpinned by Mosley's own tireless campaigning, BUF membership surged to an estimated 50,000 by mid-1934. For a moment, it seemed possible that fascism might become a significant force in British politics. Mosley certainly behaved as if he were on the cusp of great power, with the BUF holding numerous rallies and marches across the country, touting itself as a dynamic alternative to Britain's "tired" establishment. Some of these rallies were enormous spectacles too. In June 1934, for example, Mosley staged a mass meeting at Olympia Hall in London, drawing around 10,000 people to hear him speak under the banner of the flash-and-circle emblem. Similarly, in Manchester, at Belle Vue, and in London's Hyde Park, throngs of Black Shirt supporters cheered Mosley's impassioned speeches. To his followers, Mosley was positioned as Britain's strongman-in-waiting – a patriotic warrior who could rescue the nation from economic ruin and the threat of communism. He railed against the ineffectiveness of Parliament's endless talk, vowing that fascism would bring decisive action, with the BUF's propaganda declaring that Britain needed "leadership, voluntarily accepted," that would be given the power "to do what the people want done" without delay. Mosley also insisted that his movement would "restore to power the people" in a way democracy no longer did. In practice, this meant Mosley expected to be voted into office through the normal electoral process – and then use that mandate to suspend the usual checks and balances – your standard Fascist schtick, then. It's also worth noting that while Mosley wrapped himself in the Union Jack and spoke of British patriotism, his movement was deeply entwined with the fascist regimes abroad. Italy's Mussolini provided secret financial subsidies to the BUF, equivalent to about £2 million a year in today's money, and as Adolf Hitler rose to power in Germany, Mosley grew increasingly admiring of the Nazi leader; the two men shared a very similar worldview after all – and as a result, to Mosley, came the spoils, both in terms of friendship, and financial support. By 1936, Mosley's fascist credentials also became familial. You see, his first wife, Lady Cynthia, had died in 1933, and Mosley had taken up with one of the famous Mitford sisters, Diana – and she loved herself a good bit of Hitler. The pair were wed on the 6th of October 1936, at, and you couldn't make this up, the home of Nazi Propaganda Minister Joseph Goebbels in Berlin. It gets worse too, because guess who was the guest of honour at the ceremony? Yep, the man himself: Adolf. Fucking. Hitler. ## His Fascist Creed Before we get to looking at what came next for Mosley, however, let us take a moment to apply the brakes, and as we slow down, ask ourselves a crucial, but often overlooked question, that being: what did he believe? Sure, he was a fascist, that much we have already well established, but what was his particular flavour of fascism, seeing as how every nation and leader to flirt with the ideology invariably ends up putting their own localised spin on it? Well, at its core, Mosley's British Union of Fascists professed to stand for a new order that would revitalise the nation, in no small part through an economic revolution; it was the Great Depression after all, and so invariably economic considerations were the lynchpin of basically all political musings at the time. As for the specifics of the economic shakeup he yearned for, he advocated for a "corporate state" – a concept that he pinched directly from Mussolini. In this model, British industries would be reorganised into corporations representing both workers and owners, all under the supervision of the state. Parliament, as traditionally elected, would similarly be replaced by a "technical" Parliament based on occupational voting – engineers voting for an engineer, farmers for a farmer, and so on. Mosley's logic for this was simple: career politicians were idiots who sat aloft upon ivory towers, separated from the reality on the ground, and so were incapable of managing the economy effectively – and who better to steer it than the very cogs that made it operate? Class conflict would also supposedly end, as employers and trade unions would "be woven into the fabric of the Corporate State" and work together under government direction. Mosley also promised that finance and industry would no longer be at odds with the public good: banks would be "harnessed in the service of national production," and strikes or lockouts harmful to the nation would not be tolerated. In Mosley's view, this was the path to abundance and modern efficiency – with him calling the corporate state "the greatest constructive conception yet devised by the mind of man." It was a bold claim to be sure, and even in his own time, many economists were sceptical, but Mosley sold it with fervour, arguing that under fascism, Britons would finally get both strong government and social justice, with both wages and prices being set fairly by state arbitration rather than "left to the dog-fight of class war." Along a similar vein, he also called for massive public works schemes to slash unemployment, pass on useful skills, and also get the UK a few infrastructural butties for itself in the process. To implement this grand vision, Mosley made it clear that normal parliamentary democracy was inadequate. The endless debates and shifting party coalitions of Westminster were, in his eyes, a recipe for paralysis. Instead, Fascism, he said, would sweep that all away in favour of decisive action, as best summed up by his oft repeated slogan, "The will of the people is greater than the right of the minority." In practice, Mosley meant that once a fascist government was in power it should not be hamstrung by opposition critics or second-guessing. With that in mind, he vowed to "bring to an end the Party game," and the old party system entirely. Indeed, it's one of the more interesting things that comes out when you leaf through his extensive political bibliography – he was very open about the fact that under his rule, democracy would be a thing of the past, and that Parliament would be handing over its century won powers over to him, with him writing himself that: > "In the first instance Fascism seeks power by the winning of a parliamentary majority… That majority will be used to confer upon government complete power of action by order." Not that he would abolish Parliament, of course, or else what would be the point of the whole 'Technical Parliament' business. No, instead, in his Britain, Parliament would only exist to accept or reject the choices of the party; and they would totally have an absolutely real right to veto, and would in no way at all be compelled to just go along with whatever was put in front of them – trust me bro. And to the naysayers, Mosley already had an answer: "the people's own dictatorship", as he openly called it, would actually be perfectly democratic, because if it all went tits up, the government would still be able to be dismissed by the King, or by a public referendum if it failed the nation… you know, just as theoretically could be done to Mussolini's Government in Italy – and how'd that work out for them? To make his dictatorship more palatable, Mosley further stressed that it would operate "under the impartial dispensation" of Britain's historic institutions, chief among these was, naturally, the Crown – which he always claimed to be a big fan of, and respect immensely. From the start, the BUF was also rabidly anti-Communist. Mosley held communism to be a mortal threat to Britain, claiming that Marxists wanted to destroy British traditions and prosperity. Accordingly, at BUF rallies, communist hecklers were often beaten and expelled by Mosley's Blackshirt stewards, and BUF propaganda warned of a Bolshevik revolution if something wasn't done. But Mosley didn't just stop at condemning communists. Increasingly, as time went on, he fixated on another particular group that he alleged was behind communism, behind capitalism's failures, and basically every other problem Britain had, and you know exactly which group, because this is Fascism we are talking about… that's right: the Jews. Mosley's antisemitism started as a muted undertone, but soon enough grew into a central feature of his movement. In the early 1930s, for example, he occasionally echoed common anti-Jewish sentiments in elite circles – for example, suggesting that Jewish bankers in "international finance," to use his own words, had too much influence, or that Jewish communists were stirring up trouble. By 1934, however, Mosley, and with him, the BUF, had turned explicitly and aggressively anti-Jewish. It began a "militant campaign of intimidation, harassment and violence against Britain's Jewish population, particularly in London's East End", as Mosley himself put it, where tens of thousands of Jews lived. Mosley's newspapers and speakers also began pumping out conspiracy theories blaming Jews for everything from pornography in films, to pushing Britain into war with Germany. This was, as historian Nigel Copsey has noted, a "conspiratorial… anti-Semitism" – one that saw Mosley portray Jews not as racially inferior necessarily, as you would expect, say, the Nazis to, but as a secret nation within the nation that was subverting Britain from inside. By targeting Britain's Jewish Community so, Mosley was openly aligning himself ever more with Hitler's Nazism, and this was very intentional, as proven by the fact that in 1936 he rebranded the BUF as the 'British Union of Fascists and National Socialists.' Members even started referring to him as "the British Führer" – a moniker he was only too happy to roll with. By the late 1930s then, Mosley had fully revealed himself as an antisemite, authoritarian, and admirer of foreign tyrants. He had exchanged the give-and-take of democracy for the certainty of his own creed, encapsulated in the chilling motto he borrowed from Mussolini: "All within the State; none outside the State; none against the State." And, as we have already said, this didn't exactly go down well with the British public – like a cup of cold sick in fact… so how did it all go wrong for Mosley? ## Downfall It is worth beginning by noting that Mosley's political fortunes had always varied, as best exemplified by the fact that, back in June 1934, at the Olympia Rally in London, the BUF's brutal tactics had been exposed, as Mosley's stewards viciously beat anti-fascist protesters who tried to heckle him. Dozens of protesters were punched and kicked unconscious by Blackshirt squads at Olympia, and when the press reported on this orgy of violence, public opinion was shocked. As a result, the BUF's membership collapsed, going from roughly 50,000 at the start of 1934 to barely 5,000 a year later. This was also the point that Rothermere, now humiliated by his association with fascist thuggery, withdrew his support. They would bounce back from that, however, make no mistake, as a much, much more fringe group than they had been previously, admittedly, but, from membership alone, still a very real force in British politics. By mid-1936 then, Mosley appeared to be back up to strength. The self-styled leader of Britain's fascists now had thousands of Blackshirts at his command once again – and anti-fascist minded sorts Blighty-over were starting to get just a tad concerned. Fortunately, however, 1936 would also prove to be the turning point when it all started to come permanently undone for Mosley, and Britain emphatically turned its back on him, all thanks to an event that occurred on the 4th of October in East London: The Battle of Cable Street. The 'Battle' began when Mosley, revealing in his notoriety, planned to march columns of uniform Blackshirts through the titular street – which just so happened to have a rather large Jewish population, and a not insignificant Irish one too. He knew exactly what he was doing, naturally, this was an open provocation; intimidation aimed right at the heart of a Jewish community. Unfortunately for Mosley, however, the people of London too knew what they were doing, and as he and 3,000 Blackshirts approached Cable Street, they found the route blocked by at least 100 thousand protestors, among them Jewish and Irish locals, obviously, as well as trade unionists, communists, and just ordinary Londoners who had heard what Mosley was up to, and had decided they weren't having it. Manning barricades built from furniture and paving stones, the protestors chanted "They Shall Not Pass!" in unison – a slogan originally used against Franco's Fascists during the Spanish Civil War – and got ready for the inevitable confrontation. The first strikes, however, would not come from the Blackshirts, but from the Metropolitan Police, who, determined to, as they saw it, uphold order, clashed with the protestors, intent on clearing the road for the Blackshirts. This went down about as well as you would imagine with the protestors, and soon enough, sticks, fists, rocks, and even the contents of chamber pots were being thrown through the air in response – a mass brawl had broken out. Amid the chaos, many were injured, but the crowd did not yield, and ultimately, the police – fearing a full-scale riot – ordered Mosley to abandon the march to prevent further bloodshed. The fascists, their path barred by popular resistance, had to turn back. The people of East London rightly cheered in triumph: they had, quite literally, stopped Mosley in his tracks. It proved to be a humiliating defeat for him too, demonstrating that, no matter how much noise he may make, and no matter how many waifs and strays he might cram into turtlenecks, the decent, ordinary folk of that sceptred isle would not be swallowing his bitter medicine without a fight. And really, that was the last hurrah for British Fascism, as, with a solid right hook having been delivered firmly to its face, multiple other jabs would come in from all manner of other angles to knock it clean out. Weirdly, however, the one that historians often cite as being the most impactful of these successive punches was the Public Order Act of 1936, which, among other provisions, simply banned the wearing of political uniforms. It doesn't sound like a big deal, we know, but it really was – as it completely destroyed the ability of Mosley to present the BUF as a regimented, disciplined, pseudo-military force, and for the type of image he was trying to portray, that was a devastating hit. Suddenly, they were figuratively naked – and in their birthday suits they could be clearly seen as naught but a bunch of antisemitic yobbos. Later, Mosley would rebrand himself as an anti-war man, which, in fairness, did see his membership peak once again, hitting around 20,000 or so just before WWII, but by then, it was a very different BUF to that which had existed only a few years prior – being a protest party, and little else. But, in a turn which we're sure will come as a surprise to basically no one, it would be the declaration of war on the 3rd of September that would put the final nail in the coffin of the BUF, and Mosley's relevance along with it; as, with Britain now at war with his best mate, his party was outright banned in May 1940, with Mosley himself being arrested at pretty much the exact same time – he was a subversive element that simply couldn't be tolerated during such trying times. By the time he was released in late 1943, on account of ill health, he emerged to a Britain that had been united – ironically, just as he'd wanted, but united against everything he stood for. News of his release during wartime, quite understandably, provoked public outrage and even protests; such was the hatred he'd earned as a fascist in the land of the Blitz. For the remainder of the war, Mosley was kept under house arrest in the countryside, far from any spotlight – his name all but a curse word in the mouths of the very people he had purported a want to save. ## Aftermath and Legacy Despite his well earned status as a political pariah, in 1948 Mosley, ever quixotic and optimistic, attempted a comeback, not with the BUF, however, as that was obviously long dead. Instead, it was with a new party called the 'Union Movement' – which advocated for a type of pan-European nationalism that would see Western Europe, i.e. the bits not under Communist control, merged into a single entity he described with the term "Europe a Nation." The British public had no appetite for either Mosley, or his ideas, however. If you thought he was a pariah during the war, by 1948, with details about the Holocaust now freely available and well permeated, well, the degree of public hatred levied against him was at levels hitherto thought impossible. Britons of all stripes saw the pictures from liberated camps, read the accounts of survivors, and naturally extrapolated out what would have happened to their nation's 300,000 Jews had their resistance been just a tad weaker, and Mosley himself been just a tad stronger. And with his re-entry into politics having been a disaster, he spent his autumn years trying to unsuccessfully rewrite his legacy, and then died in 1980 – his attempts at revisionism a failure, and himself still every bit as hated as he ever had been. ## Key Takeaways - Oswald Mosley, a British aristocrat, attempted to establish fascism in the UK during the 1930s. - Mosley's British Union of Fascists initially gained support but faced public backlash due to violent tactics. - The Battle of Cable Street in 1936 marked a significant defeat for Mosley's fascist movement. - Mosley's antisemitic and authoritarian beliefs aligned him with Hitler and Mussolini. - Post-World War II, Mosley's attempts at a political comeback failed due to widespread public hatred. ## Frequently Asked Questions ### Who was Oswald Mosley? Oswald Mosley was a British aristocrat who attempted to establish fascism in Britain during the 1930s. He founded the British Union of Fascists and modeled himself after European dictators like Mussolini and Hitler. ### What was Mosley's early political career like? Mosley started his political career as a Conservative MP, then joined the Labour Party, and later founded the New Party, which combined left-leaning economic ideas with strong nationalist overtones. ### How did Mosley's trip to Rome influence his political views? Mosley's trip to Rome in 1932, where he met Mussolini, significantly influenced his political views. He returned to Britain a true believer in fascism and founded the British Union of Fascists. ### What were the key beliefs of Mosley's British Union of Fascists? Mosley's BUF advocated for a corporate state, where industries would be reorganized into corporations under state supervision. He also promoted strong government, social justice, and massive public works schemes to reduce unemployment. ### What role did antisemitism play in Mosley's political ideology? Antisemitism became a central feature of Mosley's movement. He blamed Jews for various problems in Britain and aligned himself with Hitler's Nazism, even rebranding the BUF as the 'British Union of Fascists and National Socialists.' ### What was the Battle of Cable Street and its significance? The Battle of Cable Street occurred on October 4, 1936, when Mosley attempted to march through East London, an area with a large Jewish population. Protesters blocked his path, leading to clashes with police. This event marked a turning point in Mosley's political fortunes and demonstrated public resistance to fascism. ### How did the Public Order Act of 1936 affect Mosley's movement? The Public Order Act of 1936 banned the wearing of political uniforms, which significantly weakened Mosley's ability to present the BUF as a disciplined, pseudo-military force. This law was a major blow to his movement. ### What happened to Mosley during World War II? During World War II, Mosley's party was banned, and he was arrested in May 1940. He was released in late 1943 due to ill health but was kept under house arrest until the end of the war. ### What was Mosley's post-war political career like? After the war, Mosley attempted a political comeback with the Union Movement, advocating for a pan-European nationalism. However, his efforts were met with public outrage and hatred due to his fascist past and the revelations about the Holocaust. ### How did the British public view Mosley by the end of his life? By the end of his life, Mosley was widely hated and seen as a political pariah. His attempts to rewrite his legacy were unsuccessful, and he remained a reviled figure in Britain. ## Sources - [Original Into the Shadows video: Britain's Most Hated Man You've Never Heard Of](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=LErplTl3UzI) - [Hero image source](https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/f/fd/Tate_Britain_-_2025-03-09.jpg) by Eden, Janine and Jim / openverse, by. ## Related Coverage Simon Whistler https://intotheshadows.pub/article/brutal-murders-shook-massachusetts https://intotheshadows.pub/article/brutal-murders-shook-massachusetts Sun, 28 Jun 2026 00:00:00 GMT ## Introduction In the winter of 1979, the Freetown State Forest outside of the city of Fall River, Massachusetts, would become the backdrop for a series of brutal murders that gripped the nation. In the span of just a few months, three young women were found dead with striking similarities: all sex workers in the city's bustling red light district; all killed in brutal ways. The cases of Doreen Levesque, Barbara Raposa, and Karen Marsden spiraled into national headlines. The ritualistic aspects of the murders, when combined with the infamous reputation of the nearby Freetown State Forest for Satanic activities, only fueled the fire. A Satanic cult. Ritual human sacrifice. A pimp who called himself the son of the Devil. If this sounds like something out of a horror movie script, it shouldn't: these cases were all too real. The official trials that would follow and lock three individuals behind bars for decades were based on these accusations. According to the official story, justice was served in at least two of these cases. The public was assured that all was well, and there was nothing to be afraid of. Could all of this be true? Was justice really served in the case of the Fall River Murders? Or was there more to this case than meets the eye? ## Background Fall River had known violence, prostitution, and drugs for decades in the lead up to the murders. This case would be different from anything that came before, though: a city that had acquiesced to gang violence and poverty had never seen brutality of this nature. From the moment that the details of these cases began to swirl around the city, the public was captivated—and word began to spread across the nation. Before delving into the details of the murders, we need to zoom out and take a higher-level view of Fall River at the tail end of the 70's and the environment in which these women lived. All three of them were prostitutes, working the streets in a small area around the Bedford Street's red light district. Once known for its factories and mills, the city at this point had become well known for its booming prostitution network. The police were overwhelmed by it all, and judges were hesitant to hand down prison sentences to the women caught up in it as the recidivism rate after release was astronomical. By the late seventies, Fall River was quite literally importing prostitution, with women travelling from surrounding cities like Providence that had stricter enforcement to work the streets. As one of the police who had worked the case would go on to say in a recent interview, "there were so many girls working the streets those days that there were traffic jams on Friday and Saturday nights." In the Bedford Street area, the man who ran the show was Carl Drew. At just 26, he had an extremely troubled upbringing that led him to get on the wrong side of law enforcement from an early age. Born into extreme poverty a state away in New Hampshire, he had a viciously abusive father who would frequently beat him in his younger years. By the time he was an early teen, he said that one day he simply "had enough," knocked his father "on his ass," and left the house for good. It wasn't long before he had gotten into trouble with law enforcement, going to jail when he was around 16 for holding up a convenience store. He was out and back on the streets shortly, though, and took a liking to Fall River's night scene. He smelled opportunity and began setting up a network of prostitution in his early twenties, developing a reputation for having a raging temper and being very prone to violence. Here enters Robin Murphy, at the time just 16 years old. While she never worked directly with Drew, they would ultimately come to operate in a similar area on Bedford Street overseeing a large number of prostitutes. If you were thinking that this 16 year old girl is someone who couldn't handle herself in an area like that, you clearly never met Murphy. She was tough as nails and spoke the same language of violence as Drew. While they never were particularly close and didn't like each other, the two of them would learn to coexist. As the seventies drew to a close, these two were on top of the underworld in the city. As with so much else in life though, all "good" things must come to an end. Just how abruptly this would go down, though, would shock them all. ## The Killings In the early morning of October 13, 1979, two joggers found the lifeless body of a teenage girl under the bleachers at Diamond Regional Vocational High School in Fall River. The scene was unlike anything they could have even imagined. Fall River, as you may have gathered by this point, was not a city where violent crime was uncommon. But when such cases did happen, they were normally muggings, hit-and-runs, and the like. The scene before these joggers that fateful morning was anything but that. The girl was unrecognizable, as her skull had been crushed in with a large blunt object. She had been bound, her clothing partially removed and sadistically tortured before death. Shocked, they scrambled to find the nearest payphone to call in their finding. Fall River police were equally stunned when they arrived on scene: none of them had ever seen a murder like this. It would take several days before investigators were able to identify her: this was the body of 17 year old Doreen Levesque, who had a poor relationship with her family and after running away had got herself caught up in the city's prostitution network. It wouldn't take long before word spread throughout the city, and people were nervous. It especially sent shockwaves through the network of sex workers in the area, who were all too familiar with violence used against them. Shortly after the discovery, a man came forward to the police named Andy Maltais, who told them that he had two friends who had knowledge of the murder. Keen on getting as much information as possible, police urged him to bring them in. Within a day, he would have two young women sitting in front of investigators: the first was Robin Murphy, who we met in the last chapter; the other was an associate of hers named Karen Marsden. The two took radically divergent approaches, though: Murphy was cool and said almost nothing, sitting back and letting Marsden do the talking. For her part, Marsden was completely terrified. She did not specify what exactly she had seen but repeatedly said that she would be killed if she said anything about it. One thing that stood out immediately: she was deeply afraid of Carl Drew, who she mentioned by name as the person who would kill her if word got out that she was talking. Marsden's insistence that her safety was in danger from Drew would come to play a crucial role in the investigation later on. For the police though, there was little they could do as she would not give any specifics or evidence about much of anything—she wouldn't even let them place her in protective custody. While all of this was unfolding, speculation began to escalate throughout the city with many linking Doreen's death to something more… demonic. The nearby Freetown State Forest had long been rumored to be the scene of an unholy trifecta of gang activity, sexual violence, and Satanic cult worship involving altars, Black Masses, and animal sacrifice. While exact details are a bit murky, it earned this reputation: just a few years prior, it had been the scene of the murder of 15 year old Mary Lou Arruda. There were also several reported cases of mutilated animal corpses turning up, as though they had been offered up as part of a Satanic Black Mass. Could Doreen's killing be related? Some thought that was a strong possibility. Within the next month, there was another disappearance of another woman working the streets in Fall River. On the night of November 7th, 1979, Barbara Raposa failed to pick up her young son from the babysitter and didn't return home to her father's place. Raposa, like Levesque, had a challenged upbringing and by this point was a 22 year old single mother with a drug addiction. Seeing little other opportunity in the city, she began using prostitution as a way of funding her lifestyle. It would take two and a half months before her body would be found, by which point both police and the city more broadly had resigned themselves to the overwhelming probability that Barbara had been killed. She loved her son with all her heart, and never would have abandoned him like that. On a brutally cold January day, hunters in that same Freetown State Forest happened upon her body partially buried in the snow. She had clearly been there for a long time, and her body had frozen in the winter cold after partially decomposing. The similarities to the murder of Doreen Levesque a few months beforehand were striking: Raposa's hands were bound, and she had been bludgeoned to death on her skull with a blunt object like a rock. This was not going to be the last of the killings, though: less than a month later, the third and final young woman in this tragic series of crimes would go missing, never to be seen from again. Karen Marsden, having long been afraid for her life given everything that was unfolding, spoke to the police one final time on February 8th, 1980. Refusing protective custody and offers to get her out of the city once again, she insisted that she wanted to go to Saint Mary's Cathedral to talk to a priest. Unable to hold her against her will, the police gave her a ride and dropped her off. Marsden would never be seen from again. The following day, her grandmother called the police to report her missing and provided a name to follow up on: Carl Drew. It would once again take weeks before any trace of Marsden turned up. When it did, it was the most horrific yet: they were only able to find pieces of her skull, traces of hair, tatters of her clothing, and a blood-stained rock. ## Fallout Piecing these murders together was going to be the challenge of these detectives' careers. As the cases continued to pile up, they knew they needed to act before yet another young woman went missing. But what did they have on these cases at this point? The first murder, Doreen Levesque, left them with the least amount to go off of. Despite being dumped at a high school, there were no witnesses to the crime. Local police sent the rock found next to her body down to Washington, D.C. to try to get fingerprints lifted off of it—but none were found. Nobody saw her get into a car the night she went missing with anyone, although people did vaguely remember seeing her working the streets that night. Interestingly, Levesque wanted nothing to do with Drew or Murphy's "protection." She was out on her own and tried to generally steer clear of their home turf. The city is not huge, though, and she was still close enough to be seen as competition. Could this have been a motive? The few leads that they did have originally were all problematic. Murphy said next to nothing when asked about it at the time. Marsden clearly knew something about it, but they couldn't get her to talk. She was afraid for her life, pointing back at Carl Drew. Raposa's death had slightly more to go off of. The same man who had brought forward Murphy and Marsden in the aftermath of Levesque's killing, Andy Maltais, would be particularly close to this case. He had been romantically involved with Raposa, and was potentially even the father of her child. They also had a volatile on again, off again relationship that was at the time of her killing very much in the "off again" phase. Maltais made himself into more of a suspect by constantly getting involved with the investigation. What might have initially been seen as a natural desire to stay informed about a loved one's fate turned into a daily routine of stopping by the police station, each time bringing new suggestions and possibility of where she might have been, or what could have happened to her. This turned him from person of interest to lead suspect one day, when he came in holding a Bible, saying he had been with Satan before, but was now with God. He claimed to have had a vision in which two angels showed him the murder of Raposa. The story he presented to the police: As he floated in the air at treetop level, he saw a man carry a woman and drop her on the ground. Maltais recognized her as Raposa. The man walked away and got an object. He returned, stood behind Raposa's head, lifted the object (a rock) over his head and struck the victim repeatedly in the face, all the while screaming at her and cursing in bad English. The victim was screaming, "Andy help me… Andy forgive me." The murderer told her, "Andy is not going to help you, anymore." Maltais said the motive for the murder was a love affair: the killer liked Raposa and she double crossed him. Andy's fate was cemented when he went with police to the murder scene. As he walked through the area, he kept telling officers that he was "getting vibes and visions," and that he was heard more than once saying things like "I think they've got me now." He would at one point abruptly stop and point to a specific tree and say, "That's where the body was." He also pointed to a spot in the ground a small distance away and said, "that's where her head was." An officer who was there when they first discovered Raposa's body confirmed that this was the specific location they found her. It should come as little surprise that Fall River police arrested him, charging him with first degree murder on February 7th, 1980. While it was looking like Raposa's case was coming to a conclusion, the same could not be said for the other two women. The only thing they had to go on at this point was Marsden, but she was not particularly cooperative and soon would disappear herself. While she did admit she knew who had killed Doreen, she never would say anything else other than that she was deathly afraid of Drew. That changed with Marsden's disappearance shortly after Maltais was arrested. Having last been seen entering Saint Mary's and without a body discovered, police had even less to go off of here than they did with Doreen's case. What they did have to go off of was the same circle of suspects as before: Robin Murphy, Carl Drew, and Andy Maltais were all associated with Marsden. After part of Marsden's skull was found in a wooded area just outside of Fall River, police were able to officially transform the investigation from that of a missing person to a full-blown murder case. They were able to up their game on several fronts, notably securing a wiretap of Robin Murphy herself. Not long after starting the wiretap, police caught Murphy confessing to Marsden's killing on a phone call to a friend. This wasn't a one-off slip of the tongue, but rather a detailed explanation of what had taken place that night from a first person perspective. Murphy was actively involved in all of it, but she wasn't alone. ## The Official Story The wiretap of Robin Murphy would blow the lid off this case and lead to both her arrest as well as the conviction of Carl Drew and Andy Maltais. Staring down at least one charge of first degree murder for the death of Karen Marsden—which, in Massachusetts, removes the eligibility for parole, effectively guaranteeing a life sentence—she quickly would work out a plea deal. In exchange for providing information about what really happened, prosecutors would reduce her charge to second degree murder—opening a future possibility to parole. She would serve many years behind bars, but she would at least have the chance to live life outside of jail again. The details that Murphy provided were beyond what anyone had thought possible. She had intimate knowledge of not just Marsden's murder, but all three of them. All of this had traced back to Carl Drew, who was far worse than anyone had realized. He was not merely a pimp with a violent tendency, but a practicing Satanist who forced the prostitutes working for him to join and partake in his ceremonies and sacrifices. You have to keep in mind that during this time, America was going through something of a Satanic Panic—a period marked by widespread fear of ritual abuse, occult activity, and alleged underground Satanic cults. Sensational media coverage and the growth of movements such as Anton LaVey's Church of Satan created a climate where even unproven accusations were accepted without scrutiny as fact. The nearby Freetown State Forest's nefarious reputation for both crime and the occult made this all too real throughout the city. While much of it was, with the benefit of hindsight, overblown, there were nevertheless those who used the rise of Satanism as a cover for nefarious acts. This was especially true in the Freetown State Forest, where criminals had acres of wooded isolation to do as they pleased. Over time, it escalated enough that the Freetown Police Department assigned Detective Lieutenant Alan Alves to focus specifically on alleged Satanic crimes in the area. Murphy's claims of further Satanic cult activity were by no means stretching the imagination of anyone at the time. Drew had become a hardcore, dedicated Satanist during his time running the streets in Fall River, pushing his followers deeper and deeper into ceremonies of initiation before they could work for him. Many of these women were in very difficult situations and had little choice but to go along. The legitimacy of his beliefs have been questioned, but prosecutors largely settled on a dual-track approach that Drew participated in Satanic rituals out of genuine belief—he allegedly went so far as to call himself the son of Lucifer—as well as enjoying the more secular impact of terrifying the daylights out of the young women he surrounded himself with. As newcomers to his organization, both Murphy and Marsden had to take part in his Satanic initiation ritual. On this night, he wasn't merely going to sacrifice an animal—he planned to up his game to sacrifice another human. Per Murphy's testimony, Doreen Levesque was killed by Carl Drew on October 13th, 1979 as an offering to the devil and as a way of "baptizing" both Robin and Karen into his cult. They both were there, and both had to watch the brutal ritual unfold. Levesque had been chosen because she was working alone, refusing the "protection" that Drew and his cult had offered. She was competition, and this was one way of keeping his share of the market uncontested. Drew was also responsible for the death of Marsden, Murphy told police and testified to in court. If Levesque's death was brutal, it paled in comparison to Marsden, whose body was dismembered and scattered throughout the area to conceal the evidence. She provided horrifying, detailed descriptions of sadistic, ritualistic acts of barbarism that were performed on the victims that shocked both prosecutors and the juries alike. Drew had miscalculated with Marsden, she told prosecutors. While he had originally intended for the sacrifice of Levesque to terrify Karen out of ever crossing him, it had accomplished its goal—just a little too well. The girl had become a nervous wreck, and was quickly becoming something nobody in that situation ever wants to be seen as: a loose end, too emotionally volatile to be trusted. By the time word had gotten back to Drew that Marsden was talking to the police, he knew what he had to do. Marsden knew too much, as she even admitted to those around her. She had to be silenced. Drew and Murphy would lure Marsden into their car, taking her deep into the Freetown State Forest. By the time that they got to their destination, things had already taken a turn for the worse: she was pulled from the car by Murphy—who, keep in mind, had a romantic relationship with Marsden at the time as well—by her hair, screaming. Murphy gave lengthy, specific accounts about how the following events went down: while the exact details are too gory to recount, everything from torture to decapitations to acts of necrophilia were involved. For her part, Murphy maintained the entire time that she was coerced into doing this by Drew out of fear for her own life. She knew what he was capable of, and she knew the consequences of crossing Drew. She was, of course, downplaying any culpability for herself in these brutal killings—but nevertheless still pleading guilty to a reduced charge of second degree murder. Then, there was Raposa's case. As it so happened, Murphy was present for that one as well. She rode in Maltais' car, sitting in the passenger seat, deep into the Freetown State Forest—which, by this point, hardly needs to be said is a pretty bad idea. Raposa and Maltais at that time were separated, which Maltais was none too happy about. The environment in the car started off bad and only got worse the deeper into the forest they got. Murphy could only hope this trip wouldn't end the way she grew afraid it would. After the car came to a stop deep in the forest with nobody around for miles, Murphy remained in the car listening to music in an attempt to drown out the noise of Maltais forcing himself on Raposa. He was intent on killing her that day, and none too soon. He would make several trips back to his trunk to take out tools for the killing. Murphy's testimony proved to be the linchpin in the prosecution's case. They would secure guilty verdicts for murder in the first degree against both Carl Drew and Andy Maltais. Both men would be sentenced to life in prison without the possibility of parole. For her testimony, the prosecution lessened the charge against Murphy to second degree murder, which she would plead guilty to. Robin Murphy, at just 18 years old by the time the trials came to an end, had quite a track record. She had risen the ranks of the street in Fall River to be on-par with the likes of pimps like Carl Drew, been at the scene of the crime to three separate murders, was deeply involved in a Satanic cult, and played star witness in multiple murder trials. After these three were sent to jail, though, questions would begin to arise around just how truthful her testimony had been. Could it be that this 18 year old had played the Fall River police, the district attorney, and the judicial system just like she had on the streets? ## Cracks Form Cracks had begun to appear in the case from the start. Something about Murphy's testimony was just not quite right—she just so happened to have been at all three murder scenes with two different killers? And managed to get away, unscathed, each time? She may have had a case in saying she had to follow Drew's orders, but why would she have ridden in a car with Maltais deep into the forest, especially given his long history of having abused her? She had also testified that during Raposa's death, she had stayed in Maltais' car listening to music, too afraid to get out and hoping the stereo would drown out the sound of what was happening just feet away. She also said that Andy had returned to the trunk on more than one occasion to get "tools" used in the killing. Cars at the time did not have inner-release buttons for the trunk—you had to physically take the key to the trunk and unlock it by inserting the key there. This meant that there were already impossibilities to Murphy's testimony, as there was only one key and by her own account it had remained in the ignition. Nevertheless, Maltais had a sordid history of sexual deviancy that made him a deeply unsympathetic character to the jury. Remember, he was accused of exploiting children as young as 11, including Murphy herself. That does not, however, automatically mean he was guilty of Raposa's murder. Could a jury have overlooked these discrepancies because of his deeply unpleasant background? Other than Murphy's testimony, there was no first-hand account of seeing Maltais at the scene. The credibility of her testimony provided in the early 80s came under intense scrutiny roughly two decades later, when she was up for her initial parole hearing. During her new testimony, she informed the judge that she had fabricated large parts of it—especially surrounding Drew. It would ultimately take years and several more iterations of recanting before her story was more or less finalized: she was not there for any of the murders. A variety of factors, including pressure from the police and the fear of being sentenced to life in prison without the possibility of parole while in her teenage years had led her to make up so many aspects of her testimony. The police had already made Drew to be a leading suspect in the death of Marsden, especially given how insistent she was that Drew could kill her. The people in Fall River and surrounding communities were terrified with a series of brutal killings back to back; was it so unlikely that the police would put some pressure on Murphy to embellish what she had seen, perhaps? As for Maltais, Murphy would go on to say in an interview for a 2021 docuseries on the case that she didn't make up that part of the story because of what he had done to her when she was young, but to prevent him from ever doing that to anyone else. Here, she would get her wish: after being convicted for Raposa's murder, Maltais would spend the remainder of his life behind bars before dying in 1998. Despite not having been there for the killing, she along with many others remains convinced that he was in fact responsible. ## Alternative Theories Okay, let's take a step back here. Murphy was undoubtedly the star witness in the conviction of both Maltais and Drew. Given that she recanted, wouldn't there have to be a retrial? And if these two weren't responsible for the killings, what could have happened to those three women all that time ago? We may never know for sure what actually happened to those three girls. The killings took place nearly a half a century ago now, and one of those accused—Andy Maltais—died years ago. Nevertheless, a number of theories have been presented as alternatives. One in particular has gained traction since a 2021 Epix docuseries investigation. However, none of them are without their own flaws. ### I. The official story is a lie. The Commonwealth of Massachusetts was in a bit of a "caught with its pants down" moment after Murphy officially recanted her testimony. Not having any DNA evidence from the scene, they had relied heavily on Murphy's account of the ordeal. Drew's repeated requests for a retrial in light of these recantations were denied by the Massachusetts Supreme Judicial Court though, which ruled that Murphy's original testimony was credible, and that her more recent declarations were unreliable. This did not meet the threshold of "new evidence." In the following years, the only other people who testified against Drew on circumstantial grounds—including a girlfriend of Drew at the time who originally testified in his court hearing that he had given her a ring belonging to Marsden—also recanted their testimony. It did not help Drew's case at all that he was served by a very under-qualified lawyer at his original trial. Unable to afford an attorney himself, he was provided a public defender—who had never tried a murder case and never would again. This enabled the prosecution to pull off quite a feat in Drew's trial for the murder of Karen Marsden: they used details of Levesque's case against him, despite never charging him for it. While a more experienced defense attorney may have been able to dismiss the details of Levesque's murder from being brought in front of a jury, Drew had no such luck here. The prosecution knew that it would be a difficult battle to convict Drew of the murder of both women. They already would have an uphill battle convicting him for Marsden's death, so they decided to exclusively charge him in her case. By doing this, they were actually able to use the insufficient evidence in Levesque's case against Drew. In all honesty, it probably would have gone better for him if they had charged him with both girls' murders. The prosecution was also accused by Murphy of pressuring her into providing this testimony against Drew. While they were within their rights to offer lesser charges in return for cooperation, Murphy now testifies that there was significant pressure placed on her not to say what she knew, but what they wanted her to know. However, given Murphy's extremely long track record of manipulation and deceit, it can be hard to figure out what is the truth and what is more lies. ### II. Maltais Did All Three The 2021 docuseries' investigation heavily hinted at the possibility that Maltais was responsible for all three of these women's deaths. Not for nothing, they have some convincing points: First, all three of these deaths occurred within a narrow time span and had striking similarities. All three women were sex workers in Fall River, all of them ultimately were killed by blunt-force trauma to their skulls, and all of them would be found with their hands bound with thin white rope. As it would turn out, Maltais just so happened to have been known to have very similar white fishing line in his car. Did two separate people really decide to go about killing people in such a brutal yet similar way, right at the same time? Unbeknownst to the prosecution at the time, Maltais had already been to jail. He was arrested in the Freetown State Forest in 1957 for picking up girls at various high schools in Fall River and bringing them there against their will. While hard to imagine today, police did miss things like this more than you may think before the internet due to a lack of centralized criminal record systems. Before her disappearance, Marsden had also apparently told her grandmother that Andy had threatened her. Knowing that he was becoming a suspect in the Raposa killing, he had told her if he was arrested for it, he believed that Karen's safety was in jeopardy. To this theory's credit, that is exactly what happened: Marsden was there when Maltais killed Levesque, which is why Maltais had to take her out once police attention was cast on him. But how could Maltais do anything to Marsden if he was arrested? Well, this is where the docuseries' smoking gun is revealed: after being arrested for the murder of Raposa, he was released on bail just hours before Marsden went missing. Given the close personal relationship Andy had had with Raposa, this was believed to have been a one-off crime of passion. However, this theory is hardly bulletproof. There is no physical evidence putting Maltais—or anyone else—at any of these crime scenes. While he had a terrible, sadistic background, these killings are distinctly not his MO. The revelations that he was raping young women all the way back in 1957, if anything, shows that he was remarkably consistent in his approach: he would lure in potential victims, gain their trust, and then strike. In over twenty years of doing this, though, he had never killed anyone. While he did have motive to kill Raposa out of passion, what about the other two women? While people can escalate, such a rapid shift is unlikely: FBI profiling research shows that sexual offenders who kill typically exhibit homicidal behavior early, rather than abruptly transitioning to it later. Furthermore, most serial offenders—including pedophiles—follow a relatively consistent modus operandi. True to this, Maltais had established his MO: he had been sexually abusing underage girls for decades by the time he was arrested when he was well into his 40s. Perhaps the largest flaw in this, though, is just how afraid Marsden was of Drew. Much of this theory rests on the premise that she had been present at the scene when Levesque was killed, which is why Maltais would target her—for having seen too much. Once he became a suspect in one of the murders, he couldn't risk losing his control over her: he had to strike while he still could, out on bail. If this was the case, then, why was Marsden so deathly afraid of Drew while discussing the situation with police? Drew invariably had a fearsome reputation for violence, but if she had just witnessed Maltais brutally torture and kill a girl, it is a bit of a stretch to think that her concern would be with anyone other than him. While this is not an exhaustive list of possibilities or alternative hypotheticals, it is at least a broad overview of what happened during and shortly following the murder of those three women. ### III. Murphy Was More Involved Being at the scene of three separate murders in the span of just a few months is one hell of a streak. In all of her original stories, she was present but either not involved or forced under threat of losing her own life to participate. Could it be that Murphy knew her original story would be hard to get past a parole board, and thus recanted her testimony? She maintains that her original testimony was made up, but it leaves a few questions if so. Remember, she was arrested after a wiretap caught her confessing to a murder in great detail to a friend. This was before the police had anything substantial on her, let alone had charged her for murder. Why would she falsely make up details assigning blame to herself for a murder of a woman she was involved with? Furthermore, if she was more involved with the murders than she cared to admit but felt remorse at falsely blaming—or, at the very least, exaggerating—Drew's role in it, this recantation could help with both. She wasn't there for any of the killings, so she should be free. She doesn't know anything about Drew killing them either, so he should be let go. ## Conclusion This case, unfortunately, leaves us with more questions than we started out with. Given how long ago these crimes took place, as well as the fact that Maltais has been dead for over two decades, we likely will never know exactly what happened to these women. Carl Drew has maintained his innocence in both cases since the day he was convicted. He has continued to petition for a retrial, only to be denied time and again. While Marsden's fear of him in the lead up to his disappearance was striking, it must be said that almost every piece of evidence—almost exclusively witness testimony—used against Drew in his original trial has collapsed. The star witness, Murphy, recanted the entirety of her testimony about him. His girlfriend at the time, Leah Johnson, has also recanted her testimony. Nevertheless, he remains behind bars today because of this same testimony. Murphy, for her part, was released on parole in 2004, but she would end up back in prison after violating its terms. Earlier this year, she was released on parole a second time. She maintains that Drew was not responsible for either of these women's deaths. Nobody has ever been charged with the murder of 17 year old Doreen Levesque. To this day, no further remains of Karen Marsden have ever been found. For all the attention paid to the case—the headlines, widely circulated confessions, the whispers of Satanic sacrifices—the reality is chillingly simple: three women are dead. Doreen Levesque. Barbara Raposa. Karen Marsden. All young. All vulnerable. All brutally murdered. Despite the convictions of both Andy Maltais and Carl Drew, there remains a real possibility that justice was never truly served for their victims. As for the families of these women, we know it wasn't: nobody was ever charged with the murder of Doreen Levesque, and Karen Marsden's body was never found. In the end, it may not have taken a cult to destroy these lives—only fear, a sensational lie, and a justice system unwilling to look back. ## Key Takeaways - Three young women were brutally murdered in Fall River, Massachusetts in 1979. - The murders were initially linked to a Satanic cult due to ritualistic aspects. - Carl Drew and Andy Maltais were convicted based on testimony from Robin Murphy. - Murphy later recanted her testimony, casting doubt on the convictions. - Alternative theories suggest Maltais may have committed all three murders. ## Frequently Asked Questions ### Who were the victims in the Fall River murders? The victims were Doreen Levesque, Barbara Raposa, and Karen Marsden. ### What were the similarities in the murders? All three victims were sex workers in Fall River, killed by blunt-force trauma to the skull, and found with their hands bound with thin white rope. ### Who were the primary suspects in the Fall River murders? The primary suspects were Carl Drew, Robin Murphy, and Andy Maltais. ### What role did Robin Murphy play in the trials? Robin Murphy was a key witness who initially testified against Carl Drew and Andy Maltais but later recanted her testimony, claiming she had fabricated parts of it. ### What was the significance of the Freetown State Forest in the case? The Freetown State Forest was notorious for its reputation of Satanic activities and was the location where two of the victims' bodies were found. ### What was the outcome of the trials for Carl Drew and Andy Maltais? Both Carl Drew and Andy Maltais were convicted of murder and sentenced to life in prison without the possibility of parole. ### What alternative theories exist regarding the Fall River murders? Alternative theories include the possibility that Andy Maltais was responsible for all three murders, that Robin Murphy was more involved than she admitted, and that the official story is a lie. ### What was the impact of Robin Murphy's recantation on the case? Robin Murphy's recantation raised doubts about the credibility of the original testimonies and led to questions about whether justice was truly served in the case. ### What was the role of the Satanic Panic in the Fall River murders case? The Satanic Panic of the time influenced public perception and the prosecution's approach, leading to sensationalized media coverage and a focus on alleged Satanic cult activities. ### What is the current status of the Fall River murders case? The case remains unsolved in many aspects, with no one ever charged with the murder of Doreen Levesque and Karen Marsden's body never fully recovered. Carl Drew continues to maintain his innocence and has been denied retrials. ## Sources - [Original Into the Shadows video: The Brutal Murders That Shook Massachusetts.](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=r-70FDL2efU) - [Hero image source](https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/9/92/Inbound_MBTA_New_Bedford_Line_train_2038_at_Church_Street_March_2025.jpg) by 4300streetcar / openverse, by. ## Related Coverage Simon Whistler https://intotheshadows.pub/article/carandiru-massacre-brazil-worst-prison-atrocity https://intotheshadows.pub/article/carandiru-massacre-brazil-worst-prison-atrocity Sun, 28 Jun 2026 00:00:00 GMT ## Carnage in the Prison On 2nd October 1992, a violent confrontation erupted within the walls of São Paulo's Carandiru Penitentiary. As tensions escalated between rival inmate factions, the situation spiralled out of control, prompting a heavily armed police force to storm the facility, culminating in one of the deadliest prison massacres in history. What happened inside Carandiru was a brutal and bloody crackdown that left 111 inmates dead and hundreds more injured. The floors of the prison were awash with blood, the air thick with the acrid smell of gunfire, and the cries of the wounded and dying echoed through the corridors. The Carandiru Massacre was a grim landmark in Brazilian history, highlighting the extreme conditions and systemic failures within the country's prison system. It exposed the harsh realities of overcrowding, violence, and human rights abuses that plagued Carandiru and other prisons across Brazil, but it was the response of the police that faced the sternest examination. ## Carandiru Penitentiary Carandiru Penitentiary, officially known as the São Paulo House of Detention, was constructed in 1920 and became operational in 1956. Initially designed to house a maximum of 3,500 inmates, it was intended to be a model institution aimed at rehabilitating prisoners through work and education programs. However, over the decades, the facility became synonymous with overcrowding, violence, and deplorable living conditions. By the early 1990s, Carandiru was severely overpopulated, with the inmate population swelling to over 8,000—more than double its intended capacity. This extreme overcrowding led to deteriorating living conditions, with prisoners crammed into tiny, unsanitary cells lacking adequate access to basic necessities such as clean water. The environment within the prison was one of constant tension and fear as rival gangs vied for control over limited resources and territory. Violence was a daily occurrence within Carandiru. Inmates were frequently subjected to brutal treatment by both guards and fellow prisoners. The lack of effective oversight and rampant corruption among the prison staff only exacerbated the situation, allowing a culture of impunity to flourish. Previous incidents of unrest and riots were not uncommon, with numerous reports of clashes between inmates and violent crackdowns by the authorities. One notable incident occurred in 1989 when a major riot broke out, resulting in several deaths and numerous injuries. Despite these warning signs, little was done to address the underlying issues of overcrowding and violence. The conditions within Carandiru continued to deteriorate, setting the stage for the catastrophic events of 2nd October 1992. Carandiru Penitentiary was a powder keg of tension and violence, exacerbated by systemic neglect and abuse. The massacre that occurred was not an isolated incident but rather the culmination of years of escalating problems within the Brazilian prison system. ## Rioting The 2nd October 1992 began like any other day at Carandiru Penitentiary. However, tensions quickly escalated in the early afternoon. A confrontation between two groups soon degenerated into a full-blown riot as more inmates joined the fray. Prison guards attempted to intervene but were quickly overwhelmed by the sheer number of rioting inmates. The guards retreated, locking the gates behind them to contain the unrest within the pavilion. Inmates, armed with makeshift weapons, took control of large sections of Pavilion 9. Fires were set, and the chaos spread rapidly. The prison's internal security measures were insufficient to manage such widespread violence, prompting the desperate call for external intervention. Given the scale of the riot and the immediate threat to lives, the authorities deemed it necessary to deploy a large, well-armed force. The Military Police, known for their aggressive tactics, were seen as the only option to restore order swiftly. Around 2:00 PM, the prison administration, unable to contain the escalating violence, requested the intervention of the São Paulo Military Police. By 3:00 PM, heavily armed police units, including elite shock troops, began to assemble outside the prison. At 4:00 PM, after brief negotiations failed, the order was given to storm the facility. The police were instructed to regain control of the prison by any means necessary, leading to bloodshed and tragedy. ## Storming the Prison Eyewitness accounts from inmates and police officers present a harrowing picture of the events that followed. Inmates recalled the terror and confusion as the riot escalated, with many seeking refuge in their cells. Survivors described the arrival of the police as a moment of dread, knowing the reputation of the military police for brutal tactics. Police officers recounted the challenges of navigating the narrow corridors filled with smoke and debris. Some officers later testified that they were under orders to use maximum force to quell the riot, while others expressed regret over the excessive violence that ensued. The police operation began with the storming of Pavilion 9. Armed with rifles, pistols, and shotguns, the police force entered the building in a tactical formation and quickly moved through the corridors, breaking down doors and subduing inmates. The initial entry was met with little organised resistance from the inmates, many of whom were unarmed or poorly armed compared to the police. The officers used tear gas and flashbangs to disorient the inmates, followed by a systematic sweep of each cell block. The strategy was to use overwhelming force to subdue any resistance swiftly. However, tactical errors compounded the chaos. The confined space of Pavilion 9 and the dense smoke from fires made communication and coordination difficult. The use of deadly force was widespread, with police firing indiscriminately into cells and common areas. Reports indicated that many inmates were shot at close range, often while attempting to surrender or hide. The lack of a clear chain of command and the intense pressure to regain control led to numerous instances of excessive force. Eyewitness accounts and subsequent investigations revealed numerous incidents of summary executions. Inmates who had surrendered or were found hiding were often shot on sight. Some were dragged from their cells and executed in the corridors. There were also reports of inmates being beaten to death with batons. One of the most disturbing aspects was the apparent lack of distinction between rioters and non-violent inmates. Many inmates, including those not involved in the riot, were subjected to the same brutal treatment. The excessive use of force by the police left a trail of blood and bodies throughout Pavilion 9. The official death toll of the Carandiru Massacre was 111 inmates, although some accounts suggest the number could be higher. Hundreds more were injured, with many sustaining life-threatening wounds. The conditions for survivors were dire, with inadequate medical care provided in the immediate aftermath. ## Aftermath In the immediate aftermath of the Carandiru Massacre, prison officials and government leaders faced intense scrutiny. The director of Carandiru Penitentiary, Dr José Ismael Pedrosa, justified the actions of the military police by claiming that the intervention was necessary to prevent further chaos and protect lives. São Paulo's Governor at the time, Luiz Antônio Fleury Filho, initially defended the police operation, emphasising the threat posed by the rioting inmates and the need to restore order. However, as details of the brutality emerged, the official narrative faced growing scepticism and condemnation. The massacre sparked outrage among the families of the victims and the general public. Relatives of the deceased inmates demanded justice and accountability, staging protests outside the prison and government buildings. The societal reaction was one of shock and horror as Brazilians grappled with the scale of the violence and the implications for human rights within the country's prison system. Public protests erupted in São Paulo and other major cities, with demonstrators calling for comprehensive prison reform and an end to police brutality. Media coverage of the Carandiru Massacre was extensive, with Brazilian and international outlets reporting on the incident. Newspapers and television networks provided graphic details and eyewitness accounts, contributing to a narrative of excessive force and human rights violations. The massacre quickly became a global story, drawing condemnation from media around the world and increasing pressure on the Brazilian government to respond. Human rights organisations were swift in their condemnation of the Carandiru Massacre. Groups such as Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch called for thorough investigations and accountability for those responsible. They highlighted the massacre as a severe violation of human rights and urged the Brazilian government to implement urgent reforms to prevent such atrocities in the future. The calls for justice from these organisations helped maintain international attention on the incident and underscored the need for systemic change within Brazil's prison system. ## Investigations The investigations into the Carandiru Massacre were fraught with challenges from the outset. Initial inquiries by the São Paulo state authorities were criticised for lacking thoroughness and transparency. Many accused the government of attempting to cover up the extent of the brutality and protect the police officers involved. The slow pace of the investigation and perceived reluctance to hold the perpetrators accountable fueled public anger and scepticism. The legal proceedings related to the massacre began years after the incident. In 2001, a formal indictment was issued against 120 military police officers involved in the operation. The trials were complex and protracted, with multiple legal battles over the admissibility of evidence and procedural issues. In 2013, a São Paulo court convicted 23 police officers for their roles in the massacre, sentencing them to lengthy prison terms. Subsequent trials in 2014 and 2016 resulted in additional convictions, with more officers receiving prison sentences. Judge Adilson Pires played a significant role in the trials related to the Carandiru Massacre. He presided over several key proceedings and thoroughly examined the cases. Judge Pires faced considerable pressure and threats but remained steadfast in his commitment to justice. His decisions were pivotal in holding the police officers accountable and underscored the judiciary's role in addressing human rights abuses. The legal responses to the Carandiru Massacre have sparked ongoing debates about justice and accountability. While the convictions of the police officers were seen as a positive step, many critics argue that the sentences were insufficient given the scale of the atrocity. There are also concerns about the broader systemic issues that allowed such violence to occur, including the conditions within Brazil's prison system and the culture of impunity surrounding police actions. These debates continue to shape discussions about prison reform, police accountability, and human rights in Brazil. ## A Lasting Legacy Carandiru Penitentiary closed in 2002 and was demolished the same year, with just one block remaining as a museum. The site has now been turned into a park where you can escape the chaos of the city. Carandiru and the immediate painful memories associated with it may have gone, but problems are still very much prevalent. As of 2024, Brazil's incarceration rate remains high, with prisons housing around 800,000 inmates in facilities designed to hold roughly half that number. This chronic overcrowding exacerbates issues of inadequate healthcare, poor sanitation, and limited access to legal representation, creating conditions that are inhumane and degrading. Violence within Brazilian prisons is still endemic. Gangs often control the internal workings of many facilities, leading to frequent riots and clashes that result in numerous deaths and injuries. The government's ability to maintain order and provide safety within these institutions is severely compromised. High-profile prison riots in recent years have highlighted the lack of effective control, with some facilities becoming war zones where the state's authority is virtually non-existent. Roughly 17,000 inmates have died in the Brazilian prison system in the last ten years. But many of these deaths are directly linked to the authorities. Military police were implicated in the July 1997 killing of eight prisoners in João Pessoa, Paraíba; the December 1997 murders of seven escaped prisoners near Fortaleza, Ceará; and the February 1998 killings of at least six escaped prisoners in Natal, Rio Grande do Norte. The general apathy towards the abuse occurring within Brazilian prisons is deeply rooted in societal and political attitudes. There is a pervasive belief among segments of the population that prisoners, having broken the law, deserve harsh treatment. This punitive mindset is reflected in the policies and rhetoric of many politicians, who often prioritise tough-on-crime approaches over meaningful prison reform. Media coverage tends to focus on sensational aspects of prison violence, further desensitising the public to the everyday suffering endured by inmates. The Carandiru Massacre was a horror on an unimaginable scale, and while nothing even close to it has occurred in the two decades since, many, if not all, of the causes behind it, are still very much in place. These institutions, horribly overcrowded and filled with thousands of prisoners with little hope, some of which are seriously violent criminals, are often ticking time bombs. ## Key Takeaways - The Carandiru Massacre in 1992 resulted in 111 inmate deaths and hundreds injured, highlighting systemic failures in Brazil's prison system. - Carandiru Penitentiary was severely overcrowded, with over 8,000 inmates in a facility designed for 3,500, leading to constant violence and tension. - The military police's response to the riot was brutally excessive, with widespread use of deadly force and summary executions. - Investigations into the massacre were criticized for lack of thoroughness, and legal proceedings took years, with convictions occurring in the 2010s. - Brazil's prisons remain overcrowded and violent, with systemic issues persisting despite the closure of Carandiru Penitentiary. ## Frequently Asked Questions ### What was the Carandiru Massacre? The Carandiru Massacre was a violent confrontation that occurred on 2nd October 1992 within São Paulo's Carandiru Penitentiary, resulting in the deaths of 111 inmates and injuries to hundreds more. ### What were the conditions like at Carandiru Penitentiary before the massacre? By the early 1990s, Carandiru was severely overpopulated with over 8,000 inmates, more than double its intended capacity of 3,500. This led to deteriorating living conditions, constant tension, and frequent violence. ### What triggered the riot at Carandiru Penitentiary on 2nd October 1992? The riot began with a confrontation between two groups of inmates that quickly escalated into a full-blown riot, with inmates taking control of large sections of Pavilion 9 and setting fires. ### How did the police respond to the riot at Carandiru Penitentiary? The Military Police were called in to restore order. They stormed the facility around 4:00 PM, using overwhelming force, including rifles, pistols, shotguns, tear gas, and flashbangs, resulting in widespread bloodshed. ### What was the official death toll of the Carandiru Massacre? The official death toll was 111 inmates, although some accounts suggest the number could be higher. ### What was the public and international reaction to the Carandiru Massacre? The massacre sparked outrage among the families of the victims and the general public, leading to protests and calls for prison reform. Human rights organisations and international media condemned the brutality and called for accountability. ### What were the outcomes of the investigations into the Carandiru Massacre? In 2013, a São Paulo court convicted 23 police officers for their roles in the massacre, with additional convictions in subsequent trials in 2014 and 2016. ### What happened to Carandiru Penitentiary after the massacre? Carandiru Penitentiary was closed and demolished in 2002. The site was turned into a park, with one block remaining as a museum. ### What are the current conditions in Brazilian prisons as of 2024? As of 2024, Brazil's prisons remain severely overcrowded, with around 800,000 inmates in facilities designed for roughly half that number. Violence is endemic, and the government's ability to maintain order is compromised. ### What is the societal and political attitude towards prison reform in Brazil? There is a pervasive belief among segments of the population that prisoners deserve harsh treatment, reflected in tough-on-crime policies and media coverage that desensitises the public to the suffering of inmates. ## Sources - [Original Into the Shadows video: The Carandiru Massacre: Brazil's Worst Prison Atrocity](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=BQSjZhcYgRY) - [Hero image source](https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/3/33/Ato_em_lembran%C3%A7a_aos_111_mortos_no_massacre_do_Carandiru.jpg) by Rovena Rosa/Agência Brasil / openverse, by. ## Related Coverage Simon Whistler https://intotheshadows.pub/article/child-marriage-western-countries-more-common-than-youd-think https://intotheshadows.pub/article/child-marriage-western-countries-more-common-than-youd-think Sun, 28 Jun 2026 00:00:00 GMT When we hear the words "child marriage," most of us picture remote, far-off places—isolated villages in countries struggling with poverty or conflict. It's easy to assume that child marriage is a problem that exists "somewhere else," far away from the safety and progress of Western nations, but the reality is much closer to home. Child marriage—a practice where individuals under the age of 18 are legally permitted to marry—also happens in the world's wealthiest and most progressive countries. While most people think it's outlawed or only a historical relic, the truth is it's still legal in many places, sometimes happening quietly, with little attention from the media or society at large. This is not an easy topic to discuss, but that makes it so important. Child marriage impacts thousands of children every year in the West, most of whom are girls, and many of whom find themselves trapped in marriages they didn't want but legally can't escape. ## Child Marriage Before we dive into where and how child marriage happens in the West, let's take a step back and clarify what we're talking about. Child marriage, as defined by international human rights organizations, typically refers to any formal or informal marriage where at least one of the parties is under the age of 18. Now, that might sound simple, right? No marriage under 18. But here's where things get complicated. In many countries, including the U.S., Canada, and parts of Europe, minors are allowed to marry under certain circumstances. We're talking about legal loopholes—things like parental consent, judicial approval, or even pregnancy exceptions—that create pathways for minors to get married, even when they're not legally considered adults. For example, in the U.S., most states set 18 as the minimum age for marriage, but almost every state has exceptions that allow younger children to marry. Parental consent is one of the most significant loopholes. And sure, that might sound reasonable at first—what's wrong with parents giving permission? But in practice, it's often a different story. These exceptions are sometimes used when the child is being coerced, or pressured by family or cultural expectations. And it's not just the U.S. In Canada, minors as young as 16 can get married with parental consent in several provinces. And in the UK, until very recently, children could marry at 16 with parental consent, too. So while we often think of the West as having strong child protection laws, when it comes to marriage, these loopholes still exist. They allow child marriage to happen in ways that are legal but are often far from just or fair for the young people involved. So, how widespread is this issue? Let's start with the United States. ## Child Marriage in the United States Between 2000 and 2018, roughly 300,000 minors were legally married in the United States. Yes, you heard that right—three hundred thousand children. Most were girls, some as young as 12 or 13, marrying partners often much older. In many states, laws allow minors to marry if they have parental consent or a judge's approval. And some states go even further, allowing exceptions for reasons like pregnancy. These exceptions mean that, in some places, a child as young as 14—or even younger—could end up in a legally binding marriage. Three states – California, New Mexico, and Oklahoma – do not specify any minimum age, and in Mississippi, a judge can waive minimum age requirements. Take Kentucky, for example. Until 2018, the state had one of the highest rates of child marriage in the country. The law allowed minors as young as 16 to marry with parental consent. But if a girl was pregnant, she could marry even younger, with a judge's approval. Kentucky eventually passed a law in 2018 raising the minimum age to 17, but it was a long time coming. During the years before the reform, countless minors were married in a legal framework that allowed parents and judges to decide for them, often with life-changing consequences. Then there's the case of Florida, where a woman named Sherry Johnson became an outspoken advocate for changing child marriage laws. Sherry's story is heartbreaking. She was only 11 years old when she was forced to marry an adult after becoming pregnant. Like many girls in similar situations, Sherry's life was shaped by a decision that wasn't hers. For years, she fought to get out of that marriage and, later, to change the laws that allowed it to happen. Thanks to her efforts and the support of many others, Florida passed a law in 2018 raising the marriage age to 17. However, exceptions still exist, allowing 17-year-olds to marry under certain conditions. So, while progress has been made, there's still more to be done. And let's not forget New York. Until 2021, minors as young as 14 could marry with judicial approval. Fourteen—an age when most teenagers are just starting high school, yet they could be legally bound in marriage. After significant pressure from advocacy groups and activists, New York finally raised the marriage age to 18, with no exceptions. So why does this happen? It often comes down to a combination of tradition, cultural norms, and legal loopholes that haven't been fully addressed. In some communities, there's pressure for young girls to marry early, especially if they become pregnant. In others, it's seen as a way to preserve family honour or maintain social expectations. ## Child Marriage in Canada and Europe Canada, often regarded as a flag wave of human rights and progressive values, might seem like an unlikely place for child marriage. But the truth is, child marriage is still possible there, too, thanks to certain legal exceptions. In Canada, minors as young as 16 can marry with parental consent in several provinces. This means that while the legal age of marriage is set at 18 in most places, exceptions exist. So, a 16-year-old can legally marry as long as their parents approve. It's a loophole that many people aren't even aware of, but it opens the door for young people to enter into marriages they might not fully understand or want. According to 2019 research findings of an assistant professor at McGill University, between 2000 and 2018, the Canadian government granted marriage certificates to approximately 3,687 children. Many minors in these situations lack the resources or autonomy to say no, and once they're married, they often find it extremely difficult to leave. While Canada has made strides in protecting minors, these legal exceptions still exist, creating opportunities for child marriage to continue in pockets of the country. It's an issue that doesn't get much attention, but it's one that continues to affect vulnerable young people. Until 2022, it was legal for 16- and 17-year-olds to marry with parental consent in the United Kingdom. This law allowed child marriage to happen under the radar, often involving minors from more traditional or conservative communities. Many of these young people found themselves married off with little say in the matter, often under family pressure. After years of advocacy, the UK government finally passed a law in 2022 raising the legal marriage age to 18, with no exceptions. It was a significant victory for activists who had been pushing for this change for years. The stories of girls being married off at 16, often sent abroad or forced into marriages they didn't want, had reached a breaking point. This legal reform was a step in the right direction, but it came after years of struggle. In the decade up to 2016, some 3,300 marriages in England and Wales involved children, the majority of which were girls. In other European countries, where child marriage, while technically illegal under national law, has been a challenge within certain communities. In some cases, child marriages take place unofficially, driven by cultural traditions or religious beliefs. While these marriages aren't always recognized legally, they can still significantly impact the young people involved. In Germany, for example, the government has had to grapple with how to address child marriages that occurred before families arrived in the country, particularly among refugee populations. These marriages, while not legal under German law, create difficult situations where young people—usually girls—are already in marriages and have few legal rights or protections. The authorities have been working to address these cases sensitively, balancing respect for cultural differences with the need to protect minors. ## The Consequences of Child Marriage It's easy to think of child marriage as a legal issue or a technicality, but behind every statistic is a person—usually a young girl—whose life is being dramatically altered. One of the most immediate impacts of child marriage is education loss. Many minors who get married are pulled out of school, whether because of family pressure or because their new responsibilities make it difficult to continue attending classes. When a child is forced to drop out of school, they lose more than just their education. They lose the opportunity for economic independence, the ability to build a career, and a chance at a future free from poverty. Research shows that girls who marry early are far less likely to finish their education, which leaves them economically vulnerable for the rest of their lives. Then there are the health risks. Marrying young often leads to early pregnancies, and pregnancy during adolescence carries serious health risks for both the mother and the baby. Adolescent mothers are more likely to suffer complications during childbirth, and their babies are more likely to experience poor health outcomes. In countries where child marriage is more prevalent, maternal mortality rates are significantly higher among girls who give birth before their bodies are fully developed. But the consequences don't stop at education and health. Emotional and psychological impacts can last a lifetime. Many of these marriages involve significant power imbalances, with the minor often being in a weaker position than their much older spouse. This can lead to feelings of isolation, anxiety, and depression, as well as emotional and, in some cases, physical harm. The pressure to conform to the role of a spouse at such a young age can lead to long-lasting psychological scars. And then there's social isolation. Many girls who marry young find themselves cut off from their peers, friends, and even family. They may be expected to move in with their spouse's family, where they have little support and even less freedom. Without a strong social network, they often feel trapped and powerless, with few resources to help them escape a marriage they didn't choose. The emotional toll of child marriage is devastating. These children are thrust into adult roles before they're ready, often without understanding the full scope of what's happening to them. The damage—psychologically, emotionally, and socially—can last a lifetime. While some young people eventually find a way out of these marriages, the scars remain. Many survivors describe a sense of lost childhood, of missed opportunities, and of emotional trauma that lingers long after the marriage ends. ## Why Does It Still Happen? So the crux of it all comes down to why child marriage still happens in modern, developed countries. You'd think that in places with robust legal systems and protections for minors, child marriage would be a thing of the past. But the reality is far more complex. One of the primary reasons child marriage persists is cultural and traditional norms. In some communities, particularly conservative or religious ones, there is pressure for young girls to marry early. Marriage is seen as a way to secure a family's honour, protect girls from perceived societal dangers, or ensure their economic stability. These cultural pressures can be overwhelming, especially for minors who lack the autonomy to resist their families' expectations. In many cases, the parents believe they are doing what's best for their child, but the result is often far more damaging. This is where the discussion gets very tricky. On the one hand, liberalised nations are striving to protect minors in every way they can, but sometimes this comes up against cultural and religious traditions, which nations are typically doing everything they can to respect. The two dogmas sometimes come into conflict, and many countries haven't quite developed a way of addressing it. Nations don't want to be labelled as xenophobic or racist, so often apply loose blanket laws that cover the issue, but leave plenty of holes. Governments typically shy away from tackling the problem at the root cause because this would bring them into conflict with certain groups. So who are these groups? Now, this is a minefield of a discussion, so it pays to tread carefully. In Western nations, it's commonly assumed that child marriages are much more common within non-native communities than in native ones. That is true to a degree, but it only tells part of the story. Two groups that are often singled out by the media on this topic are the Romani people and conservative Islamic communities that retain close ties to their home countries, so let's start with these two. While details are incredibly vague, a UNICEF report from 2017 estimated that more than half of Romani girls marry before the age of 18 across Europe. This is a group that still suffers discrimination and isolation, as well as high rates of poverty. Child marriage has long been part and parcel of the community, while it's not uncommon for youngsters to be married off in poverty-stricken areas as a way of reducing the number of mouths to feed. It's a shocking way to think about it in today's world, but there you go. Discussions around this are notoriously difficult in part because of the continued isolation of the Romani community. It remains a long-standing tradition within the Romani, and Western European countries are struggling to make much headway here. Major steps have been taken in recent years, but conservative Islamic communities also have higher rates of child marriages, sometimes where an older man travels back to another country before returning with a child bride—with Pakistan, Bangladesh, and Somalia the countries most often involved. If addressing the Romani issue has been dicey, trying to affect actions within Islamic communities poses an even greater challenge. People sometimes see it as a religious matter, but that's not exactly the case. There's nothing in the Quran that explicitly supports child marriage, but there are certain passages that speak of an age of maturity that is typically linked with the menstrual cycle. Instead, this is a social and cultural issue within communities very different from what we have come to expect in the west. So far, the argument of the outsiders causing all the problems rings true, right? Well, now it's time to go the other way. Much of the opposition to blanket bans on child marriage in the United States comes not from minority communities that are seeking to instill their traditions in the good old U.S of A, but from Evangelical groups and their lobbyists, with a healthy amount of support—albeit quieter—coming from orthodox communities—with the Jewish community certainly not squeaky clean. While in Canada, many of the child marriages occurred among small religious groups in British Columbia and Quebec. This brings us back to religion. Is it simply a coincidence that fringe conservative religious communities, whether that's Christianity, Judaism, or Islam, have high rates of child marriage? Of course not. It doesn't matter how forward-thinking many parts of these groups might be, there will always be sections that base their beliefs and actions in the modern day on ideas that were written down thousands of years ago. As society moves further and further forward, this will always clash with long-standing ideas ingrained in some religious beliefs. The leaders of every major religion in Western countries have voiced their concerns and opposition to child marriage, but fringe groups continue to do as they wish. So, is this a left vs right issue? Well, again, not exactly. Recently in California—the supposed bastion of liberalism, local chapters of the American Civil Liberties Union and Planned Parenthood came out against a law that would have banned child marriage in the state. The prospective law was eventually squashed because lobbyists from the groups were able to pressure Democratic lawmakers into withdrawing it. Despite Californian absurdity, it's fair to say that child marriage is much rarer in Democratic states than Republican. As of June 2024, 13 states have banned underage marriages, with no exception, and most have a solid Democratic-leaning: Delaware, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Minnesota, Rhode Island, New York, Massachusetts, Vermont, Connecticut, Michigan, Washington, Virginia, and New Hampshire. In some states, you can probably guess which, when the question comes down to abortion or underage marriage, enough will choose the latter to ensure that the state's laws remain in murky limbo. This isn't simply a problem that can be blamed on outsiders. In the United States, in particular, it's an issue that strikes deep at religious doctrine and ideas of self-governance. It affects practically every ethnicity, but for different reasons, whether religious, cultural, societal, or even socio-economic. Across the West, the fight to end child marriage continues, with survivors and activists leading the charge. They're pushing for stronger laws, more awareness, and better protections for minors. It's not just about changing the legal age; it's about changing the mindset that sees children as ready for marriage. This is an issue we think we all agree on, but obviously, that's not quite the case. This is about as complex and murky as they come. ## Key Takeaways - Child marriage occurs in Western countries, often quietly and legally, due to loopholes like parental consent. - Between 2000 and 2018, approximately 300,000 minors were legally married in the United States, mostly girls. - Child marriage in the West is driven by cultural norms, religious traditions, and legal exceptions. - Consequences of child marriage include loss of education, health risks, and long-term psychological damage. - Efforts to end child marriage face resistance from various religious and cultural groups across the West. ## Frequently Asked Questions ### What is the definition of child marriage? Child marriage, as defined by international human rights organizations, typically refers to any formal or informal marriage where at least one of the parties is under the age of 18. ### Is child marriage legal in the United States? Yes, child marriage is still legal in many places in the U.S. due to legal loopholes such as parental consent, judicial approval, or pregnancy exceptions. ### How many minors were legally married in the United States between 2000 and 2018? Between 2000 and 2018, roughly 300,000 minors were legally married in the United States. ### What are some of the consequences of child marriage? Consequences of child marriage include education loss, health risks, emotional and psychological impacts, and social isolation. ### Why does child marriage still happen in Western countries? Child marriage persists in Western countries due to cultural and traditional norms, legal loopholes, and pressure from conservative religious communities. ### What is the legal age for marriage in Canada? The legal age of marriage in Canada is set at 18 in most places, but exceptions exist allowing minors as young as 16 to marry with parental consent in several provinces. ### What changes have been made to child marriage laws in the UK? Until 2022, it was legal for 16- and 17-year-olds to marry with parental consent in the UK. In 2022, the UK government passed a law raising the legal marriage age to 18 with no exceptions. ### How does child marriage affect education? Child marriage often leads to education loss, as many minors are pulled out of school due to family pressure or new responsibilities, leaving them economically vulnerable. ### What role do cultural norms play in child marriage? Cultural and traditional norms in some communities pressure young girls to marry early, often to secure family honor, protect girls from perceived societal dangers, or ensure economic stability. ### How many states in the U.S. have banned underage marriages as of June 2024? As of June 2024, 13 states have banned underage marriages with no exceptions. ## Sources - [Original Into the Shadows video: Child Marriage in Western Countries: More Common than you'd Think](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=i4hHc7z_ND4) - [Hero image source](https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/3/39/Station_Winterswijk_West_%282024%29.jpg) by Sneeuwvlakte / openverse, by-sa. ## Related Coverage Simon Whistler https://intotheshadows.pub/article/datura-the-psychedelic-which-only-causes-bad-trips https://intotheshadows.pub/article/datura-the-psychedelic-which-only-causes-bad-trips Sun, 28 Jun 2026 00:00:00 GMT Regardless of one's views on recreational drugs, most people can at least understand how it's possible to develop an addiction. After all, the fundamentals of addiction are the same, no matter the subject — be it drugs, alcohol, gambling, or even extreme sports — the person suffering is stuck in a constant search for that elusive endorphin hit they experienced the first time around. Even with drugs that have the potential to cause negative trips, you can understand why the gamble might be worth it. In fact, the risk might even add to the excitement. But what if there were a drug that only ever provided a negative experience? Why would anyone ever take that? It's time to find out, as we take a look at the bizarre world of Datura. As everybody reading this will be fully aware, you don't have to search too far online to find instructional how-to videos on absolutely anything, and the use of psychedelic drugs is no exception. There is a thriving community that is made up of people who have spent real time and effort calculating just exactly how much of any given substance you might need to achieve certain effects. Obviously, this is not an exact science—different people react in different ways to various chemicals—but for those who are just starting out or are trying something new for the first time, consulting a database of other people's experiences is a good place to start. One information source that is held in high regard by fans of altered reality is *psychonautwiki.org*. Although the site is often maligned for encouraging its users to take drugs, in spite of its "for educational purposes only" disclaimer, it does take pains to inform researchers of the risks involved. Here is what it has to say on the subject of Datura: > "Datura is extremely dangerous and can directly cause severe injury or death. It is highly unpredictable, and its use is strongly linked to psychosis and death." If including the word *death* twice within the first two sentences isn't quite enough and you need a little more context, the site's fact sheet on heroin warns of the chance of a fatal overdose but doesn't actually use the word *death* at all. When an easily available—and in many places perfectly legal—substance is ranked as far more dangerous than heroin, and even the most extreme proponents of hallucinogens go out of their way to persuade people not to take it, you know you're dealing with something fairly horrendous. So, before we delve into the trip potential, let's have a look at just a few of the many, many physical health risks. Aside from the aforementioned death, Datura can cause: - Respiratory depression [suppression of the body's natural reflex to breathe] - Nausea - Physical fatigue - Muscle cramps - Increased heart rate - Increased blood pressure - Erectile dysfunction - Seizures Although these should really be enough to persuade someone that taking it is not actually a good idea, it is the psychological effects that seem to prevent people from taking it more than once. Datura is actually slightly chemically addictive, but there are only a few recorded instances of anybody actually becoming addicted, and these are strictly anecdotal. So, what does it do to you? After all, the main reason people indulge in hallucinogens is to experience a pleasant detachment from reality, complete with some pretty visuals. What can somebody who, for whatever reason, decided to ignore all the warnings and take Datura anyway expect to experience? ## Object Activation This one is pretty easy to infer from context but, just in case, the term "object activation" refers to ordinary objects such as cups, furniture, rugs, etc., appearing to move of their own accord. Sometimes, this can be fairly innocuous—such as your coffee cup appearing to tilt or to slide across the table on its own. In the case of Datura, however, these activations are often reported to be far more intense. Users have reported seeing doors open and close themselves, knives fly across the room, or, in the case of one particularly memorable account, a rug coming to life, sprouting claws, crawling across the room, and shredding the family dog. ## Shadow People The human brain is an incredibly complex system and doesn't always interpret visual data correctly. Even a perfectly sober, slightly tired person might occasionally glimpse a shadow in their peripheral vision, only to find that when they look properly, nothing is there. Now, imagine this happening to you—except that, when you do look properly, a fully formed black cut-out of a human being is standing a few feet away from you. If you're lucky, this shadow person won't do anything at all and will simply disappear after a few seconds. However, the actions of these perceived entities are only really limited by the scope of your own imagination, and a scared human mind is capable of imagining some pretty unsettling things. According to one account from an individual who claims to have spent several days under the influence of Datura: > "I was lying on my bed, trying to calm myself down, when I became aware of a shadowy face outside my window. When I turned on the light, the face disappeared, but as soon as I turned it off again it was back. I watched in horror as the face pushed itself through the glass and floated towards me before disappearing into my own chest." It is worth noting that shadow people are a fairly common occurrence when one experiments with hallucinogens, but in the majority of cases they either disappear when you look directly at them or at least remain stationary. Whilst this can happen when taking Datura, they are far more likely to become animated or appear to interact with the physical world. They aren't always simply vague humanoid shapes either. Although "shadow people" is the most commonly used description, they can take the shape of animals, orbs, or even simply disembodied limbs. ## Internal and External Hallucinations Internal hallucinations can best be described as waking dreams. Although the person who is under the influence can experience anything from mild visual distortions and interesting patterns through to the most horrific of nightmares, these hallucinations take place when the eyes are closed and are very similar to standard dreams. Sure, they can be unpleasant but, by and large, the individual is aware that this is something happening inside their heads. External hallucinations are somewhat different. Depending on the amount of stimulant that has been consumed, the things happening around—or in some cases *to*—the individual can feel very real indeed. ## Time Distortion Much like the visual effects where something that isn't actually there appears briefly in your peripheral vision, most of you will have experienced time distortion in one form or another. How many times have you been sat at work on a Friday afternoon watching the clock as it appears to take an inordinate amount of time to tick away the last ten minutes of your day? Conversely, how often have you sat down for a quick beer with a friend only to find that when you next look at your watch, five hours have passed? Our perception of time is relative to what is currently happening. Now, imagine taking this to the extreme. Imagine a chemically induced trip which, in reality, only lasted a few hours feeling to you like several days. If you're having a good time then this might not be a big deal—it may even be considered a benefit. However, as we are coming to realise, Datura rarely, if ever, works that way. One member of the *Into the Shadows* team who was foolish enough to experiment with this during their youth told us of a particularly vivid external hallucination reminiscent of the stereotypical movie scene in which somebody is tortured for information in an abandoned warehouse. Although they genuinely believed themselves to have been in near-constant agony for almost 48 hours, they had in fact simply been sitting in their desk chair with a bunch of keys in their back pocket for about 20 minutes. Although this story has a slightly amusing ring to it, in reality such experiences can be extremely psychologically damaging. Now that we have covered just a few of the reasons why you should never take Datura, it is perhaps time to talk a little bit about exactly what it is. Where does it come from? How would you recognize it? Does it, in spite of everything we have said so far, have any practical uses? There are nine plants that make up the Datura family, but the most common are *Datura inoxia* and *Datura stramonium*. If you were to come across one of these plants in the wild—a fairly common occurrence in places like Asia and Central America—the first thing you would probably notice is the flowers, which **iNaturalist.org** describes as having a pleasing odor, being shaped like trumpets, and being white or creamy in color. Although the leaves and stems of the plant do contain some mind-altering chemicals, the highest concentrations are found in these flowers and the seeds inside the fruit. These seeds especially, contain high amounts of scopolamine, hyoscyamine, and atropine. Now, we appreciate that not everybody reading is a medical professional or a drug expert, so let's take a quick look at what all of these actually are. We shall start with scopolamine. This actually does have several medical uses but is most commonly prescribed to prevent motion sickness or as a nausea suppressant during surgery. However, it is usually only issued in very small amounts, and there are ongoing debates as to its complete safety. ## Hyoscyamine This too has many medical applications, some of which are covered in this brief extract from **MedlinePlus.gov**: > "Hyoscyamine is used to control symptoms associated with disorders of the gastrointestinal (GI) tract. It works by decreasing the motion of the stomach and intestines and the secretion of stomach fluids, including acid. Hyoscyamine is also used in the treatment of bladder spasms, peptic ulcer disease, diverticulitis, colic, irritable bowel syndrome, cystitis, and pancreatitis." There are two important pieces of information to be aware of here. Firstly, all of the sources we checked specifically advised against taking scopolamine and hyoscyamine together. Secondly, the list of overdose symptoms includes: - Headache - Dizziness - Dry mouth - Trouble swallowing - Nausea - Vomiting - Blurred vision - Hot, dry skin If you take a look at the list of minor side effects caused by Datura, you will find each and every one of these in almost exactly the same order. Given that Datura seeds contain quite a lot of hyoscyamine, it is not unreasonable to assume that users are inadvertently overdosing while in pursuit of an altered reality. This is, of course, conjecture on our part—they are, after all, pretty common side effects. ## Atropine This is another prescription-only drug used to treat, among other things, insecticide and mushroom poisoning. As you may not be entirely surprised to hear at this point, it is highly recommended that you do not use it in conjunction with either of the others. The main reason that none of these drugs should be taken together is that they are all, to a greater or lesser degree, capable of either reducing production of or inhibiting the effects of a chemical called acetylcholine. As we have already thrown around quite a lot of medical terminology today, we'll keep this brief. Acetylcholine is essential for the correct functioning of the autonomic nervous system—the system responsible for everything that your body does automatically, such as digestion, the creation of tears, and bladder function. When your body does not have enough acetylcholine—perhaps because you have eaten some seeds containing three separate inhibitors—your body starts to experience many of the symptoms associated with Datura use, including vivid hallucinations and detachment from reality. Based on this information, it seems that we may have solved the case of Datura's rather brutal symptoms. If you remember way back at the beginning, we said that almost everybody who tries Datura only does so the once. However, outside of the most reckless thrill seekers there is at least one exception to this rule. For thousands of years, Datura has played a large part in various spiritual and religious rituals around the world. Many Native American tribes used—and, in some cases, still do use—Datura as part of a drink to be consumed in the male coming-of-age ceremony. The resultant visions are said to be messages from spirit guides that must be interpreted by the child in order for him to gain wisdom. Furthermore, there are shamans and medicine men who take Datura regularly, believing that the internal hallucinations it brings can do anything from helping to diagnose patients to allowing them to visit other spiritual planes or converse with the dead. Even these individuals, though, don't recommend its usage to the inexperienced, because there are just too many variables. The strength of the seeds can vary dramatically depending on the strain, the location, the weather that year, and when they are harvested, so even those people who have spent their entire lives studying the effects and dosage are not completely safe. We know that in other articles we have provided much more detail on how certain psychedelics can be prepared and used, but we will not be doing this today, simply because we cannot, in good conscience, be responsible for anyone trying Datura. Yes, such information can be found with a quick Google search, and it is completely legal in many countries, but the potential risks—both physical and psychological—are just not worth it for an almost guaranteed bad trip. **Please, don't try Datura.** ## Key Takeaways - Datura is a highly dangerous plant known for causing severe injury or death.,The plant induces vivid, often terrifying hallucinations, including moving objects and shadow people.,Datura's seeds contain chemicals that inhibit acetylcholine, leading to vivid hallucinations and detachment from reality.,The plant has been used in spiritual rituals but is not recommended for inexperienced users due to its unpredictability.,Datura is ranked as more dangerous than heroin, with extreme proponents of hallucinogens advising against its use. ## Frequently Asked Questions ### What is Datura? Datura is a psychedelic plant known for causing only negative experiences. It is extremely dangerous and can directly cause severe injury or death. It is highly unpredictable and its use is strongly linked to psychosis and death. ### What are the physical health risks associated with Datura? Datura can cause respiratory depression, nausea, physical fatigue, muscle cramps, increased heart rate, increased blood pressure, erectile dysfunction, and seizures. ### What are the psychological effects of Datura? Datura is known for causing object activation, shadow people, internal and external hallucinations, and time distortion. These effects are often reported to be extremely unsettling and psychologically damaging. ### What are the common types of Datura plants? The most common types of Datura plants are Datura inoxia and Datura stramonium. These plants are known for their trumpet-shaped, white or creamy flowers and contain high concentrations of mind-altering chemicals in their flowers and seeds. ### What chemicals are found in Datura seeds? Datura seeds contain high amounts of scopolamine, hyoscyamine, and atropine. These chemicals are known to inhibit the effects of acetylcholine, leading to vivid hallucinations and detachment from reality. ### What are the medical uses of scopolamine? Scopolamine is commonly prescribed to prevent motion sickness or as a nausea suppressant during surgery. However, it is usually issued in very small amounts due to ongoing debates about its complete safety. ### What are the medical applications of hyoscyamine? Hyoscyamine is used to control symptoms associated with disorders of the gastrointestinal tract, bladder spasms, peptic ulcer disease, diverticulitis, colic, irritable bowel syndrome, cystitis, and pancreatitis. ### What is the role of Datura in spiritual and religious rituals? Datura has been used in various spiritual and religious rituals around the world for thousands of years. Many Native American tribes use it in male coming-of-age ceremonies, and shamans use it to diagnose patients and visit other spiritual planes. ### Why is Datura not recommended for inexperienced users? Datura is not recommended for inexperienced users because the strength of the seeds can vary dramatically depending on factors such as strain, location, weather, and harvest time. Even experienced users are not completely safe. ### What is the general advice regarding the use of Datura? The general advice is to avoid using Datura due to its high risks of physical and psychological harm. The potential risks are not worth the almost guaranteed bad trip. ## Sources - [Original Into the Shadows video: Datura: The Psychedelic Which Only Causes Bad Trips](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=cevVQIzXKwk) - [Hero image source](https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/a/a1/Medline_academy_image_4.jpg) by Ainstin / openverse, by-sa. ## Related Coverage Simon Whistler https://intotheshadows.pub/article/dc-sniper-murders-terror-capital https://intotheshadows.pub/article/dc-sniper-murders-terror-capital Sun, 28 Jun 2026 00:00:00 GMT ## 23 Days of Terror It's approaching 6:30 pm on 2nd October 2002. James D. Martin, a program analyst at the National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration, pulls into the parking lot of a Shoppers Food Warehouse in Wheaton, Maryland. The 55-year-old is there to buy groceries for his local church. He closes his car door and makes his way towards the store. A distant crack splits the air. James D. Martin slumps to the floor. At first, onlookers are unsure what's happened, but as they near the man, it becomes clear he has been shot and killed. The seemingly bizarre murder of a man who just about everybody agreed was universally loved shocked the community, but this was just the beginning of a nightmare that would drag on for another 23 days. The DC sniper murders, also known as the Beltway Sniper murders, unfolded over three harrowing weeks in October 2002 and gripped the Washington metropolitan area in paralysing fear that left many terrified even to leave their own homes. The series of coordinated shootings, carried out with chilling precision, resulted in the deaths of ten innocent people and severely wounded three others, causing widespread panic and dramatically altering the American public's sense of security. This wasn't like a conventional series of murders. The spree of seemingly random attacks terrorised the residents of Maryland, Virginia, and Washington, D.C, striking indiscriminately, targeting men, women, and children engaged in everyday activities—pumping gas, shopping, going to school, or simply sitting on a bench. The randomness of the attacks and the broad daylight in which many of them occurred heavily contributed to an atmosphere of extreme public anxiety and fear. As the police frantically raced to catch the perpetrators, people living in the area held their breath and asked themselves—am I going to be next? ## 3rd October 2002 Twelve hours after the initial attacks, the police were still scratching their heads over the murder of James D. Martin. And yet, as a new day dawned and people began heading to work, all hell was about to let loose. Within the space of just two hours, four people were dead, with a fifth fatality that evening. The first victim of that day was James L. Buchanan, known as "Sonny," a 39-year-old landscaper. Around 7:41 am, Sonny was mowing grass at the Fitzgerald Auto Mall in Rockville, Maryland, when a bullet pierced his upper body. He managed to stagger across the street before collapsing and dying on the sidewalk. Less than 30 minutes later, at 8:12 am, the sniper struck again. Premkumar Walekar, a 54-year-old taxi driver, was fueling his cab at a Mobil gas station in Aspen Hill, Maryland. A single shot to the chest killed him instantly. At 8:37 am, Sarah Ramos, a 34-year-old babysitter and housekeeper, was seated on a bench reading a book outside the Leisure World Shopping Center in Norbeck, Maryland. She, too, was shot and killed instantly. The fourth victim of the morning was Lori Ann Lewis-Rivera, a 25-year-old nanny. At 9:58 am, Lori Ann was vacuuming her minivan at a Shell gas station in Kensington, Maryland, when she was shot. Later that evening, the sniper extended their killing spree to the District of Columbia itself. At 9:20 pm, Pascal Charlot, a 72-year-old retired carpenter, was walking along Georgia Avenue NW when he was fatally shot. Each of the five victims had been killed by a single bullet fired from a distance, with the killer vanishing immediately after. By this point, the community was reeling. With media coverage frenzied and relentless, terror quickly swept through the region. These were not murders late at night in bad areas; they were in broad daylight and in places that people wouldn't think twice about being in. Notions of safety and security were instantly shattered. ## Media Frenzy From the outset, the media played a crucial role in shaping public perception of the sniper attacks. The murders were shocking not only for their brutality but for their complete randomness. The victims were ordinary people going about their daily lives—pumping gas, mowing lawns, shopping. This unpredictability made the story inherently sensational, and media outlets quickly capitalised on the public's fear. Television networks, newspapers, and radio stations provided continuous coverage of the murders, often leading with the latest updates on the sniper attacks. The 24-hour news cycle meant that every detail, no matter how minor, was broadcast repeatedly, creating a sense of immediacy and urgency. Breaking news segments interrupted regular programming, and special bulletins highlighted each new development. This constant stream of information contributed to a pervasive atmosphere of fear, as residents of the area were bombarded with reminders of the lurking danger. Headlines such as "Sniper on the Loose" and "Killer Targets Random Victims" screamed from the front pages of newspapers and news websites. Graphic descriptions of the shootings, along with images of crime scenes, grieving families, and heavily armed police, further fueled the fear. The repetitive nature of these reports made the threat seem omnipresent and inescapable. The media also played a role in the dissemination of misinformation, which added to the public's anxiety. Early reports speculated wildly about the identity and motives of the sniper or snipers, ranging from foreign terrorists to disgruntled locals. This speculation was often presented without substantial evidence, leading to confusion and fear among the public. The lack of accurate information made it difficult for residents to discern fact from fiction, further heightening their sense of vulnerability. Under intense public and media scrutiny, law enforcement agencies felt pressure to provide frequent updates, even when substantial new information was unavailable. This often led to the release of tentative or preliminary information, which the media would then amplify, creating cycles of hope and despair as leads either progressed or fell through. ## Manhunt On After the nightmare of the 3rd of October, the police issued a code blue alert, meaning schools were advised to keep students inside at all times. Schools in Montgomery County, the District of Columbia, and many private schools went into a lockdown, with no recess or outdoor physical education classes. Around the region, parents began taking their children to school and picking them up rather than allowing them to walk or take the bus. Despite the mounting body count, evidence or leads of any kind remained scant. There were witness statements pointing to perhaps a blue Chevrolet Caprice or a white box truck, but these were vague and inconclusive. Sadly, as is often the case in such situations, it was a case of waiting for the killer to strike again. On 4th October, 43-year-old homemaker Caroline Seawell was shot in the chest in the parking lot of a Michaels craft store in Fredericksburg, Virginia. Miraculously, she survived the attack. This incident was particularly alarming as it marked the expansion of the sniper's territory into Virginia, spreading the fear beyond Maryland and the District of Columbia. The next attack came on 7th October. Iran Brown, a 13-year-old student, was shot as he arrived at the Benjamin Tasker Middle School in Bowie, Maryland. Despite being critically injured, Brown survived, which provided crucial evidence to law enforcement. A shell casing and a tarot card with the words "Call me God" were found near the scene, offering investigators a chilling, and baffling, insight into the mind of the killers. On 9th October, 53-year-old Dean Harold Meyers was shot dead while pumping gas at a Sunoco station near Manassas, Virginia. Kenneth Bridges, a 53-year-old businessman, was shot and killed at an Exxon station near Fredericksburg, Virginia, on the 11th of October. Bridges' murder followed the same cold, calculated pattern, striking during daylight hours in a public place. On 14th October, Linda Franklin, an FBI intelligence analyst, was shot in the head and killed while loading her car outside a Home Depot in Falls Church, Virginia. The boldness of the attack, coupled with its location in a heavily trafficked area, underscored the snipers' confidence and brazenness. Throughout this period, law enforcement agencies were under immense pressure to catch the killers. Police established tip hotlines, conducted ballistic analyses, and scrutinised surveillance footage, but the snipers remained elusive. The investigation was complicated by the randomness of the attacks and the lack of a clear pattern connecting the victims. However, the evidence collected from the scenes, particularly the tarot card and shell casings, began to paint at least a vague picture of the methodology behind the attacks. The public was advised to remain vigilant and report any suspicious activities, which led to a flood of tips, though many were completely false. ## Investigation From the outset, the unpredictability of the sniper attacks made the investigation particularly difficult. Victims were of various ages, races, and backgrounds, and they were targeted in different locations while performing everyday activities. This lack of an obvious pattern complicated the efforts of law enforcement agencies to predict and prevent further shootings. The investigation was spearheaded by a multi-agency task force that included local police departments from Maryland, Virginia, and the District of Columbia, as well as federal agencies like the FBI and ATF. This collaboration was crucial due to the geographical spread of the attacks, which crossed multiple jurisdictions. The task force set up a command centre in Rockville, Maryland, to centralise their efforts and streamline communication. One of the first breakthroughs came from the analysis of ballistic evidence. The task force quickly realised that the same weapon was used in multiple shootings, linking the cases and confirming the work of a single sniper or team of snipers. It became clear that the killer was using a .223 calibre rifle, probably equipped with a weapon sight for long distances. The eventual breakthrough in the investigation came from a series of critical tips and forensic evidence. On October 3, 2002, a citizen reported seeing a suspicious Chevrolet Caprice near the site of a shooting. This information and data from a nationwide database of vehicle registrations and licence plate sightings helped narrow the list of potential suspects. ## Final Attacks & Capture The period from October 19th to October 22nd, 2002, marked the final deadly phase of the DC sniper attacks. During these days, John Allen Muhammad and Lee Boyd Malvo continued their reign of terror, further deepening the fear and anxiety that had gripped the Washington, D.C., metropolitan area for nearly three weeks. On October 19, 2002, 37-year-old Jeffrey Hopper was shot in a restaurant parking lot near Ashland, Virginia. Hopper and his wife, Stephanie, had just finished dinner at a Ponderosa Steakhouse when a bullet struck him in the abdomen. Despite the severe injury, Stephanie Hopper's quick response to call for help and provide immediate assistance was crucial. Jeffrey was rushed to the hospital, where emergency surgery saved his life. Law enforcement found a four-page letter near the shooting scene, demanding $10 million and threatening the lives of children in the area. This communication escalated the urgency of the investigation as authorities scrambled to prevent further attacks and address the ransom demand. The following days saw heightened security measures across the region. More schools went into lockdown, public events were cancelled, and residents were advised to remain vigilant. The sense of unease was palpable as the community grappled with the uncertainty of when and where the snipers might strike next. On 22nd October 2002, 35-year-old bus driver Conrad Johnson was shot and killed while standing on the steps of his Montgomery County transit bus in Aspen Hill, Maryland. Johnson was preparing for his morning route when a single bullet struck him. He was the last victim of the DC snipers, and his death brought the total number of fatalities to ten, with three others critically injured. The investigation finally gained a significant breakthrough on 24th October 2002. A tip from a caller, who had heard about a blue Chevrolet Caprice linked to the snipers, led authorities to a rest area in Myersville, Maryland. There, they found John Allen Muhammad and Lee Boyd Malvo sleeping in their car. The vehicle had been modified to serve as a mobile sniper's nest, complete with a hole cut near the trunk to allow for covert shooting. The two were arrested without incident, and the rifle found in the car was later confirmed to be the weapon used in the attacks. ## Trials Following their arrest, Muhammad and Malvo were separated for interrogation. Malvo, being 17, was initially less forthcoming, adhering to instructions likely given by Muhammad to remain silent. However, as the interrogations progressed, evidence collected from the car, combined with ballistic matches and witness testimonies, solidified their involvement in the crimes. During the subsequent searches of their belongings and the vehicle, notebooks containing sketches and notes that mirrored the locations and details of the shootings were found. The evidence was overwhelming, establishing a clear link between the suspects and the sniper attacks. In court, Muhammad's psychological manipulation of Malvo became a focal point. Muhammad, who chose to act as his own attorney—though he switched back to public counsel after giving his opening statement—joined the armed forces in 1978, eventually spending 16 years in the service. He was deployed during the Gulf War and was honourably discharged in 1994. He was charged with murder, terrorism, conspiracy and the illegal use of a firearm and faced a possible death sentence. The prosecution initially claimed that the entire killing spree had been a cover for a plot to murder his ex-wife and regain custody of his children—though the judge blocked this theory due to a lack of evidence. Instead, they described the shootings as part of a plot to extort $10 million from local and state governments. As the prosecution pieced together their evidence, it became clear that the murder spree had been far wider than first realised. Another seven murders, between 16th February 2002 and 23rd September 2002—occurring in the same region but also spread as far as Louisiana, Alabama, and Georgia—were linked to Muhammed and Malvo. This meant that the official death count went from 10 to 17. On 4th March 2004, Muhammad was sentenced to death, while Malvo, due to his minor status at the time of the crimes, received multiple life sentences without the possibility of parole. This brought to an end one of the most heinous murder sprees in U.S. history. What made this series of murders so terrifying for the residents of Maryland, Virginia, and Washington D.C. was how uncoordinated, random, and stealthy each attack was. A teenager walking into school. A young woman sitting on a park bench. A middle-aged man in a grocery parking lot on his way home from work. We do these actions all of the time and almost always consider them completely safe. We never dream that two individuals could be sitting in the trunk of a converted Chevrolet Caprice with a long-distance rifle scope trained on us and finger ready to pull the trigger. ## Key Takeaways - The DC sniper attacks in October 2002 resulted in 10 deaths and 3 injuries, causing widespread panic. - The randomness and broad daylight nature of the attacks heightened public fear and anxiety. - Media coverage amplified the fear with continuous updates and sensational headlines, often spreading misinformation. - Law enforcement faced challenges due to the lack of a clear pattern and the geographical spread of attacks. - John Allen Muhammad and Lee Boyd Malvo were arrested on October 24, 2002, ending the 23-day terror spree. ## Frequently Asked Questions ### When did the DC Sniper Murders occur? The DC Sniper Murders occurred over three harrowing weeks in October 2002. ### How many people were killed during the DC Sniper Murders? Ten innocent people were killed during the DC Sniper Murders. ### What was the first victim's name and where were they shot? The first victim was James D. Martin, a program analyst at the National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration. He was shot in the parking lot of a Shoppers Food Warehouse in Wheaton, Maryland. ### What type of vehicle was used by the snipers? The snipers used a blue Chevrolet Caprice, which was modified to serve as a mobile sniper's nest. ### What was the weapon used in the DC Sniper Murders? The snipers used a .223 calibre rifle, probably equipped with a weapon sight for long distances. ### How were John Allen Muhammad and Lee Boyd Malvo captured? John Allen Muhammad and Lee Boyd Malvo were captured on 24th October 2002 at a rest area in Myersville, Maryland, after a tip led authorities to their location. ### What was the sentence for John Allen Muhammad? John Allen Muhammad was sentenced to death on 4th March 2004. ### What was the sentence for Lee Boyd Malvo? Lee Boyd Malvo received multiple life sentences without the possibility of parole. ### What was the total number of murders linked to Muhammad and Malvo? The total number of murders linked to Muhammad and Malvo was 17. ### What was the motive behind the DC Sniper Murders? The prosecution described the shootings as part of a plot to extort $10 million from local and state governments. ## Sources - [Original Into the Shadows video: The DC Sniper Murders: When Terror Arrived in the Capital](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=lcdeYnWITug) - [Hero image source](https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/5/57/2016-05-09_17_23_45_National_Oceanic_and_Atmospheric_Administration_headquarters_at_the_intersection_of_Colesville_Road_%28Maryland_State_Route_384%29_and_East-West_Highway_%28Maryland_State_Route_410%29_in_Silver_Spring%2C_Montgomery_County%2C_Maryland.jpg) by Famartin / openverse, by-sa. ## Related Coverage Simon Whistler https://intotheshadows.pub/article/detention-center-3-china-largest-detention-center https://intotheshadows.pub/article/detention-center-3-china-largest-detention-center Sun, 28 Jun 2026 00:00:00 GMT ## Intro One can confidently say that China has become increasingly influential, its role on the global stage rocketing in importance. The emerging dominance of the People's Republic is largely due to their success in the field of economics, which they have come to redefine within the past 4 decades. Despite this economic prowess, China is severely lacking in several other essential areas, perhaps nowhere more so than in the continual infliction of mass human rights abuses on its citizens. While China has always had a history of state-sanctioned oppression, the recent persecution of its minority Uyghur population has become increasingly draconian, raising concerns on an international scale. The efforts to systematically detain Muslim Uyghurs began in 2017, with civilians arrested for what has been labeled 'religious extremism.' To meet the demands resulting from this mass imprisonment effort, a vast network of internment centers was constructed throughout the Xinjiang region of northwestern China. The largest of all these facilities is the behemoth Urumqi Detention Centre No. 3, which has been imprisoning thousands upon thousands of Uyghurs since 2017. Survivors of this facility, and others like it, have continually accused Chinese officials of severe human rights violations, with allegations spanning from indoctrination classes to the most intense forms of torture imaginable. This torture is so extensive that it has allegedly resulted in numerous inmate deaths. Those held in Center 3 are subjected to horrors no human should ever have to experience. A common sentiment repeated amongst survivors, former camp staff, and the relatives of current inmates is that these facilities are "Hell on Earth," and this is no overexaggeration. For the Uyghur people of Xinjiang, Hell is not some nebulous place that evil people are sent to in the afterlife. It isn't even some mere theological concept. For them, Hell lies only a few miles from their front door, and its name is Urumqi No. 3 Detention Centre. ## Background on Urumqi No. 3 Detention Centre Found in the Dabancheng district of Xinjiang, the mega facility Urumqi No. 3 Detention Centre (now going to refer to it as Center 3) holds an estimate of 10,000 people. Clouding this data is the fact that the Chinese government has repeatedly declined to comment on how many people are currently imprisoned at Center 3, or in the other facilities found throughout the region. To give a rough idea of how massive the prisoner population could potentially be, an estimate released by U.S. and U.N. officials have alleged that as many as 1 million people were held throughout the entire Chinese camp network in 2017 alone. This number has most likely grown exponentially in subsequent years. This prison system that Center 3 belongs to is a direct result of the government's 2014 launch of the 'Strike Hard Against Terrorism' campaign. This mainly affected China's religious citizens, particularly those belonging to the Muslim faith. Simple practices with zero connection to terrorist ideologies or groups were now prosecutable offenses, landing the offender in a detainment center. The government also utilized this campaign to begin the seizure of cell phones, computers, and religious paraphernalia, as all could possibly be used as tools in terrorist activity. The imprisonment of Uyghur civilians did occur on a smaller scale beforehand, but 2017 is when mass detainment became an official state-operated initiative. China's president, Xi Jinping, has been infamous for his persecution of religious groups, with him considering any type of faith a form of extremism. In late 2016, Jinping appointed Chen Quanguo as the Communist Party Secretary of Xinjiang. A man noted for his successful control of Tibet, Quanguo was somehow even more committed to the elimination of the "terrorist and separatist" threats the Uyghur people posed. Quanguo was quoted as telling officials of Xinjiang to "round up everyone who should be rounded up," and drastically increased the counterterrorism measures of police forces. The major component of these new efforts being the construction of 're-education camps/training centers' throughout the Xinjiang region. Allegedly, Quanguo personally oversaw the assembly of the new prison system, though any confirmation of this claim is highly unlikely. These 'training centers' were actually operating as internment camps where innocent ethnic minorities were made to assimilate into larger society through forced indoctrination and extreme forms of torture. The Chinese government has maintained that all training centers focused on reeducation have been shut down. These programs were labeled as 'voluntary,' with all occupants apparently 'graduating' from said programs by 2019. Officials at Center 3 continue to deny that their facility was ever a part of the reeducation system. Zhao Zhongwei, director of the Urumqi Public Security Bureau, has claimed no connection between Detention Center 3 and the formerly operating training centers. Zhongwei went as far to say, "there's never been one around here," in reference to the immediate area where Center 3 resides. Despite continual denials, the evidence showing that Center 3 was at least once used for training programs is abundant. Many former inmates and officers have come forward to confirm it operated as a training facility. Perhaps most damning is the original name Center 3 was given, "the Urumqi Vocational Skills and Educational Training Center." Despite adamantly claiming that all reeducation camps have been shut down, stories and evidence continually collected by experts paint a much more sinister picture. Though the government did close the training centers of Xinjiang, they found a bit of a loophole. Instead of ending the use of these facilities entirely, officials decided to do a bit of rebranding, turning these former training camps into fully operational prisons or pre-trial detention facilities. ## Construction of Center 3 and the Prison Network In 2020, the Xinjiang Data Project, a collection of relevant data and research concerning the region's camp network, published a report that revealed the true extent of this system. Researchers used satellite imaging to identify and map over 380 centers, all built or massively expanded upon since 2017. Of all these desolate fortresses, Urumqi No. 3 Detention Center looms larger than the rest, both physically and metaphorically. This center is massive in size, spanning over 220 acres, all enclosed by 25-foot concrete walls. Watchtowers occupied by armed guards and deadly electric wiring line the perimeter, ensuring that any form of disobedience will be spotted and summarily punished. This extensive security system makes escape essentially impossible, immediately squelching any glimmer of freedom detainees may have. To put the size of this prison into context, it is twice the size of Vatican City, bigger than Disneyworld's Magic Kingdom by over 78 acres, and could fit roughly 28-30 American football fields within its grounds. Center 3 is a structural monster, standing ever-present in the lives of the Xinjiang people. Despite the 10,000 inmate-estimate, the total number of prisoners it can hold when operating at maximum capacity remains unknown. Additionally, the numbers of the released and of those who have potentially died while held there are also unclear. ## Reasons for Internment Nearly all prisoners who were once or currently are imprisoned at Center 3 have been charged with serious crimes. These alleged heinous and potentially threatening acts of criminality, terrorism, and separatism? The minutiae of daily life. If one is an active person of faith, even on the most rudimentary level, the Chinese government considers this fodder for, or even direct evidence of, extremist ideologies and terrorist motivations. Numerous investigations have found that many Uyghur inmates were arrested for maintaining the innocuous standards of their Muslim faith, the essential tenets of Islam now considered grounds for imprisonment. Something as simple as attending a religious service could result in the "offender" being held indefinitely at Center 3, facing serious charges and a potential prison sentence sure to include copious amounts of torture. Some reported reasons for arrest include: - Any evidence showing a person is a practicing Muslim: praying, having a prayer mat, working in a mosque, reading the Quran, etc. - Possessing videos with religious themes - Living, traveling, or studying abroad - Having "connections" to other people who lived, studied, or traveled abroad - Having forbidden software platforms on computers or cell phones - Guilt by association, meaning they have relationships with other people deemed to be threats - Perceived guilt by association, meaning the government accuses detainees of relationships with dangerous people they have never even met - Being classified as "suspicious" or "untrustworthy" by the government The majority of those arrested have never committed anything close to a legitimate crime. For most reasonable people, imprisoning a person for something as simple as traveling abroad or reading a holy text would be considered almost laughable. These grounds for imprisonment may seem entirely farcical, but those being held in China for such reasons are subjected to the severest forms of torture in some of the harshest conditions imaginable. Further adding to this madness is the large number of civilians detained on false charge, being punished for things they never did, or for relationships they never had. To put it simply, if you are a Muslim Uyghur and the officials of Xinjiang want to address this so-called threat you pose, they will find a reason to arrest and detain you, even if they have to invent completely fictional justifications. ## Life Inside the Prison and the AP Report The daily life of a person held in Center 3 is nothing short of a waking nightmare. These detainees are forced to endure and witness countless acts of human depravity. The atrocities are so horrendous, they have even gone on to affect some of those working at Center 3, with former teachers and guards reporting on the vile acts they witnessed. Many even partook. In 2021, the Associated Press was granted exclusive access to this prison system whilst on a state-run tour of the Xinjiang province. With strict oversight from government officials, journalists were allowed into Center 3, witnessing the daily activities of this torture chamber. The main entrance of the center was equipped with armed guards and face-scanning turnstiles that monitored who came in and out of the prison. In the control room, guards had unlimited access to detainee surveillance via a wall-to-wall display of live CCTV footage. Cameras were located everywhere throughout Center 3, allowing guards to monitor inmates 24/7. This, along with a densely populated living space, made privacy completely impossible. Running alongside the live feed of prisoners, the state broadcasted government-produced programming throughout the facility, all intended to rehabilitate the minds of the so-called extremists. Zhu Hongbin, the director of Center 3, revealed that prisoners are subjected to video classes teaching them about their alleged crimes. These lessons are used to explain why their actions, purported crimes, and beliefs are considered "bad." The inmates seemingly did have some access to the outside world, with 22 rooms in the facility being equipped with computers, allowing video contact with their relatives or anyone else allowed to speak to them. These rooms are also reportedly for detainees to meet with counsel, though legal representation is essentially nonexistent in the Xinjiang prison network. According to officials, inmates are held anywhere from 15 days to a year before going to trial for their suspected crimes, with the holding period dependent on the severity of the alleged charges. The AP noted that while at the facility, it did not appear to be operating at full capacity, despite the fact that the last official government statistics available at the time showed there were twice as many arrests in Xinjiang during 2019 than in the years before the crackdown on terrorism began in 2017. In 2019 alone, the rates of prison sentences reached the hundreds of thousands, with many people sentenced to 5 plus years. Xinjiang officials credited the higher rates of incarceration to growing measures taken in their "war on terror." As expected, reporters were not allowed to speak to any former or current detainees during their visit, and they did not witness any torture. Even still, Dake Kang, one of the AP journalists touring the facility, noted that in one cell, prisoners were sat in uniform rows, all with their legs crossed in the lotus position. While in this position, the people sat silently, watching a state-produced reeducation video that displayed images from the Chinese Communist Party's proud history. The stories surviving detainees and one-time staff members have shared are extremely harrowing. One former teacher at Center 3 reported that they could hear the sound of inmates being tortured while trying to lead instructional classes. Other colleagues allege that they could hear people being brutalized with electric batons and iron chairs. Many of those held were forced or coerced into signing false confessions, admitting to serious offenses they took no part in, and then being subsequently beaten as punishment. The AP also noted guidelines hanging the walls of medical rooms used to treat sick inmates. One poster specifically stuck out. This poster contained the proper protocol used when an inmate tries to participate in a hunger strike. Documented was the 'how to' on force-feeding the protester, specifically by inserting a feeding tube into their nose. In a study conducted by Amnesty International, 55 survivors of various centers revealed the true extent of the horrors camp detainees are subjected to. Those arrested and sent to the camps are victims of an arbitrary justice system that operates outside the bounds of the larger Chinese system of law. All reported that they were arrested with no warrant, no credible reasoning ever given for their detainment. Each person interviewed stated that they were imprisoned for engaging in what would be considered lawful conduct in most other nations. They have no access to any due process or legal counsel to help in their defense, making a guilty sentence the probable outcome. The amount of time they remained in custody was completely arbitrary, with them having little to no idea of when their trial would take place. After being found guilty, most received sentence of anywhere between 2 to 5 years, where they were subjected to the most brutal of treatments. These allegations from the other prisons echo those stemming from Center 3. In basically all of these facilities, the lives of detainees were completely controlled by their jailors, with them being afforded absolutely no privacy. All detainees were monitored around the clock, even while sleeping or using the bathroom. Speaking and talking amongst the inmates was forbidden, unless instructed otherwise. When permitted by a guard or teacher, they were only allowed to speak Mandarin Chinese, a language that people native to the Xinjiang region are largely unfamiliar with. Those from more rural areas and the elderly especially struggled with this, as they tended to have the least amount of exposure to Mandarin. If any other language was spoken, the person was then subjected to violent physical punishment. Basic hygiene practices essential to good health were heavily restricted or forbidden, many sanitary practices entirely disregarded. Access to food and water was insufficient at best. They were also given little to no access to fresh air and natural light. Ramping up the stresses of imprisonment at Center 3, guards would force the detainees to take shifts monitoring their cellmates during nighttime. This specific practice only exacerbates the immense tension and discomfort people face when living in such close and hostile quarters. Though the Chinese government claimed to have ended the use of 'training facilities,' similar classes were reportedly still found throughout the prison network, even in Center 3. Countless survivors and former staff have alleged this, claiming that these reeducation efforts were considered essential to the 'War on Terror.' The reports collected by Amnesty International also revealed the specific torture methods used during interrogations and detainment. Sleep deprivation, solitary confinement, electric shocks, being hung from a wall, the unlawful use of restraints, being forced into stress positions, and physical beatings have all allegedly been utilized to garner false confessions during interrogation sessions that lasted for hours. This brutal level of treatment has been found in essentially every facility found throughout Xinjiang. Even after serving their sentences, former detainees found themselves heavily monitored by the government, with most of their movements and activities being severely restricted. Many were sent from the prisons to go work in factories, others were sent from facility to facility, their ultimate release date never being revealed and/or arbitrarily moved around. Deaths do occur in these facilities, with many inmates suddenly disappearing, never to be seen again. Definitive numbers are hard to pin down, as the government refuses to even acknowledge the abuses taking place, let alone any deaths they may lead to. The total number of these victims will most likely never be known but be assured that it is most likely a devastatingly large amount. ## An Ominous Future (Wrap Up) At first, China denied the existence of this prison/camp network, only conceding to the investigative pressure of the international community in 2019. Though they claim to no longer operate any training centers, they continue to use these facilities as pre-trial detention facilities and prisons. Officials have repeatedly maintained that no torture or human rights violations have ever, and still don't, take place in these facilities, despite the mountains of evidence proving otherwise. If one thing is for certain, it is that the Chinese government never intended for their prison network to become public knowledge. Unfortunately for them, hiding this mass detainment effort proved impossible, especially when considering the horrific treatment victims are constantly subjected to. Groups like Amnesty International and the Xinjiang Data Project have remained committed to exposing the state-sanctioned abuse of the Uyghur people by the Chinese government. They continue to monitor all available data sources while documenting the stories of surviving inmates and former camp officials. Satellite images from the past few years have revealed that new buildings were further added to the Center 3 in 2019, stretching to almost a mile long, with many other facilities also adding on newer expansions. Center 3, and other similar camps, are still used as prisons or pre-trial detention facilities, and the government has continued building entirely new centers throughout Xinjiang. The expansion of the existing prison network, the construction of new facilities, and the fact that older camps (Center 3 included) are still running, indicates just how committed the government is to the future imprisonment of Uyghur and other Muslim minorities. Responses from the international community have varied, with the far majority condemning the actions taken against the Uyghur civilians. Despite this, no massive relief efforts have been orchestrated, with Amnesty International claiming that the UN has completely failed to take any serious actions against China. Any punishment imposed on China, whether by the UN or specific nations, have been rather underwhelming. This sinister network of internment camps is still fully operational in Xinjiang, and it shows no signs of ending any time soon. China is among the most dominant nations today's society with it being considered the leader in manufacturing, the second-largest global economy, and having one of the most powerful militaries in the world. Even still, this global dominance cannot hide the fact that China is worryingly behind most others when it comes to the general treatment of its citizens. And for the country's minority groups, this treatment is far more malevolent. No one better knows this than the Uyghur communities of Northwestern China. They exist in a constant state of stress, the threat of imprisonment an ever-present force found throughout their daily lives. For the Uyghur people, Hell is just a stone's throw away. These camps loom over towns and villages like a monster sitting there silently taunting whoever's next, none other quite as large and ominous as Urumqi Detention Center 3. ## Links - AP Article - The Sun Article - Al Jazeera Article - BBC Article - Zenz Report - HRW History of Uyghur Oppression - Xinjiang Data Project - Amnesty International ## Key Takeaways - Urumqi No. 3 Detention Center is the largest of China's internment camps, holding an estimated 10,000 Uyghurs. - The Chinese government has systematically detained Uyghurs since 2017 for practices like praying or owning a Quran. - Survivors and former staff describe severe torture and human rights abuses at Urumqi No. 3 Detention Center. - China has expanded its network of internment camps, with over 380 facilities identified since 2017. - Despite international condemnation, China continues to operate and expand its internment camp network. ## Frequently Asked Questions ### What is Urumqi No. 3 Detention Center? Urumqi No. 3 Detention Center, also known as Center 3, is the largest detention facility in China, located in the Dabancheng district of Xinjiang. It is estimated to hold around 10,000 people and has been used to detain Uyghur Muslims since 2017. ### Why were Uyghur Muslims detained in Urumqi No. 3 Detention Center? Uyghur Muslims were detained for practices labeled as 'religious extremism,' such as praying, having a prayer mat, working in a mosque, reading the Quran, possessing religious videos, traveling or studying abroad, and having forbidden software on their devices. ### What is the size of Urumqi No. 3 Detention Center? Urumqi No. 3 Detention Center spans over 220 acres, making it larger than Vatican City and Disneyworld's Magic Kingdom. It is enclosed by 25-foot concrete walls and has extensive security measures, including watchtowers and electric wiring. ### What is the background of the detention campaign in Xinjiang? The detention campaign began in 2014 with the 'Strike Hard Against Terrorism' campaign, which targeted religious practices among Muslim Uyghurs. The campaign intensified in 2017, leading to the construction of numerous internment centers, including Urumqi No. 3 Detention Center. ### What are the conditions like inside Urumqi No. 3 Detention Center? Conditions inside the center are described as 'Hell on Earth' by survivors and former staff. Detainees are subjected to constant surveillance, forced indoctrination, torture, and severe restrictions on basic human needs like hygiene, food, and water. ### How does the Chinese government justify the detention of Uyghur Muslims? The Chinese government justifies the detention by labeling practices of the Muslim faith as 'extremism' and 'terrorism.' They claim that these measures are part of a 'War on Terror' to combat separatist threats. ### What is the international response to the detention of Uyghur Muslims in Xinjiang? The international community has largely condemned the actions taken against Uyghur civilians, but no massive relief efforts have been orchestrated. The UN and specific nations have imposed underwhelming punishments on China. ### What is the future of Urumqi No. 3 Detention Center and similar facilities? The Chinese government continues to expand the existing prison network and build new facilities, indicating a commitment to the ongoing imprisonment of Uyghur and other Muslim minorities. Satellite images show new buildings added to Center 3 in 2019. ### What is the role of Chen Quanguo in the detention campaign? Chen Quanguo, appointed as the Communist Party Secretary of Xinjiang in late 2016, was instrumental in increasing counterterrorism measures and overseeing the construction of 're-education camps' throughout the Xinjiang region. ### What evidence supports the existence of Urumqi No. 3 Detention Center as a re-education facility? Despite official denials, evidence includes testimonies from former inmates and officers, as well as the original name of the center, 'the Urumqi Vocational Skills and Educational Training Center.' ## Sources - [Original Into the Shadows video: Detention Center 3: China's Largest Detention Center](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=AR1tBTJKsfA) - [Hero image source](https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/0/0d/%E4%B8%AD%E5%9B%BD%E6%96%B0%E7%96%86%E4%B9%8C%E9%B2%81%E6%9C%A8%E9%BD%90%E5%B8%82%E8%BE%BE%E5%9D%82%E5%9F%8E%E5%8C%BA_China_Xinjiang_Urumqi%2C_Dabancheng_Distric_-_panoramio_%2868%29.jpg) by 罗布泊 / openverse, by. ## Related Coverage Simon Whistler https://intotheshadows.pub/article/dissociative-identity-disorder-multiple-personalities https://intotheshadows.pub/article/dissociative-identity-disorder-multiple-personalities Sun, 28 Jun 2026 00:00:00 GMT Formerly known as Multiple Personality Disorder, it's a mental illness that has received loads of attention in recent years. Portrayed in movies like *Split*, the idea that someone can switch between alternate personalities has fascinated and captivated the public's attention for decades. But what is the reality of this mysterious disorder, and is it truly as dramatic, or perhaps even as dangerous, as it's been depicted in popular media? Join us today as we explore what we know about the elusive nature of Dissociative Identity Disorder, and the controversy it has stirred up in the field of psychology. ## Symptoms The first thing you need to know about the symptoms of DID is that they can vary pretty significantly from patient to patient, both in the way that they manifest and in their severity. However, to help medical professionals accurately diagnose the disorder, there are several symptoms that have been nailed down as the standard indicators of Dissociative Identity Disorder, and we'll be basing this off of the DSM-5, a diagnostic manual published by the American Psychiatric Association. Of the criteria laid out in the DSM-5, the first, known as Criterion A, is likely the one that immediately jumped to your mind when you clicked on this video: the disruption of one's identity by the existence of two or more distinct personality states in an individual. This is the *defining characteristic* of Dissociative Identity Disorder, and can manifest itself in a few ways: The one most people are familiar with is that some patients report, and have been observed, to suddenly switch to an alternate personality, which can have a different temperament, sense of humor, or even slightly different handwriting. These alternate personalities are commonly referred to as *alters*, and while most have only a select few alters, the average number has been increasing in recent years, and some have reported more than 100. Alters can be anything, a different gender, different age, or even a different ethnicity. Preferences for food and music may rapidly shift back and forth between alters, as can political views, general outlook on life, and the person may report that their body feels different than normal. But this isn't the full story. Other individuals experiencing Criterion A symptoms may not display the traditional switch to another personality, rather, they may suddenly feel depersonalized from their own body, reporting that they feel more like an observer in their own mind, unable to influence their own actions or speech. These periods of dissociation are frightening, especially since they are often accompanied by intense emotions or desires, all while the individual feels powerless to stop it, as if they're watching a movie in their own head. In highly religious communities, these periods of helplessness or alternate personalities may be interpreted as possession by a demon or spirit. Interestingly, these symptoms can be so disruptive to one's life that family and friends are often the ones who first take note of them, as they can be so extreme that even the roller coaster of teenage emotion isn't enough to explain the behavior. This is in contrast to the next set of symptoms which isn't as obvious to those around you, Criterion B. Criterion B is characterized by recurrent amnesia or gaps in memory. People may forget everyday events, like which store they just went to or when they woke up, or they may forget entire periods of their life, such as important personal information, childhood events, or their own wedding. Some even report lapses in their memory regarding everyday functioning, such as forgetting how to use a computer, unlock their smartphone, or navigate their hometown. They may also stumble across evidence of actions they don't remember, such as finding new items around the house that they don't remember buying. One of the more concerning ways these so-called 'dissociative fugues' can present themselves is in travel. People with DID may report that they suddenly 'woke up' or became aware of their surroundings at the beach or at work, with no recollection of how they came to be there. While there have been extreme cases of traveling to new cities, people commonly report suddenly being in a different part of their home. Imagine that one minute you're watching this video, and after you blink you're suddenly sitting on the floor in your closet. You can understand just how distressing that would be. The final criteria for a diagnosis of DID specify that the symptoms aren't better explained by other medical conditions, like seizures, and are not the result of substance abuse. Additionally, if the patient is a child, medical professionals need to be certain that the symptoms aren't the result of imaginary friends or some other fantasy play. So that's a lot of symptoms, and individuals can report various combinations of what we've just described. Other symptoms that commonly accompany DID but not always present are things like self-harm, depression, and anxiety, which can make it even harder for medical professionals to find the true cause. But even with all this, there's one part that still remains quite the mystery to experts, and that's what causes it all in the first place. ## Controversial Causes DID and what causes it is one of the most controversial subjects in modern psychology, and the field is actually quite divided on the topic. Generally, there are *three* different positions that experts take regarding the disorder. The first stance is that the Dissociative Identity Disorder does not exist in the first place. Though this view isn't nearly as popular as the other two, it is still held by several researchers. They posit that the symptoms of DID are too vague and simply left up to interpretation by clinicians, which can vary wildly. One study in 1993 found that the symptoms of DID are virtually indistinguishable from those of borderline personality disorder, or BPD. A second analysis down this path found that 64% of patients with DID indeed met the criteria for BPD instead, but the remaining 36% did not, leading the researchers to conclude that DID does exist, but is simply over-diagnosed. The belief that DID is outright fake isn't helped by the fact that many people on social media pretend to have the disorder for those juicy internet points, from YouTube to TikTok there's really no shortage of it. But this isn't really a new phenomenon, from Tourette's to literally blindness, there have always been people faking medical conditions for a myriad of reasons, so this is only to be expected with something as well-known and as unique as DID. But what you can't fake are brain scans. Emerging evidence in neuroimaging has shown that there are actually detectable differences in the brains of people that dissociate, something which can't be explained away by either BPD or faking symptoms. For example, a 2006 study found that cerebral blood flow is different in those with DID compared to those without, with some of the most significant differences found in the amygdala, an area of the brain responsible for emotion. Another study in 2021 found that those with DID have a slightly smaller hippocampus, an area of the brain that plays a major part in memory and learning. So clearly something real is happening here, and we can safely discard the idea that the disorder doesn't exist at all. That brings us to the second explanation, that the disorder is caused by trauma. More than 90% of people with Dissociative Identity Disorder report some form of abuse in their childhood, an incredibly high correlation. Whether it be neglect, sexual or physical abuse, this early-life trauma seems to be a critical step in the development of DID. Aside from abuse, people have also reported scarring memories of terrorism, painful medical procedures, or war, so it's also possible that a single, overwhelmingly traumatic event can have a similar effect on the disorder's development. But how the brain transforms this trauma into periods of dissociation isn't quite clear. Some researchers have suggested that when emotional damage is so extreme, people may begin dissociating as a way of escaping reality to deal with the pain. For a child, whose sense of self isn't very concrete, this coping mechanism may disrupt their perception of who they are and be the trigger for developing DID further down the road. But this doesn't answer all the questions, as there are also plenty of individuals with Dissociative Identity Disorder who either experienced their trauma later in life as an adult or didn't experience it at all. It also doesn't explain why some people develop the disorder early in life, like at age 10 or 11, while others don't even begin showing symptoms until much later in life. Others have suggested that the development of DID requires the intense trauma to be coupled with a genetic predisposition, meaning that there may be some biological trigger for the disorder that is activated at some point in their life, awakening the symptoms that were lying dormant in the person. This approach is called the biopsychosocial perspective, taking into account the influence of several domains of life, like brain chemistry, life experiences, and thinking patterns. The biopsychosocial view is generally our best explanation for the causes of other disorders like schizophrenia or depression, so it only seems logical to apply it to DID, we just don't seem to have all the details yet. This brings us to our third and final explanation, that DID is brought about by certain controversial forms of psychotherapy. Proponents of the so-called 'therapy-induced model' suggest that patients experiencing other mental illnesses, such as borderline personality disorder, become suggestible in the presence of a therapist who tells them that they may have DID while performing something like hypnotherapy or while attempting to uncover repressed memories. Attempting to uncover repressed memories through hypnosis is something you've probably seen in a movie at some point, but it has absolutely no basis in science, and recent evidence shows that instead of recovering old, lost memories, it is actually quite powerful at creating new, entirely false ones. This is why some believe that the symptoms of DID, and perhaps memories of the trauma itself, are created through these questionable practices. Evidence for this includes a small number of clinicians accounting for a large percentage of actual diagnoses, and the fact that rates of the disorder are higher in the United States and Canada than in the rest of the world. They also point to the fact that most patients initially report the dissociative fugues and amnesia, and only later begin to open up about more bizarre alters, like animals or even mythological beings. It's also been suggested that aside from some unscientific therapy practices, symptoms may be egged on by self-diagnosis or a diagnosis from parents, which may explain why rates of the disorder have increased dramatically in the last few decades as movies and TV shows have brought it to the public's attention. The brain is a powerful machine, and if you strongly believe that you have DID, it may be possible to begin genuinely showing the symptoms of what you believe the disorder to be. ## Prevalence and Treatment Whichever of these explanations you believe, there is one thing that can be agreed upon: something is going on here. Whether you believe it to be therapy-induced, brought on from trauma, or simply biological in some way, at the end of the day, these are real people with real issues. While estimates vary between studies, likely .5 to 1% of the population in the western world suffers from DID, and many try to hide their symptoms out of shame, especially if there was severe abuse that they've yet to tell anyone about. And no, you shouldn't be worried that someone with DID will dissociate to a violent alter and attempt to murder you, like they've been known to do in Hollywood. After all, it's a classic movie courtroom scene, attempting to plead insanity on the grounds that a different personality is the one that actually committed the crime. And as fantastical as it sounds, there have been a few interesting real-world court cases where the defense has claimed DID as the true culprit. Arguably the most popular of these is Billy Milligan, who was charged in 1977 with several counts of sexual assault, aggravated robbery, and kidnapping. Milligan's defense claimed that his alternate personalities had been the ones to commit the crimes, and, surprisingly, the court went for it. Milligan's insanity defense had worked, and instead of prison he was committed to a psychiatric hospital, from which he later escaped, and then possibly committed two more murders. Among his 24 personalities was a wealthy, intelligent British scientist, a three-year-old girl, an escape artist, a Yugoslav explosives expert, who was blamed for his robberies, and a shy, 19 year-old lesbian, who was blamed for the assaults. You can decide whether you believe him, or if you think it was a convenient way to get away with his many felonies. Just remember that violent cases like this are incredibly rare. Sufferers of DID are *far* more likely to be victims themselves than to harm anyone else. In fact, as many as 70% of people diagnosed with DID attempt to take their *own* life at some point, while their rates of harming others are no higher than that of the general population. And this is why it is crucial to treat the disorder as effectively as possible, but the results are a bit mixed. Currently, there is no specific medication for Dissociative Identity Disorder, though other meds are often prescribed for coexisting conditions, such as depression. Because we can't rely on medication, therapy is really the only treatment we can turn to. The approach a therapist takes varies from patient to patient depending on their needs, but the most common goal is to reintegrate the alters back into a single, stable self, so the patient can return to normal function with their memory complete. This is achieved through many, many therapy sessions, usually lasting several months or years, as the patient works to not only come to terms with their dissociative states, but to gain more control over them. It's also crucial for the therapist to treat any other issues the patient is facing alongside DID, such as eating disorders or self-harm. However, unlike more well-understood conditions, it's difficult to predict if or how well someone will recover from DID. Prognosis for people in their teenage years is quite good, with the majority reporting either complete remission or significant improvement after 6 months, but there's a considerable gap in the literature regarding long-term success. Only a handful of studies have continued to follow up with patients 5 years after treatment, so how well these people go on to function in adulthood in the long-run isn't very well known. In the coming years, we will likely begin to uncover more about this mysterious disorder, especially as the technology for brain imaging rapidly advances and more and more people come forward seeking treatment. If you believe that you or someone you know may be suffering from DID, please do not self-diagnose. It is always best to seek out a doctor or mental health professional who can properly assess you and get you the treatment you need. If you are in the United States, [apa.org has a list of free hotlines](https://www.apa.org/topics/crisis-hotlines), which includes a directory of DID experts around the country. ## Key Takeaways - Dissociative Identity Disorder (DID) involves two or more distinct personality states, with symptoms varying in manifestation and severity. - DID symptoms include identity disruption, recurrent amnesia, and gaps in memory, often noticed by family and friends. - Controversial causes of DID include trauma, genetic predisposition, and potentially therapy-induced factors. - DID is relatively rare, affecting about 0.5 to 1% of the western population, with sufferers more likely to be victims than perpetrators. - Treatment for DID primarily involves long-term therapy to reintegrate alters and manage coexisting conditions. ## Frequently Asked Questions ### What is Dissociative Identity Disorder (DID)? Dissociative Identity Disorder, formerly known as Multiple Personality Disorder, is a mental illness characterized by the disruption of one's identity by the existence of two or more distinct personality states in an individual. ### What are the standard indicators of Dissociative Identity Disorder? The standard indicators of DID include the disruption of one's identity by the existence of two or more distinct personality states, recurrent amnesia or gaps in memory, and symptoms that are not better explained by other medical conditions or substance abuse. ### What are 'alters' in the context of DID? Alters are alternate personalities that individuals with DID may exhibit. These alters can have different temperaments, senses of humor, handwriting, and even different genders, ages, or ethnicities. ### What is Criterion A in the diagnosis of DID? Criterion A refers to the disruption of one's identity by the existence of two or more distinct personality states in an individual, which is the defining characteristic of Dissociative Identity Disorder. ### What is Criterion B in the diagnosis of DID? Criterion B is characterized by recurrent amnesia or gaps in memory, where individuals may forget everyday events, important personal information, or even entire periods of their life. ### What are some controversial causes of DID? The controversial causes of DID include the belief that it does not exist, that it is caused by trauma, and that it is brought about by certain forms of psychotherapy. ### What is the prevalence of DID? Estimates vary, but likely 0.5 to 1% of the population in the western world suffers from DID. ### What is the treatment for DID? There is no specific medication for DID, but therapy is the primary treatment. The goal is to reintegrate the alters back into a single, stable self through many therapy sessions over several months or years. ### What is the prognosis for individuals with DID? The prognosis varies. Teenagers often report complete remission or significant improvement after 6 months, but long-term success is less well-known due to limited follow-up studies. ### What should you do if you suspect someone has DID? It is always best to seek out a doctor or mental health professional who can properly assess the individual and get them the treatment they need. ## Sources - [Original Into the Shadows video: Dissociative Identity Disorder](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=VXgGeMCnjwk) - [Hero image source](https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/7/79/Dissociative-identity-disorder-forest.jpg) by hunnnterrr / openverse, by. ## Related Coverage Simon Whistler https://intotheshadows.pub/article/do-people-remain-conscious-when-guillotined https://intotheshadows.pub/article/do-people-remain-conscious-when-guillotined Sun, 28 Jun 2026 00:00:00 GMT For thousands of years, societies from all over the world have come up with various ways to kill off anyone who either did them wrong, stood in their way, or simply just had to go. This involved burying them alive, feeding them to wild animals, boiling them to death, pulling their limbs from their bodies, burning them at the stake, hanging them, cutting their heads off, and death by firing squad. None of which sounds like a good way to go, if we're honest. Though the majority of the world's governing bodies have done away with capital punishment, prisoners are still actively being executed in 54 countries around the world, which includes the United States, Japan, China, India, Taiwan, Singapore, Saudi Arabia, and some African countries like Egypt, South Sudan, and Somalia. In 2015, there was some debate in the US regarding which method of execution was the most humane after Pfizer refused to sell the US drugs that would be used for lethal injections. Prisoners who were executed by a firing squad could be expected to live for up to two minutes after being shot. Death by electric chair can take up to almost three minutes, with one botched electrocution in 1985 having lasted 17 minutes. Prisoners who were to be hanged could be expected to suffer for up to 11 minutes before they died, and the gas chamber isn't much better, since the doomed prisoner could be expected to gasp for breath for up to 18 minutes before finally suffocating to death. And though you'd think that the lethal injection would be the most humane way to go, it's not, since it can now take anything between 5 minutes to 2 hours for the prisoner to be declared dead. Death by guillotine was judged to be the most humane, with death occurring almost instantly. But recent studies suggest that people may remain conscious for some time after being guillotined. ## Where Resides the Soul Some of the earliest stories of a person remaining conscious after death started doing the rounds in 1536 after Anne Boleyn was executed. According to legend, her disembodied head had opened and closed its mouth as if trying to speak. Following the execution of convicted assassin Charlotte Corday during the French Revolution, a man named Legros allegedly picked up her head and slapped her cheek, and witnesses would later claim that her disembodied head seemed insulted by the act. In 1795, during the height of the French Revolution, German physician and anatomist Samuel Thomas von Sömmerring argued that death by guillotine was nothing more than torture, since — "the feeling, personality, and self remain alive in the severed head for a few moments after the execution." As proof, Sömmerring cited several witnesses who'd seen the lips of decapitated heads move, saw their eyes follow people around a room, or seemed to try to speak before death finally took them. A French doctor named Jean-Joseph Sue backed up Dr. Sömmerring's initial claims by explaining that the brain is the only organ that can process pain and that it is likely that after it's cut off from the body, the brain retains — "perception of its execution, and then after-thought of its ordeal." Dr. Sue went on to test his theory by decapitating several animals and noted that their heads kept moving for 'a number of seconds' after it had been cut off. He concluded that it was proof that some feeling remained for up to a minute after decapitation, and explained that — "a single minute of pain is incalculably long for the person feeling it." Many scientists disagreed with his conclusions, with Dr. Lepelletier arguing that the 'three conditions' that were needed to sustain life were removed once a person's head is cut off, and just because its reflexes are still working — "that does not prove that it still feels and knows suffering, because every day we see people who have violent convulsive movements declare, when they regain consciousness, that they have no idea of having felt pain." This resulted in an onslaught of opinions and theories on whether or not the soul or a person's sense of self resided in the head or the body, and whether decapitation was really the 'most gentle' method of executing someone. Of course, at the time, none of the proposed theories could be scientifically proven, though some did their best. One study that took place in 1791 involved probing the nerves and muscles of a recently executed criminal, which resulted in the body and face muscles contracting. The observers concluded that the spasms were evidence that the body was still conscious after death. After Luigi Galvani published his findings on bio-electro-magnetics in 1791, scientists started attaching electric probes to the muscles and nerves in decapitated heads to try and establish whether the person remained conscious following their execution. One of these gruesome experiments took place in Poland on the 25th of February 1803. Electrical probes were attached to the nerve endings of the freshly decapitated head of a criminal, and it was then held up by an assistant while the probes were attached to a battery. Onlookers watched on as a scientist shouted at and yelled at the head, and later reported that the eyes and mouth kept moving for at least one and a half minutes after decapitation. On the 21st of November 1803, several medical students in the German city of Mainz performed a similar experiment by repeatedly shouting into the faces of decapitated heads seconds after their execution. Without the help of electrical probes, however, their expressions remained impassive and led the study to conclude that — "loss of consciousness is practically instantaneous and irrevocable upon decapitation." The results of this final study seemed to finally put an end to the question of whether decapitated heads retained consciousness, but in 1975, interest in the topic was reawakened when a study done on decapitated lab rats revealed that their brains remained active for up to 13.6 seconds after decapitation. Worst still, the EEG findings suggested that the rats were experiencing 'discomfort and pain' before the brain finally stopped showing any activity. So is it possible that humans do remain conscious after decapitation? ## The Most Gentle of Lethal Methods Since it's considered to be unethical to decapitate people for the sake of science, the only reliable way we have to determine whether or not humans remain conscious after decapitation is by relying on the studies that are made on decapitated lab rats. The 1975 study has since come under fire since its sample size only consisted of 10 rats, but a more recent study was performed in Denmark in 2011 and worked with a sample of 22 rats, although only 17 of them delivered results. The Danish study explains that there is a need for rodent brains that aren't contaminated by gasses or anaesthetics, and so many scientists conclude that the most humane way of euthanising these rats is by decapitation. Because of the findings of the 1975 study, the question is often asked whether or not decapitation could be considered humane, and so the team was tasked with finding out just how long the rats remain conscious after beheading. During the study, one group of rats were given anaesthesia, while the other was left fully aware of their surroundings. Electrodes were placed on their heads, and an EEG reading for each rat was taken for 30 seconds before decapitation to establish a baseline. Afterwards, the EEG recordings lasted for five minutes to capture any brain activity that may take place after decapitation. Once the readings were analysed, the scientists observed a noticeable dip in brain activity in both groups of rats immediately following decapitation. Brain activity then spiked for around two to three seconds before dying off completely within 10 seconds of decapitation. This led the scientists to conclude that the rats lost consciousness within 3 seconds of decapitation, and would have lost all sense of pain after that. Most interesting though, was a final upsurge in brain activity between 60 and 80 seconds after decapitation. They speculate that this is a result of the brain dying from a lack of oxygen, resulting in the neurons dying out. That final wave was subsequently called the 'wave of death'. Neurologists have since recorded the same phenomenon occurring in human brains. A recent study that was published in the magazine Neurobiology of Disease in November 2023, explains that they'd studied EEG readings of patients who were taken off life support to determine how long a human brain can survive once the oxygen supply to the brain is cut off. They confirm that a similar process takes place in human brains — all brain activity ceases after a few seconds, and then a final wave is observed after all the available oxygen in the brain has been used up. "This critical event, called anoxic depolarization, induces neuronal death throughout the cortex. Like a swan song, it is the true marker of transition towards the cessation of all brain activity." In 2022, a similar phenomenon was observed after an 87-year-old patient with epilepsy unexpectedly passed away from heart failure while connected to an EGG machine. Unlike the patients in the 2023 study, this patient had been awake and conscious when they suffered cardiac arrest, and the EGG machine showed a decrease in brain activity within the first 10 to 30 seconds after the person was declared to be legally dead. The doctors also noted that the areas of the brain that were still active, were the ones associated with cognitive processes and memory recall, supporting the theory that patients who are dying experience a 'recall of life' before all brain function ceases. This in turn has sparked debates regarding when a person can be considered to be dead — when the heart stops beating, or when the brain stops showing any activity. This brings us back to the original question — do people remain conscious once they are decapitated? All the evidence suggests that once someone is decapitated, they'll lose consciousness within the first two seconds, after which their brain slowly dies from oxygen deprivation. So no, people aren't aware of what is happening around them once they've been decapitated. But why is this question still relevant? There is currently only one country in the world that still practices decapitation as a form of capital punishment, and that is Saudi Arabia. Male prisoners are decapitated using a sword called a sulthan, and according to one account from 1989, it often takes more than one blow with a sword to fully decapitate someone. In 2015, Judge Alex Kozinski of the Ninth U.S Circuit Court of Appeals explained that it is also highly unlikely that the US would reinstate the guillotine as a form of execution, since — "The guillotine is probably best, but seems inconsistent with our national ethos." However, in 2013, Italian neurosurgeon Sergio Canavero suggested that it might be possible to perform a successful head transplant in humans, once more sparking interest in the question of whether or not his patients would retain their consciousness after surgical decapitation. Canavero would later join up with Ren Xiaoping, a Chinese orthopaedic surgeon, and together they would come up with a method for performing successful human head transplants. However, neither one of them has been able to prove their widely contested theories, and the only person who'd publicly volunteered to be their test subject, backed out in 2018 after he became a father to a little boy. However, if they are to be successful, there are several hurdles they must overcome first, the least of which is how they plan on keeping the brain alive for more than a minute without losing brain function. Until then, head transplants and talking heads in jars will remain in the realm of science fiction, a possibility we won't have to consider for at least another hundred years or so. ## Key Takeaways - Historically, various brutal methods of execution have been used worldwide. - Decapitation was once considered the most humane method of execution. - Studies on rats suggest humans lose consciousness within seconds of decapitation. - Saudi Arabia is the only country that still practices decapitation as capital punishment. - Head transplants remain a theoretical possibility but face significant scientific hurdles. ## Frequently Asked Questions ### What methods of execution are considered inhumane? Methods such as firing squad, electric chair, hanging, gas chamber, and lethal injection are considered inhumane due to the prolonged suffering they can cause. ### How long can a person remain conscious after being executed by a firing squad? Prisoners executed by a firing squad can be expected to live for up to two minutes after being shot. ### What was the debate in the US regarding execution methods in 2015? The debate in the US in 2015 was about which method of execution was the most humane after Pfizer refused to sell drugs for lethal injections. ### What did Samuel Thomas von Sömmerring argue about death by guillotine? Samuel Thomas von Sömmerring argued that death by guillotine was nothing more than torture, as the feeling, personality, and self remain alive in the severed head for a few moments after the execution. ### What did the 1975 study on decapitated lab rats reveal? The 1975 study revealed that the brains of decapitated lab rats remained active for up to 13.6 seconds, suggesting they might experience discomfort and pain. ### What did the 2011 Danish study on decapitated rats conclude? The 2011 Danish study concluded that rats lost consciousness within 3 seconds of decapitation and would have lost all sense of pain after that. ### What is the 'wave of death' observed in brain activity? The 'wave of death' is a final upsurge in brain activity observed between 60 and 80 seconds after decapitation, resulting from the brain dying due to a lack of oxygen. ### Which country still practices decapitation as a form of capital punishment? Saudi Arabia is the only country that still practices decapitation as a form of capital punishment, using a sword called a sulthan. ### What is the current status of human head transplants? Human head transplants remain in the realm of science fiction, with no successful procedures proven. The main challenge is keeping the brain alive without losing function. ## Sources - [Original Into the Shadows video: Do People Really Remain Conscious When Guillotined?](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=BORHA3XGrtA) - [https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Capital_punishment#Methods](https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Capital_punishment#Methods) - [https://www.nbcnews.com/news/us-news/firing-squad-gas-chamber-how-long-executions-take-n329371](https://www.nbcnews.com/news/us-news/firing-squad-gas-chamber-how-long-executions-take-n329371) - [https://www.nytimes.com/2016/05/14/us/pfizer-execution-drugs-lethal-injection.html](https://www.nytimes.com/2016/05/14/us/pfizer-execution-drugs-lethal-injection.html) - [https://www.britannica.com/topic/guillotine](https://www.britannica.com/topic/guillotine) - [https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Charlotte_Corday](https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Charlotte_Corday) - [https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Guillotine#Living_heads](https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Guillotine#Living_heads) - [https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC9930870/](https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC9930870/) - [https://www.cairn-int.info/revue-revue-d-histoire-des-sciences-2008-2-page-333.htm?contenu=article](https://www.cairn-int.info/revue-revue-d-histoire-des-sciences-2008-2-page-333.htm?contenu=article) - [https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/3884824/](https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/3884824/) - [https://neurosciencenews.com/death-brain-neuroscience-25356/](https://neurosciencenews.com/death-brain-neuroscience-25356/) - [https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S0969996123003613?via%3Dihub](https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S0969996123003613?via%3Dihub) - [https://www.frontiersin.org/articles/10.3389/fnagi.2022.813531/full?utm_source=fweb&utm_medium=nblog&utm_campaign=ba-sci-fnagi-what-happens-in-the-brain-when-we-die](https://www.frontiersin.org/articles/10.3389/fnagi.2022.813531/full?utm_source=fweb&utm_medium=nblog&utm_campaign=ba-sci-fnagi-what-happens-in-the-brain-when-we-die) - [Hero image source](https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/5/5a/Vanished_World_2024_Calendar_02.jpg) by Christian Herrmann / openverse, by-sa. ## Related Coverage Simon Whistler https://intotheshadows.pub/article/dragonfly-drug-keeps-you-high-days https://intotheshadows.pub/article/dragonfly-drug-keeps-you-high-days Sun, 28 Jun 2026 00:00:00 GMT It's a hallucinogen so potent it will keep you high for days on end. It's powerful, it's cheap, and in most places, it's totally legal. Known as Bromo-Dragonfly, it puts all other psychedelic drugs that came before it to shame. It's twice as strong as LSD, has similar stimulant effects to meth, and is growing in popularity across the world's party scene. But where the heck did this ominous drug come from? How has it remained legal in so many places for so long? And how have its effects led to overdose, hospitalisation, and even death? This is the most powerful narcotic you've likely never heard of. It might be labelled "not for human consumption", but those who do take it are in for one hell of a ride. ## Making Dragons Fly So, what is this mystical "Bromo-Dragonfly"? And why does it have a name that sounds like a jiu jitsu gym that Instagram influencers go to? Well, it's a synthetic, designer, hallucinogenic drug. Ok, great, but what does that really mean? Well, synthetic means that it was artificially created in a lab, as opposed to natural narcotics that can be found around the world in the wild like various kinds of mushrooms and some cannabis plant species. A designer drug is one that is engineered to recreate or simulate the effects of traditional illicit drugs, either to up their strength, or to escape regulation from the law. It's quite common for designer drugs to have inconsistent ingredients, alongside little information on dosages and the health impacts of taking them owing to the ceaseless tinkering with the molecular structure of it to stay one step ahead of the law. And as for hallucinogens, well it's rather obvious, they make you hallucinate, which some people find to be a pretty fun time. So obviously the chemical name of this synthetic, designer hallucinogen isn't actually dragonfly, that's just a nickname. Its full name is bromo…furo…benzo—this. And it's known as dragonfly because its chemical structure looks as close to a dragonfly as you can get in a chemistry formula, with two wings, a head, and a long tail. It's actually designed to mimic the psychedelic effects of the 70s hallucinogenic drug known as 2C-B, which looks quite similar and comes in powder and pill form. However, dragonfly also seems to have similar stimulant and psychoactive effects to well-known drugs like LSD, amphetamine, methamphetamine, and MDMA. Dragonfly also goes by a number of other nicknames as many drugs tend to do. It's known as Fly, ABDF, 2CB-Fly, DOB-Dragonfly, BDF, Placid, Spamfly and B-fly. We'll just call it dragonfly, or Bromo-Dragonfly, as that's what most places seem to call it. As far as recreational drugs go, Bromo-Dragonfly is pretty new, pretty powerful, and pretty scary. It was first synthesised back in 1998 at Purdue University in West Lafayette, Indiana, in the lab of professor David Nichols. Scientists there were doing research on the central nervous system, as well as serotonin receptor activity and structure. Quick aside: serotonin is the happiness chemical your brain releases in response to certain stimuli. And during this time, they managed to create Bromo-Dragonfly, which means that this hallucinogenic drug was designed in a science lab with the concept of maximising the amount of serotonin you can possibly receive, "just for funsies". Because there are absolutely zero medical uses for dragonfly whatsoever, even today. And trust me when we say it is powerful. ED50 is a metric used in science that represents the dose of a medication that it takes to produce the intended pharmacological effects. Basically, it's a score of how much of this stuff it takes you to become high as a kite and start seeing things. Those same researchers found that dragonfly was around twice as potent as LSD. You know, acid? The drug that makes you feel like you can move through other dimensions? Yeah, just double that. But not only that, dragonfly is also longer-lasting than almost any drug you can take, legal or illegal. A regular dose of Bromo-Dragonfly can keep you high for up to three days, which is simply far too long to ever be tripping out for. But how has this hallucinogen spread throughout the world if it's so dangerous? Why can't countries do much about it? And where do people even get such a niche psychedelic anyway? ## Doses, Prices, and A Legal Crisis At some point, this hilariously strong chemical substance's formula was leaked and spread across the world. It was formally identified in 2008 amongst a new emerging trend of drug abuse during the internet monitoring activities of the Psychonaut Web Mapping Project. However, we know that dragonfly started buzzing onto the recreational drug scene some time in the early 2000s, which makes sense given the year it was created. I mean, a hallucinogenic that makes you high for three days sounds like an early 2000s festival-goer's dream. And since then, it has remained a niche, evolving and elusive substance that has been linked to a lot of overdoses and even several fatalities. We weren't kidding when we said this stuff was strong. But its stock is growing. Mostly it has seen popularity in Northern European nations like Finland, Sweden, Denmark, and Norway, but nowadays it sees use throughout Europe and the USA amongst any particularly vibrant party and rave scene. The onset of its effects are rather slow and being a party drug, it also ends up getting mixed with lots of other substances both legal and illegal—we're talking marijuana, cocaine, prescription medications, alcohol, LSD, ketamine, amphetamines, and even other "legal highs". You don't need me to tell you, that is rather ill advised for a drug that lasts for three days. Bromo-Dragonfly comes in three main forms: powder, liquid, and blotter paper. The powdered form can be snorted, smoked, ingested, or even taken rectally. However, snorting the powdered crystals appears to cause the strongest intensity of the hallucinations as well as the worst side effects health wise, but we'll get to that later. The liquid form is usually injected directly into the bloodstream via a vein, but just like with the rectal use, this is both highly uncommon owing to the practicalities, whilst also being stupid dangerous because it is very easy to overdose when administering it in either way. The last and one of the most common ways to take dragonfly is orally, either in solution or on blotter paper. The drug is dissolved in a liquid, which is then absorbed onto blotter paper, and once dried, it's cut into individual squares, known as tabs, and taken by placing them under the tongue or swallowing them. You may have heard of "a tab of acid" in reference to LSD before—this is the same process. And it's probably the safest way to take it also, as the doses are at least more accurate and the chances of overdose are lower. Some blotter papers are also sometimes made into art to make them more appealing. And on top of all of that, it's not only potent, convenient, and flexible, it's also pretty cheap, at least as drugs go. A single gram of Bromo-Dragonfly can set you back over $400 dollars. "But you said it was cheap!" Well, that's because the dose is commonly less than a single milligram. A gram of this stuff would kill you, heck it might kill an elephant. A single dose on blotter paper can cost someone between $14 and $42 dollars, and given how much people tend to spend on booze at raves and festivals, that's not a huge amount for several days' worth of feeling like you're living inside a kaleidoscope. But it can be even cheaper depending on the supply, demand, and the strength of the dose. Generally speaking, there are two "batches" of dragonfly you can buy: the European batch, which is stronger, and the American batch, which is weaker. We couldn't tell you why the strength is split geographically like this, other than by just assuming that Europeans have a higher tolerance for narcotics. And if you've ever been to Scotland, that is probably obvious to you. In the Nordic nations and Romania, it actually became a major problem for the authorities in those countries because people started to die from it. They ended up outlawing dragonfly completely, but they are the only nations that have attempted to ban the hallucinogen outright. And the reason for that is because it's difficult to do so. Dragonfly in many parts of the world is considered a "legal high", meaning that it isn't distinctly prohibited by governments for people to have it, supply it, or take it. And even if it was, some boffin would simply change the formula by 0.1 percent and then you have a totally new substance to outlaw—it never ends. It's kind of like changing George's name in *Of Mice and Men* to Phil and then claiming that this makes it an entirely new work of fiction legally. Lest we forget that dragonfly itself is a descendant of 2C-B, a similar illegal chemical compound with a slightly different structure. But even if you ban all of the 2C-B family of drugs, like the UK's Psychoactive Substances Act in 2016 did by classifying them all as class A drugs for example, there are still ways around it. None of these drugs in the UK are legal to produce, supply or import for human consumption. And those last two words are important: "human consumption". Because people will simply smack a "not for human consumption" sticker on their dragonfly, label it as plant food or something else, and then import it no problem. Just because it says "not for human consumption", doesn't mean people are going to follow that advice. But at least the UK tried to do something. Most of Europe, alongside most states in the US, don't outlaw it whatsoever. It is illegal in Oklahoma though. And so, this "legal high" as it's known in many parts of the world, continues to live in this legislative grey area in a lot of countries, where it's not distinctly banned by name, but it doesn't seem legal either. Such grey areas lead people to taking the substance under the guise that it is safe to do so. As we're about to show you, that is absolutely false. ## Highs and Lows Ok, so you know where it is, what it costs, that it's powerful, why people take it, and that it makes people see funny colours, but what is it about Bromo-Dragonfly that makes it so powerful, so sought after, and so horribly dangerous to its users? So first, let's talk a little about hallucinogens and what they actually do. When a person takes a hallucinogen in some form, it enters the bloodstream and ends up in the brain. Once there, it binds to your serotonin receptors—those are the bits in your brain that produce the happy chemical when you eat a bar of chocolate. Those receptors are then overwhelmed, causing one's serotonin and dopamine receptors to fire repeatedly, and temporarily altering the brain's understanding of everyday sensory input. The scientific term for this is tripping balls. And those hallucinations can manifest in all sorts of ways, but they're mainly a false perception of someone's core senses. If you were hallucinating, you might see, hear, smell, taste, or touch something that simply isn't real. You might feel like someone is in a room with you when nobody is present, you may feel like you're floating or flying, and you may feel as if you've entered an alternate reality completely. And this mirrors the listed effects of dragonfly when you take it. There are many effects but common among them are hallucinations like visual or auditory distortions, a feeling of connection or belonging with other realities, a sense of peace and well-being, emotional stimulation, an altered perception of space and time, euphoria, increased associative thinking, prolonged sexual pleasure, and meeting with other entities. And as we stated before, these effects don't just last for a couple of hours or a few minutes. They can last for two to three **DAYS**. 2C-B, the strong psychedelic dragonfly is based off, lasts about 10-15 hours by comparison. Sounds great, right? Let's all whack out the dragonfly and go meet space Jesus for a long weekend. But not so fast, because even if dragonfly sounds like the ride of a lifetime, it is catastrophically dangerous and we recommend enough that you should not take it. Mainly for a few reasons. **Reason number one:** You have no idea what you're taking. Because Bromo-Dragonfly is a synthetic drug, it looks like every other synthetic drug you've ever seen, usually some kind of ominous powder, pill, or liquid. Unless you are a chemist with a PhD and a full lab of equipment, you have no clue what's in it. And because of its designer drug status, the formula can be tinkered with constantly, leading to adverse effects and further causing confusion about its ingredients. If you don't know what something is, you probably shouldn't put it in your body. Drugs like dragonfly and other synthetic hallucinogens are also sometimes mislabelled or marketed as something else, usually LSD. Someone wants to take a tab of acid at a festival to watch the pretty colours and instead they end up in the ICU. **Reason number two:** It's ridiculously potent. A typical dose reported by those who take it is between 200 and 800 micrograms—less than a pinch of salt. That makes it very hard to measure using something not very precise like your kitchen scales for example. So, people frequently take too much and overdose. And trust me, you don't want to overdose on the drug that keeps you high for three days as standard. What's worse is that the onset of dragonfly usually takes between six to eight hours to fully start to work. In that time, someone impatient may decide that they simply got a dud, and take more, or something else, which only makes that person's problems 10 times worse when it finally does hit them. As a result, some users describe the effects of Bromo-Dragonfly as a bit like being strapped to a rocket, because you get extremely high and you can't get off. It's been described that the high simply "lasts too long and leaves you drained", which seems a colossal understatement in our books. **Reason number three** is it's extraordinarily bad for your health. Like all psychoactive substances there is the possibility of addiction and the subsequent withdrawal, although scientists report that dependence on dragonfly is rare. Although despite it not being considered overly addictive, people can and do still get addicted to it. It's designed to flood your brain with serotonin and dopamine after all. But beyond just the possibility of addiction like with almost any drug, taking dragonfly can be severely dangerous for your body. We're going to name every single medical complication that we've read has arisen in at least a handful of cases who have taken dragonfly, and it's a long list so bear with us. They are: agitation; anxiety; blood vessel constriction in the extremities; confusion; delusions; diarrhoea; dilated pupils; extreme fever; flashbacks; headaches; heart problems; high blood pressure; insomnia; kidney failure; liver failure; memory problems; muscle tension; muscle breakdown; nausea; paranoia; restlessness; respiratory problems; seizures; sweating; twitching; and death. This is without mentioning there are likely more undocumented effects as well because dragonfly has yet to be fully studied, and because of the changing formula. But don't just hear it from us—there are several stories in the media of people who took Bromo-Dragonfly on a whim and really ended up regretting it. One man from the UK stated his life-threatening experience: > "I threw up and then inhaled the contents of my stomach, and my lung collapsed. As the ambulance arrived, I had another fit and my heart stopped. They brought me back in the ambulance, and then my heart failed again as we reached the hospital." His dose cost him just £5. He stated that since his near-death experience he still struggled with severe flashbacks for some time afterwards as a result of the trauma to his body and mind. But some weren't so lucky as to just nearly die. The BBC reports that one 18-year-old user died after taking dragonfly. They were allegedly promised "a mellow hit, similar to acid but more enjoyable". One case, which was reported in Denmark, saw an 18-year-old woman die after consuming liquid Bromo-Dragonfly. Her autopsy revealed that she had a swelling of the lungs, swelling of the brain, enlargement of the spleen, irritation of the stomach and poor blood flow to the kidneys. Another patient in 2008 died in a Swedish hospital, having suffered convulsions, breathing problems, liver and kidney failure and on top of that, she lost several of her fingers and toes. What we're saying is, people do ultimately end up hospitalised by Bromo-Dragonfly for any number of reasons. Every person is different, with brain chemistry that reacts differently to certain substances, and an adverse reaction, either mentally or physically, could cause you serious harm that you might not recover from. You know how some people prefer never to smoke weed because it causes high levels of paranoia? Well imagine someone having a similar negative reaction to something as dangerous as dragonfly. For all of its interesting and potent effects, the risk of becoming just another statistic in the hospital, or worse, the morgue, is simply too great. But for now, there hasn't been any forward movement on whether dragonfly is going to be banned. As mentioned, it is restricted in the Nordic nations owing to its popularity and abuse there causing authorities to need to step in, but in other countries it is still effectively legal if you slap plant food and "not for human consumption" labels on it. It remains in this legal grey area, which causes some people to believe that just because it's not directly outlawed, that it therefore cannot be harmful. And that assumption costs lives. People are still able to freely find it and its ingredients on the internet. And until more research is done into dragonfly to understand its effects in more detail, it will definitively stay that way, going under the radar of authorities. Regardless of your opinions on drug prohibition, dragonfly needs to be researched and understood by the scientific community, not some bored chemist in his garage with too much spare time, to truly know how dangerous it is. That remaining unknown will continue to cost people their lives. Some have made very small efforts to try and get the danger of dragonfly recognised. In 2007, it was listed in the EU early warning system as a new psychoactive substance, but nothing really developed from it. Several organisations have taken some preventative measures, like posters, and this includes an absolutely badass-looking pamphlet on dragonfly which, let's be honest, isn't going to make it appear any less cool to raving teenagers. But it's something. Ultimately, there is a long way to go. Bromo-Dragonfly is, at the end of the day, a niche hallucinogen designer drug amongst many. If it ever entered the mainstream, it might gather some attention. But let's be real—by the time that happens, those who make designer drugs will have already changed the formula, or moved onto the next crazy compound for people to fry their receptors with. Just say no. ## Key Takeaways - Bromo-Dragonfly is a potent synthetic hallucinogen, twice as strong as LSD. - The drug is cheap, widely available, and often labeled as 'not for human consumption'. - Effects of Bromo-Dragonfly can last up to three days, leading to severe health risks. - Users may experience a range of dangerous side effects, including organ failure and death. - The drug's legal status varies, with some countries banning it while others remain in a grey area. ## Frequently Asked Questions ### What is Bromo-Dragonfly? Bromo-Dragonfly is a synthetic, designer hallucinogenic drug that is known for its potency and long-lasting effects. It is twice as strong as LSD and has stimulant effects similar to methamphetamine. ### How long do the effects of Bromo-Dragonfly last? A regular dose of Bromo-Dragonfly can keep you high for up to three days. ### What are the common forms in which Bromo-Dragonfly is available? Bromo-Dragonfly comes in three main forms: powder, liquid, and blotter paper. ### How is Bromo-Dragonfly typically consumed? The powdered form can be snorted, smoked, ingested, or taken rectally. The liquid form is usually injected, and the blotter paper form is taken orally by placing it under the tongue or swallowing it. ### What are the potential health risks associated with Bromo-Dragonfly? Taking Bromo-Dragonfly can lead to a variety of health complications, including agitation, anxiety, blood vessel constriction, confusion, delusions, diarrhoea, dilated pupils, extreme fever, flashbacks, headaches, heart problems, high blood pressure, insomnia, kidney failure, liver failure, memory problems, muscle tension, muscle breakdown, nausea, paranoia, restlessness, respiratory problems, seizures, sweating, twitching, and even death. ### Why is Bromo-Dragonfly considered a legal high in many places? Bromo-Dragonfly is considered a legal high in many places because it is not distinctly prohibited by governments. Even if it were, the formula can be slightly altered to create a new substance that is not yet outlawed. ### What are some of the nicknames for Bromo-Dragonfly? Bromo-Dragonfly is also known as Fly, ABDF, 2CB-Fly, DOB-Dragonfly, BDF, Placid, Spamfly, and B-fly. ### What are the common effects of Bromo-Dragonfly? Common effects include hallucinations like visual or auditory distortions, a feeling of connection with other realities, a sense of peace and well-being, emotional stimulation, an altered perception of space and time, euphoria, increased associative thinking, prolonged sexual pleasure, and meeting with other entities. ### What is the typical dose of Bromo-Dragonfly? A typical dose reported by those who take it is between 200 and 800 micrograms, which is less than a pinch of salt. ### What are the legal statuses of Bromo-Dragonfly in different regions? Bromo-Dragonfly is restricted in the Nordic nations and Romania due to its popularity and abuse. In other countries, it is effectively legal if labeled as 'not for human consumption'. It is illegal in Oklahoma and classified as a class A drug in the UK. ## Sources - [Original Into the Shadows video: DragonFLY: The Drug that Keeps You High for Days](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=mBoiNCCO1pI) - [Hero image source](https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/c/cc/2816_px_-_University_Hall_Purdue_University_Fall_2006.JPG) by Abhijitsathe / openverse, by. ## Related Coverage Simon Whistler https://intotheshadows.pub/article/elan-boarding-school-cult https://intotheshadows.pub/article/elan-boarding-school-cult Sun, 28 Jun 2026 00:00:00 GMT Teenagers have, and probably always will, be difficult. It's a tough period. Hormones go haywire, anger, resentment, bitterness — maybe even a first love. It is a chaotic time for the mind and body; for some, it all becomes too much. How to integrate teenagers into adulthood is a quandary felt the world over, with varying degrees of success, but what do you do when you run out of options? What do you do when the troubles overwhelm a teenager and become uncontrollable? Just outside Poland, Maine, once stood a school like few others that became notorious for the sinister goings-on inside, where punishment wasn't just a slap on the wrist or a stern lecture but something far darker. A place where your peers could be ordered to beat you into submission or where you might be forced to wear a sign that broadcasts your most humiliating secret to everyone around you. Welcome to ELAN School, a so-called rehabilitation centre that, behind its closed doors, was the school from hell. ## ELAN Founded in 1970, ELAN was marketed to desperate parents as a last-chance solution for their troubled teens. The school promised to turn around the lives of kids struggling with everything from substance abuse to behavioural problems through a regimen of strict discipline and tough love. But what these parents didn't know — and what would only come to light years later — was that ELAN was a place of almost unimaginable cruelty, where the line between discipline and abuse was not just blurred but completely erased. Two men, Joe Ricci and David Goldberg, came together, driven by a shared belief that they could reform young people who had gone off the rails. Joe Ricci was a man with a chequered past — a former gambler and addict who claimed to have turned his life around. Charismatic and driven, Ricci believed in the power of confrontation and discipline, which leaves no room for weakness. David Goldberg, a physician with a penchant for unconventional therapies, shared this belief. Together, they envisioned a school where tough love wasn't just a guiding principle but a way of life. And so, they founded ELAN School in the remote town of Poland, Maine, far away from the public's prying eyes. From the outside, ELAN looked like the answer to many parents' prayers — if you could afford the $50,000 (nearly $300,000 today) a year admission fee, that is. It was marketed as a place where wayward teens could be brought back into line, where discipline and structure would mould them into responsible adults. Parents were told that ELAN's methods, though harsh, were necessary to break their children's bad habits and build them back up as better people. These parents weren't told that ELAN was less a school and more a psychological pressure cooker. ## Philosophy The school's philosophy was based on the idea that these troubled teens needed to be broken down completely before they could be rebuilt. From the moment students arrived, they were stripped of their autonomy. Personal belongings were taken away, and contact with the outside world was severely restricted. Letters were monitored, phone calls were rare, and visits from family were heavily controlled. The message was clear: ELAN would be your entire world now, and escape was not an option. Inside ELAN's walls, a strict and rigid hierarchy was enforced. Some students were given authority over others, creating a system where fear and intimidation ruled. Students were constantly watched, not just by the staff but by each other. Any infraction, real or imagined, could result in brutal punishment. One of the most infamous punishments was "The Ring," where students deemed to have stepped out of line were forced to fight each other in a boxing match. These weren't friendly encounters; they were brutal, often bloody affairs that left students battered and broken. The idea was to physically and emotionally exhaust the students until they were too tired to resist, too afraid to step out of line again. Another common punishment involved what ELAN called "General Meetings." In these meetings, students who had committed some transgression — whether it was talking back, failing to follow orders, or even just appearing weak — would be dragged in front of the entire school. There, they would be subjected to a barrage of verbal abuse, screamed at, humiliated, and broken down by both the staff and their fellow students. The aim was to strip away their dignity, to force them into submission through sheer psychological trauma. ## Cult-Like Practices and Abuse What made ELAN more than just a strict boarding school was the pervasive, cult-like environment that permeated every corner of life there. This wasn't just a place where troubled teens were disciplined — this was a place where they were systematically broken down, controlled, and psychologically manipulated in ways that honestly defy belief to modern thinking. But before talking more about the school, let's start at the beginning of a young person's descent into ELAN hell. This wasn't a place where your mum and dad would drop you off and wave a tearful farewell; this was traumatic from the start. Transport staff would often surprise the unwitting detainee, sometimes in their bedroom in the middle of the night, and essentially legally kidnap them. Handcuffs and blindfolds were sometimes used, and you can only begin to imagine the terror as they were dragged into a waiting car outside. At ELAN, every day was meticulously planned to keep students in a state of constant anxiety and exhaustion. Wake-up calls were early and abrupt, often accompanied by loud noises or shouting to jolt students out of bed. Breakfast was quick and functional — no time for socialising or relaxing. Every minute of the day was accounted for, and every activity, from cleaning to meals to "therapy" sessions, was designed to reinforce the school's authoritarian structure. ELAN's therapy was unlike anything in a typical rehabilitation program. Instead of professional counselling, students were subjected to a twisted form of group therapy that was more like public shaming. These sessions were called "encounter groups," and they were notorious for their brutality. In an encounter group, students were encouraged — and by encouraged, I mean forced — to confront each other about their flaws, their pasts, and their deepest fears. This wasn't really about healing or understanding. It was about domination and control. Everybody had a job in ELAN, broken down by how long you had been there and your behaviour and progress: - **Service** who did mostly cleaning and janitorial work - **Kitchen** who dealt with meal responsibilities - **Business** where the residents would deal with the various paperwork - **Communications** where the residents would relay outside news and take on somewhat of a managerial role for the day's plan - **Expeditors** who essentially policed the other residents ELAN had a repertoire of creative punishments that were designed not just to hurt but to humiliate. One of the more infamous tactics was forcing students to wear humiliating signs around their necks. These signs would detail the student's alleged offences or personal failings, such as "LIAR" or "WHORE," and they would have to wear them publicly for hours, sometimes days. The goal was to instil a deep sense of shame and self-loathing, to strip away any sense of self-worth. Then there was "The Corner," where a student could be sent for minor infractions. In The Corner, they would have to stand, sometimes for hours on end, facing a wall, forbidden from moving or speaking. Some students were made to stay in The Corner for days, a form of psychological torture that you might sadly expect from Guantanamo Bay, not leafy New England. So, what infractions deserved such medieval torture? Well, take your pick: reading as a non-strength (a non-strength being a new student who hasn't earned privileges yet), writing or drawing without permission, talking too loudly, talking too softly, looking at the opposite gender, being attracted to someone, looking out windows, pretending to sleep at night, thinking of running away, being in the bathroom for too long, talking too much or too little, showering for more than three minutes, making facial reactions to orders, negative body language, oversleeping, under sleeping, or smiling. But it wasn't just the staff who were the enforcers of this cruelty. In ELAN's twisted hierarchy, some students were given power over others, turning them into enforcers of the very system that oppressed them. These "higher-ranking" students would often lead the encounter groups, deciding who would be the next target of verbal abuse. They would hand out punishments, ensuring everyone knew their place in the pecking order. This forced students to participate in the cycle of abuse, creating a community where everyone was both a victim and a perpetrator. The students were also constantly watched, creating a pervasive culture of surveillance and mistrust. ELAN employed a "snitch" system where students were encouraged to report on each other's behaviour, sometimes bribed or coerced. This system ensured that no one felt safe, and everyone was always on edge, afraid that any misstep or hint of rebellion would be reported and punished. And yet, despite the daily horrors, ELAN exerted strange, almost hypnotic control over its students. Over time, many internalised the school's logic — its insistence that they were there because they were bad, broken, and needed fixing. Some began to believe they deserved the punishment, that the abuse was necessary for their own good. It was classic cult-like indoctrination, where the victim is made to believe they are the cause of their own suffering. ## Survivor Stories For many of these former students, the impact of their time at ELAN has lingered long after they left, affecting every aspect of their lives. Maura Curley, who attended ELAN in the late 1970s, described her experience as a nightmare that was nearly impossible to escape. "Every day was a battle for survival," she recalls. "You were constantly under surveillance, always watched, and any small mistake could lead to severe punishment." Another survivor, Daniel Shaw, reflected on the emotional manipulation and humiliation that were everyday occurrences at ELAN. "They'd make you wear signs around your neck that labelled you with insults," he says. "It was all about degrading you, making you feel worthless." Humiliation was the cornerstone of ELAN's ethos, and it was frequently and miserably creative. One young woman was caught breaking a rule related to sex and was then dressed as a sex worker and made to strut around and dance. When residents acted "like babies" they were made to wear a diaper and bonnet and carry around a rattle. One resident suggested they get a house dog, so ELAN decided the student would be the house dog. He was dressed as a dog and could only bark. One bark would mean yes, and two barks would mean no. He had to walk on all fours and eat dinner from a dog dish. In a rare video clip that appeared in a documentary on ELAN, one woman can be seen wearing a sign that read: > My name is Phyllis Cohen. I behave like an emotional cripple. I constantly seek people's attention and try to get them to prove they care about me. I play games and continually usurp people's emotions in order to make myself feel special. Please confront me because if I don't change my attitude, I will always be the scared and lonely person I am now. Wendy Maldonado shared a similar story of psychological abuse. She recalls being forced to participate in "General Meetings," where staff and peers publicly shamed and berated students. "They would break you down in front of everyone," Wendy explains. "It wasn't just about punishment; it was about creating an atmosphere of constant fear and submission. You never knew when you would be the next target." ## Secrecy and Protection ELAN's remote location in the dense woods of Poland, Maine, played a significant role in maintaining its secrecy. The isolation of the school, far from the public eye and urban centres, made it easier to conceal what was happening within its walls. Parents were often discouraged from making unscheduled visits, and students' communication with the outside world was tightly controlled. Letters were censored, phone calls were monitored, and attempts to speak out were met with swift and severe punishment. This level of control ensured that very few people outside of the school's staff and students knew the full extent of the abuse taking place. Beyond physical isolation, ELAN's leadership was adept at manipulating both parents and authorities. The school was marketed as a last-resort institution for troubled teens — a place where tough love and strict discipline were necessary to achieve behavioural reform. Many parents, desperate for solutions and often overwhelmed by their children's struggles, were willing to believe in ELAN's promises of a better future. They were reassured that the harsh methods were both effective and necessary, and in many cases, they were led to believe that questioning the school's practices would jeopardise their child's progress. ELAN also had powerful allies that helped protect it from scrutiny. Joe Ricci, one of the co-founders, was a charismatic figure with connections in Maine's political and business circles. These connections provided a buffer against investigations and complaints. Whenever concerns were raised about ELAN's practices, they were often dismissed as misunderstandings or the fabrications of rebellious teenagers who didn't want to face the consequences of their actions. The school's administration was also quick to silence dissent. Strict confidentiality agreements bound staff and students; any attempts to speak out were met with intimidation or legal threats. This culture of silence extended to the local community as well. ELAN was a significant employer in its small rural area, and many locals were hesitant to speak out against the institution for fear of losing their jobs or facing social ostracism. ## The Downfall ELAN School managed to evade scrutiny and accountability for decades, but its downfall began with a series of courageous acts by former students who refused to remain silent about the abuse they endured. In the early 2000s, a wave of survivors started to share their experiences online, finding solidarity in forums and support groups dedicated to exposing ELAN's dark secrets. This grassroots movement grew steadily, gaining momentum and attracting the attention of the media and public alike. One of the pivotal moments in ELAN's unravelling came in 2001 when a former student named Zack Bonner launched a website to expose the school's abuses. His site became a gathering place for other survivors, who shared their stories of physical, emotional, and psychological torture. As more and more accounts surfaced, the extent of the abuse became impossible to ignore. Around the same time, investigative journalists began to take notice. Reporters dug into ELAN's history, interviewing former students, staff, and parents. They uncovered a pattern of abuse that stretched back decades, with stories that painted a chilling picture of what life was like inside the school. The media coverage sparked outrage and led to increased scrutiny from state authorities. In 2002, the Maine Department of Education investigated ELAN's practices. Though the school managed to survive the initial inquiry, the writing was on the wall. The public outcry and continued pressure from survivors and activists made it increasingly difficult for ELAN to operate in the shadows as it had for so long. Numerous deaths have been linked, not necessarily directly, but certainly in connection to ELAN, and these now bubbled to the surface. In 1990, a 15-year-old boy using a false name who had escaped ELAN was fatally shot in a mishandled firearm incident. In another case from 1993, a 17-year-old student ran away from the school during an outing and was tragically raped and then murdered while trying to return home. In 2013, 49-year-old Tiffany Joyce Sedaris committed suicide. She had lived at ELAN for two years in her younger years; a stay her family claimed had deeply traumatised her to the point she was never the same again. And perhaps most shockingly, the death of a 15-year-old resident who died in 1982 after participating in The Ring at ELAN. The boy was beaten so severely that he developed a brain aneurysm. No charges were filed at the time, and despite the case being reopened in 2016, again nothing came of it. The final blow came in 2011 when the school's enrollment plummeted due to the negative publicity and growing awareness of its abusive practices. With fewer and fewer parents willing to send their children to such a controversial institution, ELAN's financial situation became untenable. Facing mounting legal challenges, public outrage, and an unsustainable business model, the school was forced to close its doors for good. The cult-like boarding school from hell was done, with just about everybody glad to be rid of this wicked, horrifying place. Nearly 15 years later, and in a much more delicate world, you'd probably assume that institutions like ELAN are long gone. Yes, and no. While businesses have had to make some huge changes over the last decade or so, there are still an estimated 10,000 programs within the Troubled Teen Industry across the United States, a large number of them in Utah. At any one time, there are between 120,000 and 200,000 individuals in these programs, often completely against their will. It's a massive industry worth $69 billion a year, with just a single day costing parents between $500 and $1500. But here's the shocking statistic. Since 1976, 300 minors have died while in the care of Troubled Teen programs, the youngest of whom was just 6 years old, with the largest chunk of these simply labelled as the cause being "restraint." The horror of ELAN may be gone, and thank goodness, but this is a dark, insidious problem that still runs deep. *Olivier Guiberteau* ## Key Takeaways - ELAN School, founded in 1970, was marketed as a rehabilitation center but was notorious for its cruel and abusive practices. - The school's philosophy involved breaking down students completely before rebuilding them, using harsh discipline and psychological manipulation. - Students at ELAN were subjected to brutal punishments, including forced fights and public humiliation, creating a culture of fear and submission. - ELAN's remote location and powerful allies helped maintain its secrecy, allowing abuses to continue for decades. - The school's downfall began with survivors sharing their experiences online, leading to increased scrutiny and eventual closure in 2011. ## Frequently Asked Questions ### What was ELAN School? ELAN School was a so-called rehabilitation center founded in 1970, marketed to desperate parents as a last-chance solution for troubled teens. It was notorious for its harsh and abusive methods, including physical and psychological torture. ### Who founded ELAN School? ELAN School was founded by Joe Ricci and David Goldberg. Ricci was a former gambler and addict who believed in the power of confrontation and discipline, while Goldberg was a physician with a penchant for unconventional therapies. ### What was the philosophy behind ELAN School? The school's philosophy was based on the idea that troubled teens needed to be completely broken down before they could be rebuilt. This involved stripping students of their autonomy, enforcing a strict hierarchy, and using brutal punishments to maintain control. ### What were some of the punishments used at ELAN School? Some of the punishments included 'The Ring,' where students were forced to fight each other, and 'General Meetings,' where students were publicly shamed and humiliated. Students were also made to wear humiliating signs and stand in 'The Corner' for minor infractions. ### How did ELAN School maintain secrecy? ELAN School maintained secrecy through its remote location in Poland, Maine, strict control over students' communication with the outside world, and manipulation of parents and authorities. The school also had powerful allies and used intimidation and legal threats to silence dissent. ### What led to the downfall of ELAN School? The downfall of ELAN School began with former students sharing their experiences online and gaining media attention. Investigative journalists uncovered a pattern of abuse, leading to increased scrutiny from state authorities and public outrage, which ultimately forced the school to close in 2011. ### What is the Troubled Teen Industry? The Troubled Teen Industry refers to programs designed to rehabilitate troubled teens. As of the article's publication, there are an estimated 10,000 such programs in the United States, with between 120,000 and 200,000 individuals in these programs at any given time, often against their will. ### How many deaths have been linked to Troubled Teen programs? Since 1976, 300 minors have died while in the care of Troubled Teen programs, with the youngest being just 6 years old. Many of these deaths have been labeled as caused by 'restraint.' ### What was the cost of attending ELAN School? The cost of attending ELAN School was $50,000 per year, which is nearly $300,000 in today's dollars. ### What was the role of students in enforcing ELAN's rules? In ELAN's twisted hierarchy, some students were given power over others, turning them into enforcers of the system. These 'higher-ranking' students led encounter groups, decided who would be targeted for abuse, and handed out punishments, ensuring everyone knew their place. ## Sources - [Original Into the Shadows video: ELAN: The Boarding School Cult](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=dGPwrd2e-RM) - [Hero image source](https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/7/74/Botanical_and_zoological_garden_Ecological_Education_Center_%22Egzotarium%22_in_Sosnowiec%2C_Poland%2C_2024.jpg) by Krzysztof Popławski / openverse, by. ## Related Coverage Simon Whistler https://intotheshadows.pub/article/enver-hoxha-europes-most-deranged-dictator https://intotheshadows.pub/article/enver-hoxha-europes-most-deranged-dictator Sun, 28 Jun 2026 00:00:00 GMT Europe is no stranger to tyrannical autocrats. Indeed, all one has to do is leaf through a tome of the continent's 20th century history, and a barrage of names most wicked will immediately fall upon you. Many of these, the Hitler's, the Mussolini's, and the like, will be names which are immediately known to you, and for damned good reasons. And yet, keep flicking through that loathsome litany some more, and eventually, you will happen upon a more elusive name: Enver Hoxha. He ruled over Communist Albania from the end of WWII through to his death in 1985, and for some reason, his is a name that has failed to penetrate into the cultural zeitgeist. And the more you read up on him, the more you will find yourself wondering why this is the case, because without a doubt, he is among the most cruel, the most wicked, the most devious, and most deranged leaders that Europe has ever produced. Today, we shall be doing our little part to right this wrong, as we shine a spotlight into the darkness, and tell you the full ins and outs of his malevolent rule. So, let's begin. ## Rise to Power Hoxha's rise to power in Albania is a tale that mirrors the trajectories of many Eastern European Communist leaders during the mid-20th century, one defined by strategic savvy, unwavering ideological commitment, and the chaos of WWII. Born on the 16th of October 1908, in Gjirokastër, a small town in Ottoman Albania, Hoxha's early life played out under a regime that had dominated the region since the late 15th century. His upbringing in a middle-class family afforded him a comfortable early life, with his father, a cloth merchant, providing the means for extensive travel and a robust education. Said education began at the Albanian National Lyceum, where Hoxha was immersed in a curriculum heavy with European Christian and French influences, which immediately set him apart from his peers with his fluency in French, and understanding of Western ideas. From there, his academic journey took him to the University of Montpellier in France. Initially focusing on natural sciences, his interest soon shifted towards politics, specifically Marxism. So committed was he to his newfound politics, that it eventually cost him his scholarship, and thus his place at the university, as he stopped attending lectures, and thus found himself expelled in 1930. Afterward, he drifted across Western Europe, engaging in various menial jobs while he further read Marx and deepened his convictions. But his drifting would come to an end in 1939 following the Italian invasion of Albania, because amidst the chaos that was playing out, he saw an opportunity to make Albania anew, and so, he headed home to join the burgeoning underground communist resistance. There, before the formal establishment of the Communist Party in November 1941, Hoxha quickly ascended within the nascent movement, eventually becoming a key leader. By March 1943 he had risen to First Secretary, and effectively lead the party. Under his direction, the Communist Party became a significant force in the partisan resistance against both Italian and later German occupiers. He was actually quite good at this too, contrary to what you may first imagine, as his partisan campaign culminated in the liberation of Tirana on the 17th of November 1944. This victory significantly bolstered Hoxha's popularity and set the stage for the Communist Party's overwhelming success in Albania's first elections in December 1945, where they secured 93% of the vote — a result that certainly wasn't hurt by the Soviets… 'helping out' proceedings. With this mandate, he established the People's Republic of Albania on the 10th of January 1946, and then stood poised to turn his nation into the Communist utopia he had always dreamed of, so now, let's bring this chapter to a close, and take a look at what his ideas were. ## Hoxha's Communism To REALLY understand Hoxha and the utter destruction he wrought unto Albania, it is worth us taking the time to get to grips with his ideology. Sure, we could just go with a more traditional bullet-point-esque chapter in which we say 'first he shot this bloke, then he implemented this mad rule, blah blah blah, God, what a nutter ey?' — but let's be frank, such an approach would be just a bit shallow, wouldn't it? So, with that in mind, let's have a deep dive and do this properly. Hoxha's ideology, which is often referred to as Hoxhaism, is a specific strand of Marxist-Leninist thought characterized by its extreme adherence to Stalinist doctrines and its vehement opposition to perceived revisionism in other socialist countries. Naturally, being a Stalinist derived model, its foundation is a highly centralized State run command economy, and a totalitarian single party political system. Moving onto the more unique aspects of Hoxhaism, one of its central pillars is its profound commitment to isolationism and autarky, which, to simplify a bit, basically meant that Albania should lock itself away from the rest of its world, handle all of its own production and affairs internally, and that the rest of the world, in turn, should be expected to respect that. From Hoxha's perspective, true socialism required absolute economic and political independence to avoid the corrupting influences of both capitalist and revisionist socialist states. He posited that reliance on foreign aid or economic ties would inevitably lead to political and ideological compromises, which could dilute Albania's socialist objectives. He also further argued that self-reliance was a strategic necessity due to Albania's historical betrayals by larger powers. This stance was justified ideologically through a stringent interpretation of Marxism-Leninism, which emphasized the development of internal capacities to build a socialist society, independent of external influences that might impede or distort the revolutionary process. Through this framework, Hoxha aimed to create an unassailable socialist state that was both economically self-sustaining and ideologically unyielding. As a side effect, it also served to enshrine an ideological xenophobia, one in which all foreigners, even fellow Communists, were potential bourgeois reactionaries to be feared and kept at bay at all costs. As a result, Hoxha promoted the idea that Albania was a besieged fortress of true socialism, constantly under threat, as made clear by the following extract from *Reflections on China*, first published in 1967: > "The imperialists … have always wanted and still want to do away with socialism in Albania. This we know. But what we must keep most clearly in mind is that for us there exists the danger not only of direct military aggression, but also of ideological aggression... we must take all measures and mobilize all our forces to defeat the ideological aggression of the enemy, too." Another key tenet of Hoxhaism is its unyielding stance on anti-revisionism — the idea that Communists can look back on the horrors of their forerunners, like say Stalin, and say "oh, that was a bit bad wasn't it, maybe we 'shouldn't' be producing mountains of corpses while trying to build the socialist utopia." To Hoxha, there was NOTHING that needed revising you see, as in his view, Stalin was actually based and comrade-pilled, and as he believed he did such a cracking job with the old socialist construction, anyone who would dare to criticise him was the enemy — a subversive bourgeois element that would ruin EVERYTHING, and therefore should be crushed. If you happen to think we are portraying Hoxha as being just a bit… 'disconnected from reality' there, you'd be absolutely correct, and let us evidence that characterisation with the following extract from *Albania Challenges Khruschev Revision*, published in 1960: > "At the Bucharest Meeting we did not accept the violation of the Leninist norms of relations among parties... We are Marxists, we are guided and will always be guided in our work by the Marxist-Leninist theory... We think independently and for this reason we are treated as nationalists... We Albanians are principled comrades, we do not change, we do not trade in principles, we are poor materially but politically and ideologically we are rich because we have Marxism-Leninism... Even if we have to go without bread, we Albanians do not violate principles, we do not betray Marxism-Leninism." Yep, he outright said his principles wouldn't waver even if his people were starving… call us crazy, but we're starting to suspect that this Hoxha fella might have been a bit of a wrongun'. Additionally, Hoxha also promoted a version of Marxism that placed significant emphasis on the peasantry as a revolutionary force. Unlike many other socialist movements that focused primarily on urban workers, Hoxha's approach acknowledged the predominantly agrarian character of Albanian and sought to mobilise them to build socialism. This focus was partly practical, given Albania's demographic and economic structure, but also ideological, as Hoxha believed that Marxist doctrine was adaptable to local conditions — and yes, this was a massive contradiction of his own Marxist orthodoxy. Shedding more light on his agrarian focus is the following extract from the snappily titled *On the Role and Tasks of the Democratic Front in the Struggle for the Complete Triumph of Socialism in Albania*, published in 1967: > "Our Party evaluated this problem correctly and seriously. The countryside became the main base and the peasantry the main force of our liberation war. Our Party, as the party of the working class, also expressed and defended the interests of the working peasantry at the same time. The issues with which the peasantry was preoccupied, the economic, political and educational reforms to which it aspired, were embodied." Despite its severe isolationism and repressive nature, Hoxhaism also contained an element of utopian idealism. Hoxha envisioned creating a socialist paradise in Albania, free from exploitation, inequality, and poverty. This vision was to be achieved through the total transformation of society along strictly Marxist-Leninist lines, with no room for alternative models or experimental reforms. The ultimate goal was to demonstrate that socialism, as he defined it, was not only viable, but superior to all other socio-economic systems. Unfortunately, that wasn't what happened though was it? Instead, Albania, guided by these principles, turned into an utter hellscape the likes of which Europe, maybe even the world, had scarcely seen before. So, now, let's move on and see exactly what that looked like. ## The Horrors of Hoxhanism Once in power, Hoxha moved quickly to… "take preventative action against counterrevolutionary and reactionist elements," i.e., eliminate any potential threats to his authority. He began by abolishing the monarchy. This was actually quite the moot affair all in all, particularly if you have images in your head of Russian Bolsheviks lining the Romanov's up against a wall and shooting them. You see, thanks to the chaos of the Italian/German occupation, Albania had barely had a Monarchy in practical terms since 1939 anyway, and the 'abdication' was more of a formal letter to King Zog I telling him to not bother coming home, and so he didn't, and peacefully lived out his days in exile. Then Hoxha started turning his attention inwards, and that's when things started getting dark, as executions of those within his close circle became the norm — driven by a madness that was initially fuelled by ideology, but became more and more defined by good old fashioned paranoia as time went on, just like had happened to Stalin — which is ironic given how much Hoxha fanboyed for him. A notable victim of this is Liri Gega, one of Hoxha's oldest friends and professional confidants, and also the first female member of the Albanian Communist Party, period. Originally a major part of the movement, she had fallen out of favour and been stripped of all of her positions come 1956, as Hoxha, consumed by paranoia, became increasingly convinced that she was a Yugoslav double agent. She was no fool, and able to read the writing on the wall, so she attempted to flee the country that same year — she was apprehended however, and both her and her husband were given a rushed show trial before being kicked into the dirt and shot in the back… she was also pregnant at the time. This violent purge would remain fizzing away for the entire duration of Communist Albania's existence, right from the very top, all the way down to the very bottom, and as a result, thousands of loyal communists met the same cold fate as Gega come the regime's collapse. And don't think you'd be able to survive Hoxhanism by just avoiding politics, keeping your head down, and being a dutiful little proletarian either — because this brutal wrath was also smashed down on ordinary Albanians with equal vigour. All to supposedly safeguard the 'glorious' proletarian revolution. Chiefly, this was done via the Sigurimi, Hoxha's secret police. It was originally founded back in 1944, and come the time of its full operational capacity, it had become Albania's most formidable and feared institution. It made use of both overt and covert methods and submitted everyday Albanians to a legitimately Orwellian level of surveillance. Utilising a vast network of informants, it built up and managed files on virtually EVERY adult in Albania, and quite terrifyingly, it knew everything, and we mean EVERYTHING — your genuine political beliefs that you spoke only to your best friend at the bar that one time, whether or not you were cheating on your spouse, your daily schedule, how partial you were to the drink… the whole lot. And if they uncovered any information about you that may lead them to believe you were a bourgeois reactionary, may God have mercy on your soul. Without any kind of right to a fair trial or appeal, you would be dragged from your home without warning whenever the Sigurimi deemed fit, at which point brutal torture, the likes of which we cannot even begin to describe without having this video removed by YouTube, would follow, and more likely than not, when they had finished having their fun with you, you would then be shipped off to a forced labour camp — to spend your days engaged in back breaking labour, and continued sporadic torture, until such a point that the Sigurimi arbitrarily decided that you had learned your lesson and were ideologically rehabilitated. So expansive was this reign of terror, that come the fall of Communism in Albania in 1991, give or take a third of Albania's whole population had been either tortured or shipped off to a labour camp by the Sigurimi at some point or another. Something that irked them in particular was so called 'Slandering the State,' which in non-newspeak meant any, and we mean ANY criticism of the government or its actions, be it through either casual or more organised formal means. And just to prove we aren't exaggerating here, one man who managed a café was sent to a forced labour camp for 18 years because he told an undercover Sigurimi agent who popped in for a brew that he didn't have a spoon. That, supposedly, was a vitriolic criticism of state economic policy, as were the actions of another man, who while walking leisurely along Albania's southern coast one day, turned to his friend and asked, "How come Corfu has a lighthouse and we don't?" — he got 25 years. And if you were religious? Well, we know that Hoxha was something of a Marx-literalist don't we, and since Marx wasn't exactly a pious sort, this led to the HEAVY persecution of religion in Hoxha's Albania — Muslim, Christian, it mattered not to him, they were all smoking the opium of the people, and so they were all in the firing line, quite literally. This is exemplified best by the case of Lazër Shantoja, a publicist, poet, satirist, and above all else, priest — all things that Hoxha REALLY didn't take kindly to. Seeing the writing on the wall, he had fled to the mountains in 1944, before the Communist State had even been established, to attempt to ride out the coming storm and survive. Unfortunately, Communist agents, who had been hot on the tail of him and the oh so scary naughty ideas in his head, tracked him down in December of that same year, and dragged him from his cabin and back to Tirana. By the time he was dragged out again for his show-trial on the 29th of January, he was visibly broken, having had had both of his arms and legs broken, and so was forced to drag himself to the stand on his elbows and knees. Archbishop Zef Simoni, an Albanian cleric who was imprisoned at the same time, and through the grace of God managed to survive, was imprisoned beside him, and recalled witnessing Shantoja be flayed with red hot irons, and then having his ruined flesh repeatedly salted. So bad was this torture, that Shantoja's own mother begged with the prison guards to just shoot her son and end his suffering; a request which they were only too happy to oblige, and he was shot on the 5th of March 1945. Shantoja's case is obviously on the extreme of things, or else how would Simoni have survived to recall what he witnessed, but the point still stands — the repression of religion under Hoxha was nothing short of demonic. Oh, and speaking of the persecution of religion. Hoxha officially declared Albania to be an Atheist state in 1967, and with this in mind, he banned ALL beards — on account of Muslims being rather partial to them; a measure intended to get them out of the Mosques and make New Socialist Men out of them. Further to this, all hair longer than 4cm was also banned, as were mullets specifically — lest the western decadence such styles supposedly represented sneak into Albania and taint the purity of its socialism. And then there's the simply obscene amount of money that Hoxha, the leader of one of Europe's poorest countries, spent on bunkers. All in all, he constructed over 750 THOUSAND of them — for reference, Hitler 'only' built 25,000 to cover the entire stretch of Coastline between the Spanish border and Northern Norway. Why you ask? Well, remember that want for TOTAL independence from the world that was supposedly out to get him that we discussed in the last chapter? Yeah, that. The cost of all of these was simply staggering. Exact figures are hard to come by, but we do know that just construction, never mind installation and maintenance of these bunkers cost an estimated two percent of Albania's ENTIRE economic output. We also know that they cost roughly twice as much as the Maginot Line in France and consumed three times as much concrete. Historians now estimate that the cost of just one of the smaller sorts of bunkers was roughly the same as a two-room apartment, and due to the absurd amount of them, they also took A LOT of arable farming land out of use — further heightening the economic damage wrought upon Albania. Had he not pursued this mind boggling "bunkerisation" policy, maybe, just maybe, Hoxha could have actually built the socialist utopia he dreamed of — materially anyway. Oh, and while we're on the subject of things related to the border. In addition to building that insane network of bunkers to keep imagined enemies out, Hoxha also completely encased the country in lethally high voltage electric fences to keep his people in — which was dubbed the so called "Death Line." Naturally, the border was also extensively patrolled, and if you were spotted near it without good reason, guess what happened… yep, torture followed by being chucked in a labour camp for God knows how many years. ## Conclusion Fortunately, Communism in Albania is now a thing of the past, the system having collapsed six years after Hoxha's death. But unfortunately, the damage he inflicted will be a long-time healing. When he left this mortal plane, he had taken as many as 100,000 of his innocent countryfolk with him, and as for the ones who did survive, they were left immeasurably poorer for his governance, a tragic state of affairs best summed up by a single fact: that when Communism collapsed in Albania in 1991, the country was the third poorest in the world, and no, we didn't misspeak there; not in Europe, not even just in Eastern Europe… Albania was the third poorest country in the whole damned world, with an average monthly wage of barely 15 USD a month. Fortunately, things are getting better now, with the World Bank now classifying it as a 'lower-middle-income' country. Key word there however, getting. Modern Albanians, though they have made immeasurable efforts to improve their country's lot, still have to get by with an average yearly salary of barely 6,800 USD, and are still one of the poorest countries in Europe despite their many efforts to dig themselves out of the economic hole that Hoxha left them in. And really, that is the great tragedy of all. Walk the streets of Tirana today, and you will walk shoulder to shoulder with civilised and amenable folk, people who will welcome you with open arms, and proudly show you the cultural splendour of which their civilisation is capable, and yet, despite the richness upon which you would behold, and the graciousness with which you would be received, over all that joy would loom a cloud most dark; Enver Hoxha, and the immeasurable, irreparable damage his rule wrought upon the nation of Albania. ## Key Takeaways - Enver Hoxha ruled Communist Albania from 1946 until his death in 1985, implementing a brutal and isolationist regime. - Hoxha's ideology, Hoxhaism, emphasized extreme adherence to Stalinist doctrines and vehement opposition to perceived revisionism. - Hoxha's rule was marked by severe repression, with the Sigurimi secret police surveilling and torturing citizens for minor infractions. - Hoxha's economic policies, including massive bunker construction, left Albania impoverished, becoming the third poorest country in the world by 1991. - The legacy of Hoxha's rule continues to affect Albania, with the country still recovering from the economic and social damage inflicted. ## Frequently Asked Questions ### Who was Enver Hoxha? Enver Hoxha was a Communist leader who ruled over Albania from the end of World War II until his death in 1985. He is known for his tyrannical rule and the severe isolationism and repression he imposed on the country. ### How did Enver Hoxha rise to power? Hoxha's rise to power was facilitated by his strategic savvy, ideological commitment, and the chaos of World War II. He joined the underground communist resistance in Albania during the Italian invasion and became a key leader of the Communist Party, eventually leading the partisan resistance against both Italian and German occupiers. ### What is Hoxhaism? Hoxhaism is a specific strand of Marxist-Leninist thought characterized by its extreme adherence to Stalinist doctrines and its vehement opposition to perceived revisionism in other socialist countries. It emphasizes isolationism, autarky, and a highly centralized state-run command economy. ### What were some of the key tenets of Hoxhaism? Key tenets of Hoxhaism include isolationism and autarky, a highly centralized state-run command economy, a totalitarian single-party political system, and a profound commitment to anti-revisionism. Hoxha believed in the absolute economic and political independence of Albania to avoid corrupting influences from capitalist and revisionist socialist states. ### How did Hoxha's regime treat political dissent? Hoxha's regime was extremely repressive towards political dissent. The Sigurimi, Hoxha's secret police, used both overt and covert methods to surveil and control the population. Criticism of the government or its actions, no matter how minor, could result in torture, imprisonment in forced labor camps, or execution. ### What was the Sigurimi? The Sigurimi was Hoxha's secret police, founded in 1944. It was responsible for the surveillance, torture, and imprisonment of Albanians deemed to be threats to the regime. By the fall of Communism in Albania in 1991, approximately a third of the population had been tortured or sent to labor camps by the Sigurimi. ### How did Hoxha's regime treat religion? Hoxha's regime heavily persecuted religion, declaring Albania an atheist state in 1967. Religious practices were suppressed, and religious leaders were often tortured and executed. The regime also banned beards and long hair, targeting Muslim practices and Western influences. ### What was the impact of Hoxha's rule on Albania's economy? Hoxha's rule left Albania in a state of severe economic decline. His policies, including the construction of over 750,000 bunkers and the encasement of the country in high-voltage electric fences, drained the country's resources. When Communism collapsed in 1991, Albania was the third poorest country in the world. ### What happened to Enver Hoxha's regime after his death? Communism in Albania collapsed six years after Hoxha's death in 1985. The country was left in a state of extreme poverty, with an average monthly wage of barely 15 USD. Despite efforts to improve, Albania remains one of the poorest countries in Europe. ## Sources - [Original Into the Shadows video: Enver Hoxha: Europe's Most Deranged Dictator](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=8PCmXyLJB5M) - [Hero image source](https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/5/5e/Street_vendor_stall_sale_fake_replica_Nazi_Communist_memorabilia_collectibles_German_WWII_badges_daggers_Soviet_Bulgarian_Lenin_bust_etc_Antique_Artisan_Fair._ul._Oborishte%2C_Paris_SOFIA_Bulgaria_2024-04_IMG_0239.jpg) by Wolfmann / openverse, by-sa. ## Related Coverage Simon Whistler https://intotheshadows.pub/article/exploding-dogs-soviet-plan-weaponize-mans-best-friend https://intotheshadows.pub/article/exploding-dogs-soviet-plan-weaponize-mans-best-friend Sun, 28 Jun 2026 00:00:00 GMT ## Introduction 3:15 AM, June 22, 1941. German Wehrmacht forces launch Operation Barbarossa and invade the Soviet Union in what was, and still is today, the largest military offensive in human history. Nearly four million soldiers, 3,000 tanks, 7,000 artillery pieces, and 2,500 aircraft led the charge across Russia's western border, taking the Red Army completely by surprise and laying waste to all those who stood before. The Eastern Front of the Second World War witnessed some of the most brutal and ferocious fighting to ever take place in the history of warfare. The fear of annihilation loomed ominously over Moscow as the German blitzkrieg paved a path of Soviet blood to within a strategic stones' throw of the Kremlin gates. The lack of sufficiently available tanks and anti-tank weaponry rendered all attempts to repel the German invasion futile as scores of well-drilled and coordinated panzer brigades carved a B-line for the Russian heartland. Germany's initial successes in the East led many to believe that victory was all but inevitable. Every passing hour German armour stood unopposed spelt catastrophe for Soviet ground forces, whom without an immediate and effective countermeasure, could hope for little more than a swift and crushing defeat. Desperate times called for desperate measures. The solution to the Soviet's problem presented itself not in the form of a tank or a gun, but a bomb. Only, this was a bomb unlike any seen before, a bomb which far transcended conventional notions of warfare and morality. A bomb with four legs, a tail, and a one-way trip to the great beyond. Anti-tank dogs, also known as hundminen — literally translating to 'dog mine' in German — were specially trained dogs, typically Alsatian German Shepherds that were conditioned to dive beneath advancing German tanks and deliver an explosive payload to incapacitate or destroy the target, and in doing so, make the ultimate sacrifice. ## Prelude Following the bloodshed of the Russian Civil War and the victory of the Soviets over the White Army, the Red Army was faced with the colossal challenge of reforming and readapting its military for the impending tribulations of 20th century warfare. In 1924, the Revolutionary Military Council of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics approved the introduction of dogs as military equipment within the Red Army for use in a variety of roles. These included search and rescue operations, delivery of first aid, rapid communications, sniffing out mines, transporting food, assisting in combat, and transporting injured soldiers to rear lines via sled. The transformation from Stalin's Little Helper to, well, Sparky, was one that occurred as a result of the then still growing, albeit underdeveloped Soviet military complex. The Red Army lacked any proper response to the newly developing military tactics of using a mainly tank-based force to break through the enemy line. A response would later come in the form of the infamous T-34 medium tank and PTRD-41 anti-tank rifle, but for the meantime, infantry lacked a consistent and effective way to combat this predominantly mechanical force. It was during these early stages of the Great Patriotic War that the Red Army was stained a maniacal shade of red in the blood of its fellow comrades. In little under six months, in excess of 800,000 Soviet soldiers and civilians were killed in action. A figure which would skyrocket to 27,000,000 before the wars' end in 1945. ## Training During the Great Patriotic War of 1941–1945, some 60,000 dogs were handed over to the Red Army by amateur dog breeders who were trained in specialised schools prior to deployment on Russia's western front. Training took place at a newly founded dog training centre in the Moscow Oblast, the first of twelve academies that would open in close succession. German Shepherds were the main target of the programme due to their agility, resilience, and ease of training. Of these twelve new training centres, three pertain specifically to the training of anti-tank dogs — a number which would dramatically increase as the war in the east unfolded. There was however, one glaring problem. At this time, the Red Army was seriously lacking in personnel with any measure of conventional dog training credentials, and so, they got creative and began recruiting those with varying degrees of dog handling experience. Police officers, hunters and even circus trainers were soon enlisted to swell the ranks of these all-new cutting-edge canine battalions, which included the participation of several leading animal psychologists. Now if you're wondering how the handlers trained the dogs to dive under enemy tanks and subsequently blow everything, including themselves, to smouldering pieces of pedigree chum, the answer is one as simplistic as it was sadistic: classical conditioning. Pavlov's Theory suggests that you can condition both humans and animals to associate a reward with an action. The example Pavlov used was ringing a bell whenever a dog was fed. The dog would salivate when it heard the bell as it would then associate the noise of the bell with food. This is what's known as a conditioned response. Adopting this theory to twisted effect, they would half-starve the dogs and then place food beneath a stationary tank. Over time, the dogs would be conditioned to instinctively search beneath the tanks for food. The tanks were at first left standing still, then they had their engines running, which was further combined with sporadic blank-shot gunfire and other battle related distractions. This routine aimed to teach the dogs to run under the tanks in battlefield situations. Numerous prototypes of the mine vests were trialled, with the initial models being detachable. The initial plan was for the dogs to dive beneath the tanks, bite a release mechanism which released the bomb, at which point, the dog would then return to the handler unscathed. The bomb would then be detonated via a timer or remote detonator. As with many things Soviet, this seemed like a good idea in theory, but in practicality, there stood numerous factors which inhibited the success of such a weapon. A group of dogs practised this for six months, though reports determined that none could perform this task consistently. The use of remote-controlled detonators proved largely impractical for the scale of operations intended, as early models were both primitive and scarcely available. To improve the viability of such a weapon, amendments were implemented to make training considerably safer and easier. For the handlers that is. Depending on your sources, each dog was fitted with a mine weighing anywhere from 4.5 to 12 kg (10–26 lbs) that was carried either side of the dog in two adjustable pouches. The device would detonate when a lever protruding from the harness, some 20cm (7.9in) in length hits the low-lying parts of the chassis and is pushed backwards, releasing a safety pin which strikes the detonator. ## Misconceptions Putting to one side the blatant barbarity and sadistic opportunism that's evocative of sacrificing man's best friend for strategic military gains, there's reason to believe that Stalin's canine kamikaze comrades did in fact make a substantially more significant contribution than arbitrary knowledge would have you believe. Much of the history surrounding the effectiveness of anti-tank dogs is largely fabricated and shrouded in misconceptions. This can be attributed to the anti-Soviet propaganda cultivated by Wehrmacht forces during the war. Contrary to popular belief, Soviet anti-tank dogs predate the launch of Operation Barbarossa by little less than a decade, with the first dedicated anti-tank dog training schools emerging in 1935. Such a revelation debunks the long-held misconception that the emergence of such a weapon was in fact the result of a short-sighted and desperate attempt to halt the German armoured invasion. This is confirmed in an address to the chief of the 2nd department of the Main Auto Armoured Directorate (GABTU) and the Armoured Tank Directorate (BTU), a department within the former, dated July 1941. Military Engineer 2nd grade, comrade Demyanenko writes: > "I report that trained dogs carrying an anti-tank pouch filled with high explosives can be considered a viable method of combat with enemy tanks. > > Trials of this anti-tank method were conducted by the Communications Directorate and Engineering and Armoured Directorate in 1939–1940. The results of the trials proved that this method is effective." It's widely speculated that upon deployment to the frontlines, anti-tank dogs proved disastrously ineffective as they would instinctively dive beneath the friendly, familiar smelling Soviet diesel engine tanks which had been used during training, as opposed to the foreign aroma of the petrol engine panzers deployed by the Germans. This was allegedly the cause of innumerable friendly fire incidents whereby Red Army tankers would fall prey to the explosive payloads of the mine dogs. In reality, anti-tank dogs were assigned to infantry units that did not receive artillery or tank support, rendering the claim that the dogs blew up Soviet tanks as nothing more than urban legend. Additionally, there were only a few Soviet tank models which utilised diesel engines in 1941, as the vast majority of tanks fielded by the Red Army at this time, albeit outmatched in most regards, ran on petrol. In further contrast, the diesel-powered tanks and armoured fighting vehicles fielded by Soviet forces at this time — such as the T-34, KV and BT-7M — were relatively new designs that were only deployed in scarce quantities where urgent support was needed the most. These cutting-edge combat machines allowed the Red Army to face their adversaries on even footing, where previous engagements proved devastatingly one sided. The notion that the Soviets would prioritise this inconceivably important lifeline for dog training over frontline service is outright preposterous and would have been second only in sacrifice to strapping explosives to the soldiers themselves. Of this, the Soviets were well aware, and rightfully designated the use of their ageing, insufficiently armoured and now largely obsolete T-18 light tanks for use in the training of anti-tank dogs. A tank which, by the way, uses a petrol engine. This too is confirmed in the previously mentioned address to the GABTU and BTU, stating: > "On the BTU KA proving grounds at the Kubinka station, an MS-1 [T-18] tank moving at second gear was destroyed by a dog carrying an AT pouch, which caused the following damage: torn track, torn out tank side, torn off and destroyed drive wheel, damage to the upper front plate and lower hull, tank turret torn off. During all other trials with dummy pouches, dogs dove under a moving tank without fail." It's also worth noting that where available, captured German panzers would be used in the training of anti-tank dogs. ## Deployment Fido's baptism of fire came in late 1941 following the German surge to the Russian capital, codenamed Operation Typhoon. Anti-tank dogs of the 1st Special Battalion were first deployed in battle near Moscow, comprising 212 dogs and 199 handlers. It's said that every dog has its day, and this was no exception, only this was a day marked by untold death and cataclysmic disaster. The dogs' first major engagement proved utterly shambolic. The lack of cover fire from Soviet infantry proved fatal, as one by one, the charging dogs fell prey to German bullets as they ran towards their targets, resulting in the annihilation of almost all the dogs without so much as a single enemy target destroyed. Those soldiers who weren't killed surrendered with their dogs. During interrogations, the captive handlers revealed the Soviet methods used to train their four-legged companions. Such information was utilised as propaganda among German troops who vilified the Soviets as cowards, claiming they would rather sacrifice their own dogs than fight like men. Despite the decimation of the 1st special battalion, the Soviet Union doubled down in their efforts and continued to use dogs against the Germans. By the end of 1941, over 1,000 anti-tank dogs were engaged in frontline combat. Just a year later, that number would rise to more than double. Future encounters, however, would prove more successful. On July 21, 1942, anti-tank dogs would help determine the outcome of a major battle near Taganrog on the Sea of Azov. When 40 enemy panzers smashed through a battery of anti-tank guns and compromised the position of the naval infantry brigade, the 4th company of anti-tank dogs was the only thing that stood between the command post and the advancing German armour. Simultaneously, 56 dogs launched an attack that destroyed a significant number of enemy tanks. Not only did those dogs stop the offensive, but they also forced the Germans to flee the battlefield. In other instances, it's reported that in the sector of the 160th Infantry Division in the vicinity of Glukhovo, six anti-tank dogs managed to destroy a total of five enemy tanks. At Stalingrad, in the vicinity of the airfield, a squad of tank-destroyer dogs destroyed 13 enemy tanks. At Kursk, in the zone of the 6th Guards Army, 16 dogs destroyed 12 tanks that had broken through into the depth of the Soviet defences in the area of Tamarovka. With figures like these in mind, it's difficult to dispute the viability of such a weapon, especially when considering the financial and logistical benefits when compared to more conventional anti-tank weaponry. Official Soviet figures estimate that the adoption of anti-tank dogs contributed to the destruction of over 300 enemy tanks and armoured fighting vehicles, though the true figure is likely unknown, especially considering it's equally as likely that Soviet authorities may have inflated these figures in an effort to justify such morally obtuse actions in the aftermath of the war. There were also, however, grievous psychological issues for Soviet soldiers. The dog trainers and handlers began to rebel at the cruelty involved in what was essentially the intentional, cold-blooded murder of the dogs they had served with and often formed an emotional bond with. If, as was sometimes common in a particularly fierce battle, a dog turned away from the tank and started to run back towards the Soviet trenches, to prevent injury to the soldiers should the bomb detonate, returning dogs had to be shot, often by the very soldiers who had cared for them. And even if the dog was successful in destroying an enemy target, the trainers had to watch an animal they were fond of, and perhaps grew to love be blown to pieces right before their eyes, never to be seen again. For many Soviet dog handlers, this was simply too much, resulting in many of them being unwilling to work with new dogs. Some questioned the morality of their superiors, complaining that the Army was not content with merely sacrificing people to the war, but felt that it was necessary to slaughter innocent trusting dogs as well. Those soldiers who openly criticised the anti-tank dog programme or voiced concerns over the integrity of such inhumane treatment towards the animals were often reprimanded in the harshest of ways, more often than not, sent to the gulag. From late 1941 onwards, German forces were well aware of the hundminen peril and took precautionary measures to defend against them. The machine guns mounted on armoured vehicles proved generally ineffective due to the relatively small size of the dogs, not least to mention the speed of the Alsatians and their low proximity to the ground. The solution, you could say, was no less moral than the problem that birthed it. Orders were eventually issued to all German soldiers on the front lines to shoot any dog that they saw in combat areas. In some cases, the entire canine populations of Russian villages were apprehended, taken from families against their will, rounded up outside, and simply shot dead. ## Legacy By mid-1943, the war in the east was beginning to change. At long last, the Red Army was finally starting to receive the sufficient quantities of vitally needed anti-tank weapons which they had been so urgently lacking in the early years of the war. As a result, Soviet forces had stopped using dogs for suicide missions and began the process of reintegrating and retraining existing dogs for use in a variety of more conventional roles such as mine-detection. With our modern, more enlightened sensibilities, it's easy to look back in condemnation of the actions of wartime Russia, to deem those who decreed such moralless actions as cold-hearted monsters, void of any semblance of compassion and empathy for our canine companions. While the Soviet Union is the only nation who utilised anti-tank dogs on a practical and industrial level, there were in fact other countries who at the very least considered the viability of such a weapon, going so far as to train specialised dog units for such an occasion in a remarkably similar fashion to that of the Soviets. Namely, the USA. Instead of blowing up tanks and AMVs like the Soviets, the targets of the hundminen's American cousins were instead Japanese bunkers. Thankfully however, the Americans saw the danger in this programme before they approved it. In the limited simulations they ran, many dogs returned to their masters with, what was quite literally a ticking time bomb still attached, as opposed to remaining in the enemy bunkers which would have caused numerous friendly fire incidents. Anti-tank dog training continued in Russia until 1996, but there are no reports of them being used outside the limited window of the second world war. The latest account of bomb laden animals being used in a military conflict was in July 2014, when Hamas militants attempted to attack Israeli troops in Gaza with a donkey carrying concealed explosives. Unfortunately, many Soviet dogs laid down their lives in the line of service during the war, and perhaps, given the ultimate conclusion of the conflict and the triumph of the Russians over Nazi Germany, there's reason to believe that the sacrifices made by man's best friend made a considerable difference, and in doing so, inadvertently saved countless Russian lives. But nonetheless, the events that unfolded in those turbulent years of conflict will forever remain a stain on the garment of human morality, and serve as testament to limits of human depravity, and hopefully act as a reminder to the evolution in sensibilities we've since attained, and will hopefully never again repeat. ## Key Takeaways - The Soviet Union used anti-tank dogs, trained to carry explosives under German tanks, during World War II. - These dogs, primarily German Shepherds, were conditioned using Pavlov's theory of classical conditioning. - Initial deployments were disastrous, but later engagements showed some success in destroying enemy tanks. - The program faced significant psychological issues for handlers, leading to some resistance and punishment. - The Soviet Union stopped using dogs for suicide missions by mid-1943, retraining them for other roles. ## Frequently Asked Questions ### What was the Soviet Union's initial response to the German invasion during Operation Barbarossa? The Soviet Union initially lacked sufficiently available tanks and anti-tank weaponry to repel the German invasion, leading to desperate measures. ### What were anti-tank dogs and how were they used? Anti-tank dogs, also known as hundminen, were specially trained dogs, typically Alsatian German Shepherds, conditioned to dive beneath advancing German tanks and deliver an explosive payload to incapacitate or destroy the target. ### When and why did the Soviet Union start using dogs in military roles? In 1924, the Revolutionary Military Council of the USSR approved the introduction of dogs as military equipment within the Red Army for various roles, including search and rescue, combat assistance, and transporting injured soldiers. ### How were anti-tank dogs trained? Anti-tank dogs were trained using classical conditioning. They were half-starved and then placed food beneath a stationary tank. Over time, they were conditioned to instinctively search beneath the tanks for food, with increasing distractions to simulate battlefield conditions. ### What was the initial deployment of anti-tank dogs like? The first major engagement of anti-tank dogs near Moscow in late 1941 was disastrous. Lack of cover fire from Soviet infantry resulted in the annihilation of almost all the dogs without destroying any enemy targets. ### Were anti-tank dogs effective in any battles? Yes, in some battles, anti-tank dogs proved effective. For example, on July 21, 1942, near Taganrog, 56 dogs destroyed a significant number of enemy tanks, stopping the German offensive. ### What was the psychological impact on Soviet soldiers using anti-tank dogs? Many Soviet dog handlers struggled with the cruelty involved in sacrificing the dogs they had formed bonds with. Some refused to work with new dogs, and those who criticized the program often faced severe punishment. ### How did German forces counter the threat of anti-tank dogs? German forces issued orders to shoot any dog seen in combat areas. In some cases, entire canine populations of Russian villages were rounded up and shot. ### When did the Soviet Union stop using anti-tank dogs for suicide missions? By mid-1943, the Red Army started receiving sufficient quantities of anti-tank weapons, leading to the reintegration and retraining of dogs for more conventional roles like mine-detection. ### Did any other countries consider using anti-tank dogs? Yes, the USA considered using anti-tank dogs in a similar fashion to the Soviets, targeting Japanese bunkers. However, they saw the danger in this program before approving it. ## Sources - [Original Into the Shadows video: Exploding Dogs: The Soviet Plan to Weaponize Man's Best Friend](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Q7NpdTMd_3I) - [Hero image source](https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/7/7a/Wreckage_of_Junkers_Ju88_%E2%80%93_Victory_Park%2C_Moscow_%2838651395122%29.jpg) by Alan Wilson from Stilton, Peterborough, Cambs, UK / openverse, by-sa. ## Related Coverage Simon Whistler https://intotheshadows.pub/article/gangs-mercenaries https://intotheshadows.pub/article/gangs-mercenaries Sun, 28 Jun 2026 00:00:00 GMT "Soldiers of fortune." "Guns for hire." "Lance-knight." "Private military contractors." Throughout the years, mercenaries have gone by many different names, yet their profession has remained unchanged since time immemorial. They are armed civilians who are paid to engage in military operations in foreign lands, generally in active combat zones. To some, they are a cheaper and more effective alternative to a professional national military. To others, they are greedy and soulless killing machines who will sell their services to the highest bidder, leaving only death and destruction in their wake. As Niccolo Machiavelli wrote in *The Prince*, mercenaries are "disunited, ambitious, undisciplined, and disloyal; valiant among friends, among enemies cowardly; they have no fear of god, no loyalty to men". But the truth, as it often does, lies somewhere in between. ## Ancient Warriors To pinpoint the first exact mention of mercenaries is difficult. Not because there aren't mentions of them in early sources, but because the very definition of a mercenary makes it hard to categorize them. Throughout most of history, professional armies were few and far between with most kingdoms relying on citizen militias, serfs serving under the feudal system, and other similar arrangements. This meant that many who served in this way and were paid to fight off in foreign lands could technically be considered mercenaries by definition. As for freelance soldiers paid by a foreign entity to perform military operations for them, there are mentions that date as far back as the Bronze Age with references even showing up in the Old Testament. In the Book of 1st Samuel, the future King David sought refuge with Achish, King of Gath, posing as a traitor to Israel. The Philistine king then hired David as a mercenary, during which time he was paid to raid common enemies of the Philistines and Israel. Meanwhile, the books of Jeremiah and Ezekiel both made mentions of hired swords, one about those fighting for Egypt and the other about those fighting against them. Other mentions regarding Egypt's relationship with mercenaries would come from a 14th-century BC papyrus fragment. In it, a warrior was depicted wearing a boar tusk helmet, common attire for a Mycenaean of the era. Although this papyrus fragment is intriguing, it's not exactly surprising. Greek mercenaries were used all over the ancient world, even leading to what modern academics have referred to as an "explosion" of the professionals by the 4th century B.C. The most famous example of Greek mercenaries of the era though, is undoubtedly the "Ten Thousand". In 401 B.C., Cyrus the Younger sought to overthrow his brother, the Persian King Artaxerxes II. To bolster his already impressive 100,000 strong force, Cyrus hired 10,000 Greek mercenaries before marching towards Babylon. While he was ultimately defeated at the Battle of Cunaxa, the Greek sellswords proved themselves formidable warriors. After being trapped behind enemy lines at the battle, they would spend the next two years fighting their way through Persia before finally making it back home to Greece. Less than a century later, Alexander the Great would take his turn marching on Persia. When he did, he would be accompanied by around 5,000 foreign freelance fighters. The Persians, meanwhile, had a force of around 10,000 Greek mercenaries, proving that they cared more for coin than for loyalty to any homeland. ## Evolution of the Merc But the Greeks weren't the only ones to outsource mercenaries, nor were they the only ones to employ them. In the years that followed, Rome would make a regular practice of hiring mercenaries, as would their enemies. Hannibal relied on mercenary forces when he crossed the Alps to march on Rome, while Julius Caesar was saved by a group of mercenaries during his campaign against Vercingetorix in Gaul. Time and again, hired swords proved crucial in battle, as they were among the few true professional soldiers. While others returned home to tend to farms, families, and social obligations, mercenaries roamed the ancient world, constantly seeking the next conflict. By 988 A.D., mercenaries had become so common that Byzantine Emperor Basil II enlisted a group of Viking warriors as his personal guard. Known as the Varangian Guard, this elite group would go on to protect the Byzantine emperor for the next four centuries and even included future Norwegian King Harold Hardrada among its ranks. Mercenaries continued to play key roles throughout the Middle Ages. When William the Conqueror invaded England in 1066, nearly half of his army was made up of hired swords. A century later, King Henry II frequently employed mercenaries, strategically using them to suppress a rebellion in Normandy while simultaneously pacifying Brittany. Meanwhile, in 1250, a group of mercenary slaves rose to power in Egypt and Syria, establishing the Mamluk Sultanate, an Islamic dynasty that would endure for nearly three hundred years. By the 1500s, mercenaries had become so integral to the world that they even began serving as the Pope's personal protectors, via the Swiss Guard, who still safeguard the Papal Office today. However, this was also the point at which mercenaries began to prove themselves problematic for many of their employers. In Medieval Italy, cities were more reminiscent of ancient Greek city-states than part of a larger centralized government. As such, they were always at war with each other, usually with forces made up largely of mercenaries. The basic unit was referred to as a "lance," and would be composed of a mounted knight, a squire, a page, and either two archers or two men at arms. As they were often referred to as "free" due to their open loyalty, the term freelancer was born, which is still used to this day to describe anyone who is self-employed and earns money on a per-job basis. Unfortunately, while most of these freelancers would perform exceptionally, as they usually had the most battle experience, they were also nuisances in times of peace. As they spread across Europe, these *condottieri*, or contractors, as the Italians called them, fought for the highest bidder, eventually organizing into groups known as free companies. Much like their modern counterparts, the free companies of the time were solely focused on earning money. They were led by a captain who managed the company's finances, while professional men-at-arms filled the ranks, organized into a hierarchy of commanders and administrators. The soldiers would sign contracts that specified how loot would be divided, or essentially, their paycheck. By the time of the Thirty Years' War in 1618, mercenaries had become the primary source of soldiers on the battlefield, with most combatants being swords-for-hire. This shift created a new kind of battlefield, one where loyalty to nations, kings, or homelands no longer mattered. Battles, which once involved only a few thousand combatants, now saw armies of up to 100,000, with each side commanding forces equal to that of a small city. When there were no battles to fight though, mercenaries often acted more like gangs, roaming the countryside, harassing, pillaging, and raping until they received a new call to action. In the period following the Thirty Years' War, mercenaries became somewhat taboo. Their reputation for causing mayhem during times of peace, combined with the rise of nationalism across Europe, led to a decline in their popularity. Many nations even began to ban soldiers of fortune. While state-sponsored organizations like the British East India Company emerged, they were a far cry from the independent free companies of the past. Similarly, privateers who roamed the high seas were primarily commissioned and organized, at least initially, by a crown. Occasionally, monarchs would lend forces to one another, such as when the German sovereigns sent troops to support King George III in the American colonies. However, this was more of an alliance than a mercenary force. For the most part, mercenaries mainly went underground for several centuries, operating independently around the globe until World War II. ## Rise of the PMCs While mercenaries had largely faded into obscurity by the turn of the 20th century, occasional exceptions served as reminders that they still existed. One such example was Claire Lee Chennault, a former U.S. Army pilot. After retiring in 1937, he quickly found employment with the Chinese Air Force, where he became an advisor and, in effect, its commander. Chennault negotiated a deal with the United States to supply China with 100 Curtiss P-40 fighter planes, and he persuaded President Theodore Roosevelt to grant him 99 pilots from the U.S. military to fly them. Together, they formed the American Volunteer Group, more commonly known as the "Flying Tigers." In order to accept these positions, the pilots had to formally resign from the U.S. military, effectively becoming mercenaries. Which they likely didn't mind as their new salaries were reportedly double that of their old ones. However, when the U.S. entered World War II, the Flying Tigers were integrated into the U.S. Army Air Forces. In the aftermath of the war, decolonization, particularly in Africa, led to unstable governments, geopolitical hotspots, and war-torn nations—fertile ground for freelance soldiers. To put this into perspective, between 1956 and 2001, Africa experienced 80 successful coups, 108 failed ones, and 139 similar plots across sub-Saharan countries alone. Amid this turmoil, foreign mercenaries provided training to local forces, as well as logistical and combat support. Even more troubling, a significant number of former Nazis who had escaped persecution after the war were engaged in similar activities across the Third World. They became spies for the Soviets, freelance arms traffickers, and were even integrated into the United States. While Wernher von Braun, the former Nazi who later helped send the U.S. to the moon as NASA's director, is the most famous example, many others followed a similar path. Both the CIA and the U.S. Army's Counterintelligence Corps actively sought out former SS and Gestapo members to recruit. Between the Cold War and the ongoing turmoil in Africa and other regions, the latter half of the 20th century became another golden age for mercenaries. As often happens, history began to repeat itself. Mercenaries started forming their own organizations, which would later be known as private military companies (PMCs). The first modern-era PMC was WatchGuard International, founded in 1965 by former British Special Forces officers John Woodhouse and David Stirling, who had also established the SAS more than 20 years earlier. While many mercenaries and PMCs were simply providing the services they were paid for, their rapid global expansion raised concerns. Moreover, these combatants operated with minimal regulation, answering only to those who paid them, creating a "Wild West" situation wherever they went. This growing concern led to the Geneva Protocols I and II in 1977. While these protocols did not explicitly ban the use of mercenaries, they defined what a mercenary was and imposed certain limitations on their rights. According to the protocols, mercenaries were denied the status of combatants and prisoners of war, along with the privileges that came with those statuses. At the same time, the African Union sponsored the Convention for the Elimination of Mercenarism in Africa, launched in 1977, as part of a global movement to criminalize mercenaries entirely. This effort gained further support from the United Nations in 1989 with the adoption of the International Convention against the Recruitment, Use, Financing, and Training of Mercenaries. This resulted in UN Resolution 44/34, which officially banned the use of mercenaries and came into force in 2001. ## Post 9/11 While the expectation was that this would lead to a rapid decline in mercenaries worldwide, 2001 actually marked a turning point in the opposite direction. Soldiers of fortune once again became a key aspect of warfare in the 21st-century. Although mercenaries were banned under the aforementioned UN Resolution, PMCs and PSCs (private security companies) were not. Nor were their operatives, typically referred to as "private military contractors." This distinction was one that the United States was quick to exploit. In the wake of the September 11, 2001, terrorist attacks, the U.S. felt the need to respond swiftly, and deployed troops to Afghanistan and Iraq. However, the government faced a host of challenges in waging the War on Terror. The costs of maintaining overseas forces, public opinion, deniability, and liability all presented significant obstacles that required creative solutions. To address these challenges, the U.S. began relying on PMCs and PSCs for nearly every aspect of its overseas operations. They were used for base security, VIP protection, training foreign troops, logistical support, and, of course, combat. By 2011, the presence of these modern mercenaries had become so widespread that their numbers in Afghanistan and Iraq matched those of uniformed military personnel. By 2019, they outnumbered U.S. military forces by 50%. While most of the PMCs in these regions focused on support roles, with only around 15% serving as combatants, the sheer scale of private contractors in action was still staggering. In 2020, reports indicated that while the U.S. had roughly 2,500 troops in Afghanistan and Iraq each, and around 900 in Syria, more than 27,000 contractors were deployed across the three theaters of operation. This illustrates a substantial gap between the number of soldiers and PMCs, although it's also important to note that companies like Boeing and Lockheed Martin also provide contract-based services to the U.S. government. What is undeniable, however, is that between 2001 and 2021, the Pentagon spent over $14 trillion on war efforts, with roughly a third to half of that allocated to private contractors. While the United States is undoubtedly, at least in part, responsible for the resurgence of mercenaries in the modern world, it is far from the only country employing them. The United Kingdom, for example, is estimated to spend around £50 million ($65 million) annually on PMCs. However, the U.K. has arguably become more renowned for creating these companies than for employing them. Although WatchGuard International, the first PMC to emerge from the U.K., set the stage, many more followed. A 2018 report revealed that at least 235 PMCs and PSCs were registered in the U.K., including prominent firms like G4S and Aegis Defense Services. Meanwhile, mercenaries remain a common presence throughout sub-Saharan Africa, largely financed by Russia and China, both of whom have made significant strides in the PMC sector in recent years. In Nigeria, the government enlisted mercenaries to drive Boko Haram out of the country in just a few weeks, a task they had struggled to accomplish for six years prior. Similarly, the Middle East has remained a hotspot for mercenary activity. The United Arab Emirates, for example, has employed mercenaries, primarily from Latin American countries, to fight in Yemen, Syria, and Libya. In Kurdistan, mercenaries have frequently been employed by local oil companies, Kurdish militias, and to hunt down regional terrorists. However, mercenaries have also worked for the terrorist groups too. One prominent example is Malhama Tactical, a PMC based in Uzbekistan that exclusively sells its services to jihadist extremists. Organizations like Nusra Front, an al-Qaeda affiliate, and the Turkistan Islamic Party hire Malhama Tactical much like a government would hire any PMC. Their operatives accept payment to train soldiers, deal arms, or engage in combat wherever they are directed. Despite their associations with extremist groups though, organizations like these have rarely been credited with atrocities or even mentioned in the news. Instead, it's primarily American and Russian-backed mercenaries who have faced significant backlash over the years. ## Blackwater Blackwater was an American PMC founded in 1998 by Erik Prince, a former U.S. Navy SEAL officer. From the onset of the War on Terror, it quickly became one of the United States' preferred contractors, providing security, technical, and logistical support wherever America operated. However, in 2007, a controversial incident in Baghdad, Iraq, thrust Blackwater into the public spotlight, forcing the company to face significant scrutiny for the first time. According to Blackwater agents, after a car bomb explosion near a meeting between U.S. and Iraqi officials, they were ordered to evacuate the American personnel. Upon reaching Nisour Square, they claimed a suspicious Kia was approaching, posing a potential threat. Despite ordering the vehicle to stop multiple times, the agents said the driver ignored the commands, leading them to open fire. The driver and passenger were killed, and according to the agents, they were then fired upon by a group of Iraqis, reportedly between eight and ten individuals. However, the Iraqi government, which conducted its own investigation, disputed this account. According to their findings, the driver and passenger were a civilian mother and son who were simply driving on the wrong side of the road. The gunfire that followed, they claimed, came from local police and military personnel who misunderstood the situation and began firing at the Blackwater agents. What remains indisputable, however, is that at least 14 Iraqi civilians were killed, with many more injured, and the incident came to be known as the Nisour Square Massacre. Despite multiple court proceedings in the years that followed, as well as widespread calls for justice from the Arab world, only four Blackwater agents were ultimately held accountable for the massacre. In 2020, however, all four, Paul Slough, Evan Liberty, Dustin Heard, and Nicholas Slatten, were pardoned by President Donald Trump. Although Blackwater has undergone several rebrandings over the years, it still operates today as Academi, a subsidiary of Constellis, with around 20,000 operatives worldwide. Meanwhile, its founder, Erik Prince, continues to make headlines, despite severing ties with the company after selling it in 2010. Through his other ventures, Prince has faced accusations of violating the arms embargo on Libya and supplying weapons to a rogue general, leading to an FBI investigation. Prior to that, he relentlessly lobbied to privatize the Afghanistan War. In 2017, Prince proposed a plan he believed could end the conflict, with $5 billion annually, 6,000 of his own troops, and essentially unrestricted control over Afghanistan. An idea that was quickly dismissed as unrealistic. However, given Prince's reported closeness to the Trump administration, many feared the White House might actually entertain his proposal. In 2025, he and others began pushing a $25 billion plan to privatize the mass deportation of 12 million migrants from the United States, illustrating just how far he, and other mercenaries, are willing to go for a payday. But while Prince's, and by extension Blackwater's, ambitions are chilling, they pale in comparison to the lengths a Russian-based PMC would go to. ## The Wagner Group The story of the Wagner Group is both young and extraordinarily violent, even by the standards of private military companies (PMCs). Founded in 2014 by Yevgeny Prigozhin, a Russian oligarch with business interests spanning oil, diamonds, and more, the group quickly gained traction. Prigozhin leveraged his troops in nations across the Middle East and Africa, often in exchange for natural resources. This strategy enabled Wagner to rise rapidly, establishing itself as one of the world's leading PMCs. However, as the group expanded, so too did its notorious reputation. In the Central African Republic, Human Rights Watch has reported multiple instances of torture, mistreatment, and the murder of civilians by the Wagner Group, accusations that have been echoed in countries such as Mali, Syria, and anywhere else the group operates. In 2022, following Russia's invasion of Ukraine, the Wagner Group became a key player in the conflict. However, at the time, Wagner lacked enough soldiers to meet Russia's demands, leading them to begin recruiting inmates from the country's prisons that summer. While Wagner's experienced soldiers continued their operations in Africa and Syria, the new, inexperienced recruits were sent to Ukraine as cannon fodder. The group's involvement in Ukraine garnered increasing public attention, with Pope Francis even condemning the use of mercenaries in the conflict. However, Wagner would also prove problematic for Russia during this period. For one, Wagner's founder, Prigozhin, was frequently at odds with high-ranking members of the Russian military. Additionally, despite being paid nearly $1 billion for their first year of operations in Ukraine, the group claimed that Russia still owed them money. Moreover, Prigozhin drew the Kremlin's ire when he publicly declared that the invasion of Ukraine was unjustified, directly contradicting the Russian government's official stance. Whether driven by a combination of these factors or his own ambitions, Prigozhin shifted his focus to Russia itself in June 2023, leading a force of 25,000 troops. Marching on Moscow, he seized control of military facilities in Rostov-on-Don along the way. However, just a few hundred miles from Moscow, Prigozhin's forces unexpectedly withdrew. While the precise reason remains unclear, it is believed that he reached some sort of agreement with Putin, which likely resulted in his immunity from criminal charges. Yet, only two months after Wagner's insurrection, Prigozhin was killed in a suspicious plane crash, with many speculating that Putin had orchestrated the hit. In the aftermath, Prigozhin's son, Pavel, took control of the Wagner Group, which subsequently returned to Russia's service, resuming its previous missions on behalf of the nation. However, this did not mark the end of the group's controversy. In Mali, Wagner has earned an especially notorious reputation. While hunting the extremist Islamic group Katiba Macina in 2022, Wagner, alongside opposing forces, was accused of killing around 500 civilians over a span of just four days. Then, between May and December 2024, reports surfaced of the group deliberately killing at least 32 civilians, disappearing four others, and burning over 100 homes across the country. Additionally, there have been persistent reports of rape, looting, torture, and other atrocities wherever Wagner operates, with their behavior often resembling that of common thugs rather than professional soldiers. Yet, as we've seen, this issue is not unique to Wagner. Mercenaries pose a global problem, with such abuses occurring in almost every corner of the world. ## Limited Liability While nations like Russia and the United States continue to make headlines for their use of mercenaries, the issue extends far beyond these countries to every corner of the globe. In the Middle East, Africa, and now Ukraine, mercenaries have once again become a widespread presence. Even nations that have remained distant from the controversy are now getting involved with PMCs. As civilians, these contractors allow governments to distance themselves from actions that are, at times, horrific. As soldiers, they roam the world, instilling fear in those whose homes they invade, employing torture, murder, and everything in between. Despite being rebranded as PMCs, PSCs, and so on, they remain mercenaries, much like their forbearers, acting like common street gangs wherever they are deployed. ## Key Takeaways - Mercenaries have been used throughout history, from ancient times to modern conflicts, often for their combat skills and flexibility. - Private military companies (PMCs) emerged in the mid-20th century, offering services to governments and corporations, but often with minimal regulation. - Post-9/11, the U.S. heavily relied on PMCs for various roles in Afghanistan and Iraq, leading to a significant presence of private contractors. - The Wagner Group, a Russian PMC, has been involved in numerous conflicts and accused of human rights abuses, highlighting the controversial nature of mercenaries. - Mercenaries allow governments to distance themselves from controversial actions, but their use raises ethical and legal concerns globally. ## Frequently Asked Questions ### What are mercenaries? Mercenaries are armed civilians who are paid to engage in military operations in foreign lands, generally in active combat zones. ### What are some historical examples of mercenaries? Historical examples of mercenaries include the 'Ten Thousand' Greek mercenaries hired by Cyrus the Younger in 401 B.C., and the Varangian Guard, a group of Viking warriors who served as the Byzantine Emperor's personal guard from 988 A.D. ### What is the difference between mercenaries and private military contractors (PMCs)? Mercenaries are armed civilians who are paid to engage in military operations in foreign lands, while PMCs are modern organizations that provide military services, often including combat, training, and logistical support. ### What is the Geneva Protocols' stance on mercenaries? The Geneva Protocols I and II in 1977 did not explicitly ban the use of mercenaries, but they defined what a mercenary was and imposed certain limitations on their rights, denying them the status of combatants and prisoners of war. ### What role did mercenaries play in the post-9/11 conflicts? In the wake of the September 11, 2001, terrorist attacks, the U.S. began relying on PMCs and PSCs for nearly every aspect of its overseas operations in Afghanistan and Iraq, including base security, VIP protection, training foreign troops, logistical support, and combat. ### What is the Wagner Group? The Wagner Group is a Russian-based PMC founded in 2014 by Yevgeny Prigozhin. It has been involved in conflicts in the Central African Republic, Mali, Syria, and Ukraine, and has been accused of numerous human rights abuses. ### What is Blackwater, and what controversies have surrounded it? Blackwater, now known as Academi, is an American PMC founded in 1998 by Erik Prince. It gained notoriety for the Nisour Square Massacre in 2007, where Blackwater agents killed at least 14 Iraqi civilians. The company has undergone several rebrandings but continues to operate today. ### How have mercenaries been used in Africa? Mercenaries have been used in Africa for training local forces, logistical and combat support, and even to drive out extremist groups like Boko Haram. They have been financed by countries like Russia and China and have been involved in various conflicts across the continent. ### What is the current status of mercenaries in the modern world? Mercenaries, often rebranded as PMCs and PSCs, continue to play a significant role in modern warfare. They are used by various countries, including the United States, Russia, and the United Kingdom, for a wide range of military and security operations. ### What are some of the criticisms and concerns surrounding the use of mercenaries? Criticisms and concerns surrounding the use of mercenaries include their lack of accountability, human rights abuses, and the potential for them to act like common street gangs wherever they are deployed. 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[https://ndupress.ndu.edu/Media/News/News-Article-View/Article/2031922/mercenaries-and-war-understanding-private-armies-today/](https://ndupress.ndu.edu/Media/News/News-Article-View/Article/2031922/mercenaries-and-war-understanding-private-armies-today/) - [https://www.politico.com/magazine/story/2017/08/31/i-was-a-mercenary-trust-me-erik-princes-plan-is-garbage-215563/](https://www.politico.com/magazine/story/2017/08/31/i-was-a-mercenary-trust-me-erik-princes-plan-is-garbage-215563/) - [https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Blackwater_(company](https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Blackwater_(company) - [https://www.justice.gov/archives/opa/pr/four-former-blackwater-employees-found-guilty-charges-fatal-nisur-square-shooting-iraq#:~:text=16%2C%202007%2C%20shooting%20at%20Nisur,of%20Columbia%2C%20and%20Andrew%20G](https://www.justice.gov/archives/opa/pr/four-former-blackwater-employees-found-guilty-charges-fatal-nisur-square-shooting-iraq#:~:text=16%2C%202007%2C%20shooting%20at%20Nisur,of%20Columbia%2C%20and%20Andrew%20G) - [https://www.reuters.com/article/world/blackwater-founder-erik-prince-accused-of-helping-evade-un-libya-sanctions-idUSKBN2AL0MM/](https://www.reuters.com/article/world/blackwater-founder-erik-prince-accused-of-helping-evade-un-libya-sanctions-idUSKBN2AL0MM/) - [https://www.militarytimes.com/news/your-military/2018/09/05/heres-the-blueprint-for-erik-princes-5-billion-plan-to-privatize-the-afghanistan-war/](https://www.militarytimes.com/news/your-military/2018/09/05/heres-the-blueprint-for-erik-princes-5-billion-plan-to-privatize-the-afghanistan-war/) - [https://www.npr.org/2024/10/17/1211596764/rebranding-the-worlds-most-dangerous-private-army#:~:text=Today%2C%20why%20the%20Wagner%20Group,blueprint%20for%20others%20to%20follow](https://www.npr.org/2024/10/17/1211596764/rebranding-the-worlds-most-dangerous-private-army#:~:text=Today%2C%20why%20the%20Wagner%20Group,blueprint%20for%20others%20to%20follow) - [https://www.euronews.com/2022/11/10/ukraine-crisis-pope-mercenaries](https://www.euronews.com/2022/11/10/ukraine-crisis-pope-mercenaries) - [https://spheresofinfluence.ca/mercenaries-wagner-group-imperialism/](https://spheresofinfluence.ca/mercenaries-wagner-group-imperialism/) - [https://www.theguardian.com/world/2023/may/20/russian-mercenaries-behind-slaughter-in-mali-village-un-report-finds](https://www.theguardian.com/world/2023/may/20/russian-mercenaries-behind-slaughter-in-mali-village-un-report-finds) - [https://www.atlasofwars.com/mercenary-warfare-around-the-world/#:~:text=The%20vast%20majority%20still%20operate,are%20increasingly%20using%20private%20militias](https://www.atlasofwars.com/mercenary-warfare-around-the-world/#:~:text=The%20vast%20majority%20still%20operate,are%20increasingly%20using%20private%20militias) - [https://www.outlookindia.com/international/mercenary-group-a-look-at-5-big-elite-private-sevurity-forces-in-the-world-news-298362](https://www.outlookindia.com/international/mercenary-group-a-look-at-5-big-elite-private-sevurity-forces-in-the-world-news-298362) - [https://www.sipri.org/yearbook/2023/04#:~:text=A%20handful%20of%20home%20states,combat%20more%20than%20other%20countries](https://www.sipri.org/yearbook/2023/04#:~:text=A%20handful%20of%20home%20states,combat%20more%20than%20other%20countries) - [https://abcnews.go.com/International/wagner-groups-rebellion-putin-unfolded/story?id=100373557](https://abcnews.go.com/International/wagner-groups-rebellion-putin-unfolded/story?id=100373557) - [https://www.politico.eu/article/vladimir-putin-yevgeny-prigozhin-russia-kremlin-gave-wagner-group-nearly-1-billion-in-the-past-year/](https://www.politico.eu/article/vladimir-putin-yevgeny-prigozhin-russia-kremlin-gave-wagner-group-nearly-1-billion-in-the-past-year/) - [https://www.cbsnews.com/news/russia-wagner-group-central-african-republic-bambari-massacre-rape-mass-murder/](https://www.cbsnews.com/news/russia-wagner-group-central-african-republic-bambari-massacre-rape-mass-murder/) - [Hero image source](https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/d/d1/Statue_of_the_Black_Prince_-_2025-09-19_18-52-06_002.jpg) by Igor_Sivolob / openverse, by-sa. ## Related Coverage Simon Whistler https://intotheshadows.pub/article/gangs-the-aryan-brotherhood https://intotheshadows.pub/article/gangs-the-aryan-brotherhood Sun, 28 Jun 2026 00:00:00 GMT It was late in the evening of April 5th 1970, when the red Pontiac Grand Prix screeched to a halt in front of J's Coffee Shop in Valencia, California. Inside were Bobby Augusta Davis and Jack Wright Twinning, two convicted criminals who'd stolen a series of workmans' tools from an unsupervised building site in the nearby town of Gorman. Having gotten into a freeway altercation with another motorist, their route was signalled to the California State Patrol, who sent two officers to carry out a traffic stop on the Pontiac. But when the officers pulled up to the side of the car, Twinning and Davis opened fire, killing both men and going on to murder another two officers who arrived on the scene as backup. What had begun as a routine traffic stop quickly turned into a bloodbath, and the pair of killers quickly fled the scene. Twinning later shot himself with one of the dead officers' guns, but Davis was arrested and taken into custody. And this was the first occasion that what would become one of the most notorious prison gangs on record came into public attention. Both men were suspected members of the Aryan Brotherhood. ## The 'Brand' The Aryan Brotherhood — also known as AB or 'the Brand' — formed behind the walls of San Quentin Prison, California, in the 1960s. The location was no accident. San Quentin was heavily populated by petty or violent criminals from poor, overwhelmingly white areas of inland California — including cities such as Fresno, Norco, San Bernardino and Bakersfield. But what also contributed to the rise of the Brotherhood were wider social changes occurring in American society at that time, and which were no different within the confines of the prison. The US — and especially California — was in a state of great political upheaval. The Civil Rights movement was in full swing, and the Black Panthers formed in Oakland in 1966, where they marched for an end to segregation and discriminatory practices against African-Americans. In San Quentin, something similar was occurring. Inmate George Jackson established the Black Guerrilla Family, a prison gang whose objectives mimicked the wider Black Power movement. Shortly after this, prison wards were desegregated, and the general population of San Quentin was mixed for the first time. Race relations were no better than in some of the most divided parts of the US, and came to a head in the exercise yard in January 1967. A race riot erupted, which saw up to 2000 BGF inmates and more than a thousand non-black inmates do pitched battle, before the upheaval was suppressed by prison guards. The white inmates, realising the numbers and coordination of the BGF, decided to consolidate their own fraternal organisation in response: this led to the rise of the Aryan Brotherhood, which had in fact been established — also in San Quentin — two years before the BGF, as a white supremacist movement. One of its key rules would be that membership would amount to a deal for life: but more on that in a bit. ## A Deal for Life What emerged from San Quentin would go on to become one of the most well-organised and ruthless gangs in the United States. Unlike rival gangs such as the BGF, the DC Blacks and the Hispanic Nuestra Familia, AB membership was small, compact, and utterly without mercy. The very baddest members sat as a three-person leadership committee, known as the Commission, which would order hits and direct in-house narcotic trafficking and trade. Murders of other inmates and insubordinate AB members were authorised through a "green light" system, usually a two-third majority vote. The relatively smaller pool of white prisoners meant that membership was not really much of a choice. While membership of other gangs was largely voluntary, new white inmates would be presented a choice: join the Brotherhood and be protected at least from the threat posed by other gangs, or refuse to join and be vulnerable to attack by both other gangs and the AB as well. The organisation structure was nothing if not rigid, and its membership protocols strict. Brotherhood members were made to read Western and Oriental philosophy, including Sun Tzu's *The Art of War*, Musashi's *The Book of Five Rings*, and works by Nietszche, Machiavelli and others. The gang generated revenue by smuggling substances into its prison, often by way of enablers on the outside such as released associates and members' wives and girlfriends. The illicit substances — often heroin and methamphetamine — were also used to control prisoners' lives, preying largely on the drug-dependent and those admitted on narcotics charges. Central to the orchestration of gang activities was a complex and cunning system of communication. The gang managed to circumvent prison restrictions by passing notes to one another using coded writing and cryptograms. This included invisible text (mostly using urine as ink), and remarkably even the gang's own alphabet, which was partly lifted from the Elizabethan-era writings of Francis Bacon — and which otherwise read as mumbo-jumbo. And amidst all this, the Brotherhood oversaw a campaign of brutal prison killings. One of the key features of the organisation was its "Blood In, Blood Out" principle. In other words, a prisoner would have to commit a murder or violent assault to join the gang — and they'd meet the same fate if they tried to leave it. Defectors and informers were particularly subject to vicious retribution — something which could follow them to other prisons and into protective incarceration. A prisoner in Pennsylvania was murdered on orders received in invisible ink from a supermax prison in Colorado, some 1,700 miles away. This followed a rise in violence such that prison authorities made the understandable — if ill-advised — decision to transfer members to federal prisons in other parts of the country. One of the locations chosen was FCI Leavenworth in the state of Kansas. And this was where one of the most notorious members of the Brotherhood would rise to prominence. ## 'Terrible Tom' Silverstein Thomas Silverstein was twenty-five years old when he entered Leavenworth in 1978 on a conviction for armed robbery. Silverstein was blooded by the AB only a few months later, when he stabbed white prisoner Danny Atwell to death, after Atwell had refused to act as a drug mule for the Brotherhood. Therein, Silverstein — like many others — fell into the quagmire posed by membership in the organisation. To survive the prison system — especially if on anything more than a trifling sentence — an inmate would be forced to rely on the protection of a gang. To achieve this, in the case of the Brotherhood, one would often be expected to carry out a task on behalf of the gang or one of its allies, which could involve murdering another inmate. This, in turn, would lead to an extended sentence — often life — which would leave the inmate fully at the disposal of the gang and simultaneously reliant on them. Have you ever seen the Hollywood film *Shot Caller*? If not, spoiler ahead. In the movie, stockbroker Jacob Harlon is moved into a California prison on a short sentence for a fatal DUI conviction. After falling in with a white supremacist gang for his own protection (going on to receive the ironic gang nickname "Money"), Harlon rises to the helm of the Brotherhood, through gritted teeth and one gruesome killing after another. The film was praised for a gripping and realistic depiction of the stages of prison gang membership. But the film could also have received attention as a light retelling of the circumstances of Silverstein's life. Silverstein was shunted into Leavenworth for a string of armed robberies in which he participated, but which were led by his father and cousin. Being from California, Silverstein had previously served four years for the same crime in none other than San Quentin, and had somehow managed to swerve AB membership on that occasion. But now serving fifteen years in Leavenworth, the Brotherhood quickly came knocking on his door. In the years thereafter, Silverstein rose through the rungs of the organisation by carrying out murder after murder — increasing both his prestige and the length of his conviction. Like in *Shot Caller*, Silverstein eventually reached highest rank. He gained the nickname 'Terrible Tom', and his vicious crimes inspired other members to do similarly. As a central figure in the Commission, Silverstein green-lit hits on associates and rival inmates for disrespect or insubordination. One of these targeted Bobby Davis, the shooter from the red Pontiac, who was wounded by an improvised arrow shot and moved into solitary detention for his own safety — where he killed himself in 2009. Over time, the violence in the American prison system entered uncharted territory. ## Walls Bathed in Blood In some prisons, the Aryan Brotherhood constitute as little as 1% of the population, but have been responsible for up 26% of murders committed. Prison authorities eventually shifted out of transferring its members to federal prisons (which had largely succeeded only in opening new chapters of the Brotherhood elsewhere), and began to lock down the most severe offenders in strict isolation. A notable target of this practice was Terrible Tom Silverstein. Silverstein was moved out of Leavenworth following the murder of Danny Atwell, and arrived at USP Marion, at that time a maximum-security facility in the state of Illinois. Soon after, Silverstein and another Brotherhood member set upon Robert Chapelle, a member of the DC Blacks gang, and strangled him to death in the exercise yard. By now, Terrible Tom's fearsome reputation preceded him in the US prison system. But Chapelle's death led to fury among rival gangs and another race war began. The national leader of the DC Blacks gang, Raymond 'Cadillac' Smith, was moved into USP Marion around this time, and vowed revenge for his associate's death. Smith made several attempts on Silverstein's life, and nearly succeeded in killing him. Crucially, however, he didn't — and his luck would run out soon after. Silverstein and Clayton Fountain — his accomplice in the Chappelle murder — managed to break out of an exercise area and set upon Smith in the prison shower area. Raymond Cadillac Smith was stabbed 67 times, after which Silverstein and Fountain dragged his lifeless body into the prison gen-pop area for other inmates to see. Silverstein was moved into solitary detention soon after. Thomas Silverstein's story was a strange one. In 1985, his first conviction for murder — that of Danny Atwell in Leavenworth — was quashed on the basis of unreliable witness testimony. But by that time, Silverstein had rather incontestably carried out another prison murder — the strangulation of Robert Chappelle in the USP Marion prison yard. Had it not been for this, Silverstein may conceivably have served his time for armed robbery and been released. But by murdering Chappelle, he not only secured a lifetime stint in prison, but also a number of would-be suitors for his own murder. This, in turn, drew him further into the arms of the Aryan Brotherhood and later on into dehumanising isolation. In some ways, Silverstein represented the sober dilemma that membership of the Brotherhood presented: a half-life as a locked-down criminal in the American prison system, or no life as the victim of a murder by another inmate or by the AB itself. In Silverstein's case, the half-life amounted to practically no life whatsoever. After the Smith murder, he was placed into 24-hour guarded detention, with the lights permanently illuminated, and with only drawing utensils to pass his time — with which he depicted the realities of his isolation. During this lone incarceration, he was mistreated by Merle Clutts, the prison officer on duty, who smudged his art and stripped some of the few belongings from his cell. Soon, Silverstein had enough of Clutts, and went on to carry out one of the most infamous murders in US prison history by getting his hands on a prison shank and stabbing Clutts forty times to death. Clutt's murder sent USP Marion into a lockdown which lasted for a full twenty-three years thereafter. Silverstein was transferred again, this time to USP Atlanta, and ultimately into the newly-built Florence supermax in Colorado. In each location, he was kept in strict isolation with only limited contact even with the guards tasked with containing him. By the time he died in 2019, Silverstein had spent the last 37 years of his life in brightly-lit isolation, save for a short interlude when he was released from his cell by Cuban inmates during the Atlanta prison riot in 1987. Ostensibly for the protection of all around him, Terrible Tom was allowed practically no human contact — and the only evidence of his existence were the mesmerising portraits of his limited life which circulated on various websites. ## The Brand Expands But Silverstein was by no means the only — or even the most sadistic — leader of the gang. Around the time he began his sentence in Leavenworth, a new beast was already rising behind the walls of San Quentin. After the Aryan Brotherhood and Black Guerilla Family rivalry erupted, it was judged too risky to allow the gangs to share the prison exercise yard simultaneously. As such, the gangs would use the yard on alternating weeks, each sharing the space with Hispanic gangs who'd been separated for the same reason. With this, the AB struck a bond with the Mexican Mafia — or 'La Eme' — and began to carry out murders on behalf of the group against their rivals Nuestra Familia, with La Eme doing the same against black gangs. Barry Byron Mills entered San Quentin as a twenty-year-old around this time. Like Silverstein, Mills was a native of California and his detention was on an initially-short conviction for armed robbery. Also like Silverstein, Mills' detention was later extended all the way to life for what became a litany of gruesome crimes behind bars. But perhaps unlike Silverstein, Mills' murders were the work of a berserker, seemingly particularly buoyed by the racial element of the AB's murderousness. Mills made his name by carrying out murders on behalf of the AB in light of the new web of allegiances at San Quentin. After stabbing a member of Nuestra Familia to death in 1972, he was moved on to USP Atlanta. Mills received notoriety for a ferocious murder in 1979, when he set upon an AB member who'd fallen foul of Thomas Silverstein, and nearly decapitated the man with a crudely-fashioned knife. This elevated Mills to the Commission, where he sat alongside Silverstein and another vicious figure named Tyler Bingham. Mills and Bingham's influence expanded as Silverstein faded into strict isolation, and they went on to expand the AB's trafficking and racketeering activities, in addition to ordering a large number of prison murders. Many of these were against associates Mills disliked, strong-arming even other members of the Commission into meeting the two-vote mark for greenlighting hits. Mills gained the nickname 'the Baron', and was known to have a visceral hatred of informants, something traced back a partner's confession which paved his route to San Quentin. To be branded a 'rat' by the Mills-led Brotherhood was an extremely undesirable fate, and one which The Baron routinely used as a means to target his foes. The AB also continued its practice of murders-for-hire, and offered protection to well-connected inmates for a price. One notable recipient was Italian-American mob leader John Gotti, who was imprisoned in USP Marion from 1992. Gotti initially paid protection to the AB, but made the mistake of faltering on his payments to the gang. His protection vanished, and Gotti was attacked by black inmate Walter Johnson in the prison rec room. He survived, and turned back to none other than the AB for retribution against his assailant. Johnson was swiftly shepherded out of Marion and into the relative safety of the Colorado supermax. But it has been suggested that the reason the Brotherhood allowed Johnson to escape with his life was to shake Gotti down for his failure to pay protection — and to remind the once-formidable mob boss just who owned him in his new surroundings at USP Marion. Other targets of the Brotherhood met no such clemency. Mills had not forgotten about the DC Blacks and their attempts to end the life of Thomas Silverstein. Under direction from Mills and Bingham, AB members carried out frenzied attacks on DC Blacks prisoners, including the double murder of two inmates in Lewisburg prison in 1997, and the mass stabbing of six more with shivs in the same prison a few months later. Barry Mills and Tyler Bingham were eventually targeted with a massive indictment for conspiracy, incitement, racketeering, and 32 murders in 2006, and later saw out their days — like Silverstein — in the Florence Supermax in Colorado. But the relentless violence of the AB had now overtaken even the overseers at its helm. ## The Brand Lives On Despite attempts to curtail its influence, the Aryan Brotherhood remains prominent in US prison circles, and no less deadly than in the years before. Hugo Pinell — or 'Yogi Bear' — was a member of the Black Guerrilla Family who'd been part of the organisation since the George Jackson days in the 1970s. Pinell was convicted of cutting the throats of two prison guards during an escape attempt in 1971, and later stabbed his own attorney in the midst of his arraignment. Like Silverstein, he was sentenced to 24-hour isolated detention soon afterwards. But by 2015, the now-elderly Pinell was granted release to the general population of New Folsom Prison in California. His relative newfound freedom lasted two weeks, before he was stabbed to death by AB members during a prison riot. What was once a gang bandied together to counter the threat of the black gangs had become a formidable criminal enterprise with tentacles extending both inside and outside the prison system. What was born in the petri dish of San Quentin had now expanded to chapters the length and breadth of the country. And what had once been an outfit of a few hundred members by now had thousands of associates and foot soldiers, bound to service by the enduring threat of the Blood In, Blood Out principle. Going back to events depicted in *Shot Caller*, Money's service to the gang does not end with his parole and release from the prison. Now hardened by his experiences during his detention, and faced with the reality that the gang held control over his movements on the outside by threatening to move on his family, Money realises that his stint outside the prison will be short-lived. The only way to ensure the safety of those close to him will be a return to the confines of the prison system, and to dictate the organisation by himself from within. The same is likely true to reality. Once blooded by the gang, membership is not a reality easily dispelled. With a vast membership across dozens of institutions, and with a capacity for regeneration secured through the unforgiving conditions of this membership, the decision to join the Aryan Brotherhood perhaps far outweighs even the terms of one's incarceration. It amounts, in fact, to a true deal for life. ## Key Takeaways - The Aryan Brotherhood emerged in the 1960s at San Quentin Prison due to racial tensions and the rise of the Black Guerrilla Family. - The gang's strict 'Blood In, Blood Out' principle requires members to commit murder to join and face death if they leave. - Thomas Silverstein, known as 'Terrible Tom,' became a notorious leader of the Aryan Brotherhood, spending decades in isolation. - The Aryan Brotherhood's influence extends beyond prisons, with members involved in trafficking and murders-for-hire. - Despite efforts to curb its power, the Aryan Brotherhood remains a significant and deadly presence in US prisons. ## Frequently Asked Questions ### When and where was the Aryan Brotherhood first brought to public attention? The Aryan Brotherhood was first brought to public attention on April 5th, 1970, following a violent incident at J's Coffee Shop in Valencia, California, where Bobby Augusta Davis and Jack Wright Twinning, suspected members of the Aryan Brotherhood, killed four California State Patrol officers. ### What is the 'Blood In, Blood Out' principle of the Aryan Brotherhood? The 'Blood In, Blood Out' principle means that a prisoner must commit a murder or violent assault to join the Aryan Brotherhood, and they will face the same fate if they try to leave the gang. ### How did the Aryan Brotherhood communicate within prisons? The Aryan Brotherhood used a complex system of communication, including coded writing, cryptograms, invisible text (using urine as ink), and even their own alphabet partly lifted from Elizabethan-era writings of Francis Bacon. ### Who was 'Terrible Tom' Silverstein and what was his role in the Aryan Brotherhood? Thomas 'Terrible Tom' Silverstein was a notorious member of the Aryan Brotherhood who rose to prominence in FCI Leavenworth. He became a central figure in the Commission, ordering hits on associates and rival inmates, and was known for his brutal crimes. ### What was the significance of the race riot in San Quentin in January 1967? The race riot in San Quentin in January 1967 was a pivotal event that led to the consolidation of the Aryan Brotherhood. White inmates realized the coordination and numbers of the Black Guerrilla Family and formed the AB in response to protect themselves. ### How did the Aryan Brotherhood expand its influence beyond San Quentin? The Aryan Brotherhood expanded its influence by striking alliances with other gangs, such as the Mexican Mafia, and carrying out murders on behalf of these groups. They also began to operate in other prisons, including USP Marion and FCI Leavenworth. ### What was the impact of the Aryan Brotherhood's violence on the prison system? The Aryan Brotherhood's violence led to significant changes in the prison system, including the transfer of members to federal prisons and the implementation of strict isolation for the most severe offenders. Their actions also resulted in long-term lockdowns and increased security measures. ### What was the 'green light' system in the Aryan Brotherhood? The 'green light' system was a method used by the Aryan Brotherhood to authorize murders of other inmates and insubordinate members. It typically required a two-thirds majority vote from the leadership committee, known as the Commission. ### How did the Aryan Brotherhood generate revenue within prisons? The Aryan Brotherhood generated revenue by smuggling illicit substances, such as heroin and methamphetamine, into prisons. They also controlled prisoners' lives by preying on the drug-dependent and those admitted on narcotics charges. ### What was the role of Barry Byron Mills in the Aryan Brotherhood? Barry Byron Mills, known as 'the Baron,' was a vicious leader of the Aryan Brotherhood who carried out numerous murders and expanded the gang's trafficking and racketeering activities. He was known for his hatred of informants and his brutal methods of enforcing the gang's rules. ## Sources - [Original Into the Shadows video: Gangs: The Aryan Brotherhood](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=0BVdW8buhFA) - [https://www.nytimes.com/1967/01/19/archives/san-quentin-guards-thwart-a-race-riot-by-2000-convicts.html](https://www.nytimes.com/1967/01/19/archives/san-quentin-guards-thwart-a-race-riot-by-2000-convicts.html) - [https://casetext.com/case/silverstein-v-fed-bureau-of-prisons-1](https://casetext.com/case/silverstein-v-fed-bureau-of-prisons-1) - [https://www.upi.com/Archives/1990/09/24/California-inmate-serving-life-wins-45000-from-state/3393654148800/](https://www.upi.com/Archives/1990/09/24/California-inmate-serving-life-wins-45000-from-state/3393654148800/) - [https://www.corrections1.com/treatment/articles/2-notorious-calif-inmates-commit-suicide-wXZcG6jfMt5NfOKw/](https://www.corrections1.com/treatment/articles/2-notorious-calif-inmates-commit-suicide-wXZcG6jfMt5NfOKw/) - [https://bibliography.icpsr.umich.edu/bibliography/citations/data/173680/fileDownload](https://bibliography.icpsr.umich.edu/bibliography/citations/data/173680/fileDownload) - [https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Atlanta_prison_riots](https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Atlanta_prison_riots) - [https://thomassilverstein.net/toms-art-a-gallery/#jp-carousel-142](https://thomassilverstein.net/toms-art-a-gallery/#jp-carousel-142) - [https://www.latimes.com/archives/la-xpm-2006-jul-30-me-aryan30-story.html](https://www.latimes.com/archives/la-xpm-2006-jul-30-me-aryan30-story.html) - [https://www.courthousenews.com/longest-held-prisoner-in-solitary-loses-challenge/](https://www.courthousenews.com/longest-held-prisoner-in-solitary-loses-challenge/) - [https://www.nytimes.com/2018/07/20/obituaries/barry-mills-brutal-leader-of-racist-prison-gang-dies-at-70.html](https://www.nytimes.com/2018/07/20/obituaries/barry-mills-brutal-leader-of-racist-prison-gang-dies-at-70.html) - [https://www.justice.gov/usao-edca/pr/three-aryan-brotherhood-prison-gang-members-convicted-murder-aid-racketeering-rico](https://www.justice.gov/usao-edca/pr/three-aryan-brotherhood-prison-gang-members-convicted-murder-aid-racketeering-rico) - [https://www.cbsnews.com/sanfrancisco/news/aryan-brotherhood-prison-murder-racketeering-ronald-yandell-william-sylvester-california/](https://www.cbsnews.com/sanfrancisco/news/aryan-brotherhood-prison-murder-racketeering-ronald-yandell-william-sylvester-california/) - [https://www.nytimes.com/2019/05/21/obituaries/thomas-silverstein-dead.html](https://www.nytimes.com/2019/05/21/obituaries/thomas-silverstein-dead.html) - [Hero image source](https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/e/e3/At_Valencia_2025_394_-_EES_kiosks.jpg) by Photograph by Mike Peel (www.mikepeel.net). / openverse, by-sa. ## Related Coverage Simon Whistler https://intotheshadows.pub/article/gangs-the-raskols https://intotheshadows.pub/article/gangs-the-raskols Sun, 28 Jun 2026 00:00:00 GMT For much of Papua New Guinea, daily life has been a relentless nightmare for decades. For men, something as routine as a shopping trip or a walk in the park can end in a mugging, a carjacking, or a savage beating for no reason at all. For women, the situation is even worse; a simple walk outside isn't even an option for those who wish to avoid a gruesome fate. The root of this chaos? A widespread network of gangs known as the Raskols. For years, these violent groups have terrorized communities across PNG with little to no interference from the police. They rob, assault, and terrorize at will, effectively ruling their neighborhoods like local warlords. In this exploration, we'll dive into the world of the Raskols, a gang whose initiation rituals are among the most brutal in history, and examine how, despite their brutality, they've managed to thrive for decades. ## Foundations To understand the world that gave rise to the Raskols, one must first understand Papua New Guinea as a country. Located just north of Australia, the island of New Guinea is as rugged in terrain as it is in history. Today, the island is split between two nations: Papua New Guinea in the east and Indonesia in the west. But this division doesn't imply a small nation as Papua New Guinea alone is nearly twice the size of the United Kingdom. Despite its size, the island's harsh geography, complete with dense jungles, towering mountains, and treacherous river valleys, meant that its people remained isolated from one another for much of history. So, when the Spanish and Portuguese began arriving in the 1500s, they encountered a scattering of clans and tribes rather than a centralized society or government. They only met a few coastal inhabitants as well, as they never ventured far enough inland to encounter the Highland tribes. The same was true for the American and British whaling ships that frequented the area nearly three centuries later. For the most part, the island and its people remained untouched by the outside world well into the modern era. But that began to change in the 19th century, as European powers scrambled to claim foreign territories. In 1884, Germany declared a protectorate over the northern part of what is now Papua New Guinea, naming it German New Guinea. Just days later, Britain responded by establishing its own protectorate over the southern portion of the island, along with several smaller nearby islands. They named their territory Papua. Despite these colonial claims, the island's Highland regions remained largely undisturbed during this period, as foreign interest was concentrated along the coasts. Even after Britain handed its portion over to the Australian government at the start of the 20th century, and following Germany's defeat in World War I, when their territory was also transferred to Australian control, the Highlands remained isolated. In fact, it wasn't until the 1920s that foreigners even began to venture into the mountainous interior. It was the discovery of gold along the Bulolo River that pushed further exploration into Papua New Guinea's remote interior. What followed was an even more astonishing discovery: nearly one million people living in isolated communities, some so secluded they had never encountered another tribe, let alone a European or Australian. Then came World War II, bringing modern warfare to a people who were, essentially, still living in the Stone Age. For over three years, New Guinea became a critical battleground in the Pacific Theater, until the Japanese surrender in August 1945. The war left a lasting impact, reshaping the island's landscape, its people, and its future. In the postwar years, Australia merged the former British and German territories into what would become Papua New Guinea. The nation eventually gained independence in 1975. But as was so often the case in post-colonial transitions, it was at that very moment, just as self-rule began, that PNG most needed outside support. And this is how modern Papua New Guinea came into being, a nation where the vast majority of people still live in rural areas, with only about 13% residing in cities. It's a country so geographically and culturally fragmented that, despite having a population of just around 10 million, a figure that's difficult to estimate with precision, it is home to over 840 distinct languages. That's more than 10% of all the languages still spoken in the world today. Now, imagine the challenge of uniting this immense patchwork of cultures and tribes under a single national identity, governed by a centralized state. For some, particularly those living along the coasts, the concept of nationhood and formal governance was at least somewhat familiar. But for much of the population, especially in the Highlands, it meant little. There, traditional ways of life have persisted, largely untouched, even into the modern era. The result was a government disconnected from its people, lacking a unifying vision and plagued by instability from the very beginning. In urban centers like the capital, Port Moresby, as well as cities such as Lae and Mount Hagen, gang violence quickly became a brutal part of daily life. Meanwhile, in the Highlands, life carried on much as it always had, without electricity or running water, and with many mountain clans continuing their traditional conflicts, largely unchecked by a law enforcement system that remained focused on the cities. Even there, few could rely on the legal system, as corruption became rampant across every level of government. For citizens trying to earn an honest living, the odds were stacked impossibly high. Mass unemployment was a crisis from the start, and the gap between the rich and poor was so vast that many ended up living in shanty towns or directly on the streets. A small elite, enriched by control over the country's resources, routinely exploited the vulnerable. Children and adults alike were pulled from the streets and trafficked into forced labor, whether in logging camps, mines, or the sex trade. With survival the top priority, many families were forced to send their children off alone, hoping they could find some way to contribute, no matter the risk. As is often the case in times of deep crisis, people began to find their own ways to survive. In Papua New Guinea, that survival came in the form of the Raskol gangs, which began to emerge in the 1970s. Boys of all ages were drawn into criminal activity, joining gangs as one of the few available means of income, protection, and support. Reflecting the fragmented nature of their homeland, no single dominant gang emerged. Instead, numerous groups took shape such as the Boma, the 585s, the Mafia, KGK, and Kips Kaboni. All collectively known as "Raskols." The term comes from Tok Pisin, the local English-based creole used in commerce and government, where "raskol" means "rascal." As the Raskols gained power in cities across PNG, so too did violence, corruption, and lawlessness. Over time, these gangs didn't just influence the streets, they began to dominate them, to the point where they essentially held sway over the nation's urban landscape. ## Crimes In the Highlands, much of the violence and crime is still rooted in intertribal warfare. As recently as July 10th, 2019, one such conflict claimed the lives of 32 people, including nine children. While these clashes are a primary driver of crime in rural areas, cities like Port Moresby are forced to contend with nearly everything else thanks to the Raskols. Raskol gangs are responsible for a wide range of crimes, from robberies and carjackings to kidnappings and assaults, often using a mix of locally sourced, black-market, and homemade weapons. These gangs roam the streets with impunity, and it's not uncommon to see groups armed with machetes holding up tourists or locals. Even more alarming are the armed robberies involving weapons as heavy as M16 assault rifles. It's no surprise why such crimes persist though, as many gang members can earn more in a single robbery than they might in a lifetime of legitimate work. Some of the more organized gangs have expanded their operations to include international arms trafficking, often exchanging locally grown cannabis or other drugs, many of which aren't even widely used in Papua New Guinea. In fact, despite the country's many challenges, drug use remains relatively low. Cannabis is primarily cultivated as a trade commodity, not for domestic consumption. On the streets, there are even individuals who specialize in crafting homemade firearms for the Raskols, which are frequently used in attacks against police, unsuspecting civilians, and rival gangs. Gang warfare in Papua New Guinea is often open and relentless, erupting in public shootouts, brutal daylight murders, revenge killings, and everything in between. For anyone hoping that local governments might step in to restore law and order, the reality is grim as there's little hope. In many areas, the Raskols are the law. Through widespread bribery and corruption, much of the police force and government administration operate under the gangs' influence. Even worse, many officers are directly involved in criminal activities themselves, from fuel theft to arms trafficking. And they can be just as violent and unpredictable as the gangs they're supposed to fight, often turning on civilians without hesitation. For the people living in PNG's cities, safety isn't even an illusion. However, this danger extends well past the locals as there have been multiple cases of foreigners falling prey to the Raskols violence. In 2013, and American man, his wife, and a tour guide were doing research on climate change and the effects it had in the region on birds when they were attacked by 9 gang members armed with knives and guns. After stripping the man and guide down naked, the gang tied them to a tree and forced them to watch as they spent the next 20 minutes scalping and gang raping the man's wife. The only thing that saved her was a stray noise in the forest that scared the gang off, allowing the victims to break free and run for help. And this came only a week after an Australian tourist had endured the same fate after a gang had viciously killed her friend. Unfortunately, sexual assault, rape, and other similar atrocities are also common throughout PNG, both in the Highlands and in the cities. In one case that was widely reported in 2003, after a woman had gotten into a car accident, a local group of Raskols dragged her from the wrecked vehicle just to gang rape her as she lay injured and dying. Tragically, this kind of assault has become a disturbingly common tactic among Raskol gangs. So much so that it now forms a recognizable part of their modus operandi. ## Initiations To put it as mildly as possible, rape is more than just a crime committed frequently by the Raskols, it is part of their identity. Any young man who wishes to join one of these gangs must go through an initiation which, usually, is finding a random young woman and forcing themselves on the victim. This is it. No "curb-stomping" or shooting a rival gang member or any of the similar initiation rituals usually prevalent in gangs throughout the world. Instead, Raskols are ordered to commit one of the worst actions imaginable on an innocent victim who has nothing to do with their groups. Peter Moses, one of the leaders of the 585s, has stated that raping a young woman is a must for young gang members looking to prove themselves. As Moses, who had self-admittedly done the same to over 30 victims, 3 of whom wound up dead afterwards, has been quoted as saying on the matter: > "and it is better if a boy kills her afterwards; there will be less problems with the police". Meanwhile, in the Highlands, women often face similarly harsh conditions, frequently regarded more as property than as people. In many cases, marriage involves the payment of a "bride price," during which the woman is effectively sold off, similar to the sale of an old car. Once the transaction is complete, the husband is free to treat his wife however he pleases. Many women throughout PNG endure regular domestic abuse, sexual assault by their partners, and in some cases, even worse. Tragically, some women are targeted not just by their husbands, but by their entire communities. Belief in witchcraft remains widespread in the Highlands, and women are often accused of practicing "Puri-Puri," or black magic. When such accusations arise, their families may disown them out of fear of being cursed or punished by association. These women are then forced to flee their homes or face brutal punishments, often culminating in violent attacks by local mobs. In 2012, Vlad Sokhin released the documentary *Crying Meri*, in which he traveled to Papua New Guinea to document the widespread mistreatment of women across the country. What he uncovered was tragic, though by that point, sadly unsurprising. Many young Raskols he interviewed openly and proudly admitted to raping at least one woman, with several boasting of even more. When asked why they had never been reported, most claimed that none of their victims had gone to the police. Disturbed by this, Sokhin decided to dig deeper. He sought out the victims to hear their side of the story. Most of the women he spoke with said they had indeed tried to file reports, but the complaints were either lost within a corrupt system, dismissed by police who had been bribed by the Raskols, or ignored because the victims lacked the money to pay off officers themselves. This, in turn, revealed an entirely separate yet equally alarming issue: systemic corruption and a justice system inaccessible to those without power or money. ## Impact According to the Raskols themselves, the police have been just as cruel and violent as the gangs, often taking out their frustrations on local communities. And they may not be wrong as police brutality is widespread across the country, with authorities commonly adopting a "beat first, ask questions later" approach. As Koiva, a Bomai gang leader, remarked in 2004: > "the police we know are very dangerous. They come in to the settlement and raid people's food and property and beers." At this point, the police have effectively become a gang of their own, often relying on bribes to make a living. Beyond the crimes already mentioned, they've been implicated in human trafficking and are known to frequently assault civilians on the street, often in ways that mirror the behavior of the Raskols themselves. In the Highlands, where regulation is even more lax than in the cities, police misconduct can be especially severe. Officers have been reported assaulting young detainees, stripping random citizens naked before robbing them, and committing even more egregious acts. While most modern nations have government bodies tasked with overseeing and punishing such abuses, the judicial and criminal justice systems in Papua New Guinea operate very differently. Despite being severely under-resourced, the Royal Papua New Guinea Constabulary reports solely to the Ministry of Defense, effectively granting the police unchecked authority. The courts, similarly, underfunded, often lead to trial delays, wrongful imprisonment, and prolonged detentions without due process. As for the prison system, expectations should remain low. Despite having one of the highest prison occupancy rates in Oceania, PNG's prisons are overcrowded, poorly maintained, and notoriously violent. Riots, escapes, and acts of brutality are common, and it's widely believed that, like the police, prison guards can be easily bribed. Due in no small part to the actions of both the Raskol gangs and the police force, Port Moresby has consistently ranked among the worst cities in the world to live in. In 2004, a survey by *The Economist* even named it the worst capital city globally out of 130 evaluated. To this day, Raskol gangs control large portions of the city, with entire areas considered no-go zones for police. Residents are routinely advised to stay indoors after sunset and in many neighborhoods, to avoid the streets even during daylight hours. Meanwhile, the city's wealthier residents live in heavily fortified homes that resemble embassies more than private residences. Barbed wire lines the perimeter, gated entrances are monitored around the clock, and multiple security guards are often employed, just to be safe. To say that the Raskols have left a lasting impact on Papua New Guinea would be a major understatement. At one point, the murder rate in Port Moresby was reported to be three times higher than Moscow's and 23 times higher than London's. Compounding the violence, the country also faces a STD epidemic thanks, in no small part, to the widespread sexual assault, which led to the steady rise of HIV and AIDS cases nationwide. As of 2020, more than 50,000 people in PNG were living with the disease. However, experts believe these figures are heavily underreported, and many fear the real numbers will surge dramatically in the years ahead. ## Response For years, the very existence of the Raskols went unnoticed by the wider world, let alone the atrocities they were committing in a remote corner of the Pacific Ocean. That changed in 2004, when Australian photographer and author Stephen Dupont decided to travel to Papua New Guinea and document the situation for himself. While there, he managed to infiltrate the Kips Kaboni, Tok Pisin for "Scar Devils", PNG's longest-established gang, after earning their trust. Remarkably, he was allowed to set up shop in their safehouse, where he documented their unique homemade weapons and firearms. At the time, the Kips Kaboni were embroiled in a gang war, and Dupont was given full access to witness it unfold. Allegedly, the violence was sparked when a Motu woman was killed by a Highlander who drove a metal spear through her neck, triggering a brutal vendetta. In retaliation, the Kips Kaboni launched attacks on Highlanders, burning down their stores and properties. Despite being an outsider, Dupont was granted the rare opportunity to photograph freely and even conduct individual profiles of the gang members. One of the gang members Dupont profiled, a man named Omsy, later appeared in the documentary *Crying Meri*. In the film, Omsy shared that since Dupont's visit to Papua New Guinea, he had turned his life around, leaving the gang to become a bass player in a band that was beginning to gain international attention. Despite his new path, he expressed deep shame over the person he had been when the original 2004 profile was made. He admitted that, when he was with the gang, he had raped 5 different women and would regularly hold his wife at knife and gunpoint to get his way. Despite this kind of behavior being widespread among the gang, Dupont was surprised to find that many Raskols were viewed as heroes within their communities. Much like modern-day Robin Hoods, they were seen by some as necessary criminals, defying a corrupt system and standing up for the powerless. But this perception is deeply misguided. While it's true that Papua New Guinea struggles with systemic corruption, there is no excuse for the Raskols' abominable, violent, and deeply harmful actions. In fact, far from being defenders of the people, these gangs have contributed significantly to many of the modern challenges the nation now faces. In recent years, politicians such as Prime Minister James Marape have made meaningful strides in the fight against corruption. In 2020, the government passed a bill to establish an Independent Commission Against Corruption, marking the country's first significant step toward addressing the issue through formal regulation. Alongside this, efforts have been made to raise awareness about drug use in schools through assemblies and other educational initiatives. At the community level, organizations like City Mission's New Life Farm continue to operate largely independently, offering support through shelters, outreach programs, and various forms of community engagement. However, many of these efforts are largely ineffective, as there has been little progress in enacting robust legislation to combat issues such as human trafficking, arms trafficking, or gang violence. Problems that are directly related to the Raskols. To this day, they continue to dominate the cities, terrorizing residents at will, committing atrocities, and transforming entire areas into warzones. In short, they remain ruthless figures of terror, and, unless significant changes are made, they will likely continue to control their communities with little opposition for the foreseeable future. ## Key Takeaways - Papua New Guinea's Raskol gangs have terrorized communities for decades, with little police intervention. - Raskol initiation rituals involve brutal acts like rape, reflecting the gangs' deeply violent culture. - The Raskols' control extends to influencing corrupt police and government officials, making law enforcement ineffective. - Women in PNG face extreme violence, including rape and witchcraft accusations, with limited legal recourse. - Despite some anti-corruption efforts, Raskol gangs continue to dominate cities, committing atrocities with impunity. ## Frequently Asked Questions ### What are Raskols? Raskols are a widespread network of gangs in Papua New Guinea known for their violent and criminal activities. They terrorize communities with robberies, assaults, and other crimes, often operating with impunity due to corruption within the police and government. ### How did the Raskols originate? The Raskols began to emerge in the 1970s as a means of survival for boys and young men in Papua New Guinea. They joined gangs to earn income, protection, and support in a country plagued by mass unemployment and a vast gap between the rich and poor. ### What types of crimes do Raskols commit? Raskols are responsible for a wide range of crimes, including robberies, carjackings, kidnappings, assaults, and sexual violence. They often use a mix of locally sourced, black-market, and homemade weapons, and their activities include international arms trafficking and drug trade. ### What is the initiation ritual for joining a Raskol gang? The initiation ritual for joining a Raskol gang typically involves committing a sexual assault on an innocent victim. This brutal act is seen as a way for young men to prove themselves to the gang. ### How do Raskols impact the communities in Papua New Guinea? Raskols have a devastating impact on communities in Papua New Guinea. They control large portions of cities like Port Moresby, making entire areas no-go zones for police. Residents are advised to stay indoors after sunset, and the city's wealthier residents live in heavily fortified homes. The gangs contribute to high murder rates, an STD epidemic, and widespread fear and violence. ### What is the role of the police in Papua New Guinea regarding the Raskols? The police in Papua New Guinea are often as violent and unpredictable as the Raskols themselves. Many officers are involved in criminal activities, and the police force is plagued by corruption. They frequently assault civilians and are known to be easily bribed, making them ineffective in combating the Raskols. ### What efforts have been made to address the issues caused by the Raskols? Efforts to address the issues caused by the Raskols include the establishment of an Independent Commission Against Corruption in 2020 and educational initiatives to raise awareness about drug use. However, these efforts have been largely ineffective due to the lack of robust legislation to combat human trafficking, arms trafficking, and gang violence. ### How do Raskols view themselves within their communities? Many Raskols are viewed as heroes within their communities, similar to modern-day Robin Hoods, defying a corrupt system and standing up for the powerless. However, this perception is misguided, as the gangs contribute significantly to the modern challenges the nation faces. ### What is the situation like for women in Papua New Guinea, particularly in relation to the Raskols? Women in Papua New Guinea face severe challenges, including sexual assault, rape, and other atrocities committed by Raskols. In the Highlands, women are often regarded as property and face domestic abuse and violence. The belief in witchcraft also leads to brutal punishments for women accused of practicing black magic. ### What is the current state of the prison system in Papua New Guinea? The prison system in Papua New Guinea is overcrowded, poorly maintained, and notoriously violent. Riots, escapes, and acts of brutality are common, and it is widely believed that prison guards can be easily bribed. The system is severely under-resourced and operates with unchecked authority. ## Sources - [Original Into the Shadows video: Gangs: The Raskols](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=zzbJPeBX5Q8) - [https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Raskol_gangs](https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Raskol_gangs) - [https://powerhousebooks.com/books/raskols-the-gangs-of-indonesia/](https://powerhousebooks.com/books/raskols-the-gangs-of-indonesia/) - [https://www.theguardian.com/world/2004/sep/22/population.davidfickling](https://www.theguardian.com/world/2004/sep/22/population.davidfickling) - [https://ocindex.net/2021/country/papua_new_guinea](https://ocindex.net/2021/country/papua_new_guinea) - [https://time.com/3792640/raskols-stephen-duponts-portraits-of-papua-new-guinea-gangsters/](https://time.com/3792640/raskols-stephen-duponts-portraits-of-papua-new-guinea-gangsters/) - [https://www.state.gov/wp-content/uploads/2022/02/313615_PAPUA-NEW-GUINEA-2021-HUMAN-RIGHTS-REPORT.pdf](https://www.state.gov/wp-content/uploads/2022/02/313615_PAPUA-NEW-GUINEA-2021-HUMAN-RIGHTS-REPORT.pdf) - [https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=86in8frImaA](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=86in8frImaA) - [https://www.ndtv.com/world-news/us-academic-gang-raped-in-papua-new-guinea-519748](https://www.ndtv.com/world-news/us-academic-gang-raped-in-papua-new-guinea-519748) - [https://www.w4.org/en/wowwire/crying-meri-vlad-sokhin-violence-against-women-papua-new-guinea/](https://www.w4.org/en/wowwire/crying-meri-vlad-sokhin-violence-against-women-papua-new-guinea/) - [https://www.vladsokhin.com/work/crying-meri/](https://www.vladsokhin.com/work/crying-meri/) - [https://www.cnbc.com/2022/08/07/global-liveability-index-2022-best-and-worst-places-to-live.html](https://www.cnbc.com/2022/08/07/global-liveability-index-2022-best-and-worst-places-to-live.html) - [https://pmc.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/articles/PMC9247692/#:~:text=As%20of%202020%2C%20approximately%2045,figure%20likely%20to%20be%20underreported](https://pmc.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/articles/PMC9247692/#:~:text=As%20of%202020%2C%20approximately%2045,figure%20likely%20to%20be%20underreported) - [https://www.unaids.org/sites/default/files/country/documents/PNG_2020_countryreport.pdf](https://www.unaids.org/sites/default/files/country/documents/PNG_2020_countryreport.pdf) - [https://citymissionpng.org/](https://citymissionpng.org/) - [Hero image source](https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/e/ee/190614_Haus_Lotu_%282%29.jpg) by Australian High Commission Papua New Guinea / openverse, by. ## Related Coverage Simon Whistler https://intotheshadows.pub/article/gangs-the-zizians https://intotheshadows.pub/article/gangs-the-zizians Sun, 28 Jun 2026 00:00:00 GMT January 20th, 2025: a U.S. Border Patrol agent was gunned down on a snowy night near the Canadian border. Just a few weeks later, a sword-wielding attacker brutally slaughtered an 82-year-old man in California. Around the same time, a double murder in a well-off, peaceful Philadelphia suburb. Tying all of these seemingly unrelated acts of violence together? A group of brilliant computer scientists, radicalized by isolation from broader society who became more and more extreme surrounding issues of veganism, transgenderism, artificial intelligence panic, and environmentalism. This isn't just a story of murder. This is a fringe cult unlike anything you've ever heard of. This group truly has it all: radical philosophy, brilliant minds who studied and worked at some of the world's top institutions, family betrayals, faked deaths, sleep deprivation, and so much more. This is the story of the Zizians—and how a philosophy designed to save the world collapsed into chaos and bloodshed. *Note to the audience: This article features a large number of transgender individuals, many of whom are in the middle of transitioning or questioning transitioning. We have done our best to stick to the facts and preferred names when possible, but please keep in mind that we are all humans and may have gotten a few things wrong here.* ## The Early Life of Jack LaSota (1988-2015) The Zizians did not start out as a violent cult. In fact, they didn't start out as even a separate philosophy at all—it would take many years of isolation and radicalization to reach that level. As with so many other cults, to understand its origin, we must first look at its founder and their backstory. Jack LaSota—who would later transition to identify as a woman—was born in 1988 in Fairbanks, Alaska. Fascinated by technology from an early age, they made the natural decision to pursue a degree in computer science at the local University of Alaska Fairbanks. Successful from the start, she would go on to intern at both Oracle and NASA. Despite performing well academically, problems began to arise for LaSota. By the time she reached grad school, she was already feeling a sense of growing disinterest from the broader programming community and more drawn towards artificial intelligence—specifically, towards developing safeguards around it. She would ultimately drop out of grad school, staying active in programming a video game but spending more and more time online discussing the ins and outs of artificial intelligence and future threats to the world. This is where she first encountered the Rationalist community, who were active on numerous blogs that she would become deeply involved with such as LessWrong. Rationalism as presented throughout this article is separate from the Enlightenment-era philosophy of Rene Descartes. Instead, Rationalism here refers to a philosophy and community largely based in the tech-centric Bay Area that focuses on using reason, logic, and evidence-based thinking to make better decisions to improve the world. Its members' main goals are thinking clearly about moral responsibility and preventing existential risks, which often focus on the rise of artificial intelligence. Unlike what you may think of when presented with an online philosophical movement, this was not a group of random, anonymous users spouting off about whatever topic interested them on any given day. Rationalists had considerable ties to large institutions in the Bay Area, including some of the largest tech companies in the world. There are even institutions fully devoted to this approach, such as the Center for Applied Rationality (CFAR), featuring interactive activities and retreats. LaSota, who around this time began to use she/her pronouns and adopt the online name of "Ziz," was immediately captivated. This group focused on a lot of topics that she also was deeply intrigued in and found to be far more meaningful than a more mundane corporate job. As time went on, LaSota found herself—now primarily going by the nickname "Ziz"—spending more and more time online and isolated from the outside world, whether it was on designing her video game or blogging about Rationalism. She was chronically unemployed and while she did apply to some more traditional jobs—at one point, landing one in her field, only to be fired within four days—she rapidly grew disillusioned with the job market as well as the concept of needing to work to pay rent. Having moved to the Bay Area and making it her home, though, she couldn't just up and leave. This was where she wanted to be, and where most of her connections were as well. For anyone familiar with the area, saying that rent isn't exactly cheap is a bit of an understatement. To conserve what cash she had piled up in savings, she began to hop between Air B&B locations monthly, trying to keep herself in the area of the community she became associated with while also beginning to retreat from the world. She was not a complete shut in, though. Around the end of 2015, she would meet someone going by the name of Gwen Danielson through mutual connections inside the Rationalist community. The two immediately clicked over a considerable number of similarities: both were transgender, both were dedicated vegans, and both were deeply concerned about the environment and the rise of artificial intelligence. Most impressive to LaSota was the fact that Gwen, fed up with the cost of living in the area, had "opted out" of the situation by choosing to live aboard a small sailboat full time. While they didn't know it at the time, this initially innocent friendship would be the rock upon which this bloodsoaked cult would be built. ## The Rationalist Years (2016-2018) By this point, Ziz LaSota had completely isolated herself from broader society and was continuing to float between different Air B&Bs, trying to conserve the cash she still had on hand with very little income coming in aside from the occasional odd job or freelance programming. Rent, however, waits for no one—even aspiring philosophical leaders and would-be cult leaders. As the situation grew more desperate, Ziz decided the situation was desperate enough to move aboard Gwen's small boat docked in the Berkeley Marina. And when I say small, I mean small. At just 24 feet long, it did have an enclosed cabin—but it was hardly spacious for one, and two was a crowd. The two friends, longtime ideological allies, were able to make it work—at least at first. The two spent many hours inside discussing and debating the ins and outs of "transness," veganism, Rationalism, artificial intelligence, and general plans to save the world. It wasn't long until issues began to surface, though. Danielson, who suffered from both ADHD and autism, would spend long periods of time talking to herself. While some people may catch themselves doing that from time to time, this was not quite the case. Danielson wouldn't just hold one-way conversations with herself but would rather be in a two-way conversation. Worse yet, any attempt to interrupt these sessions resulted in terrible moods from Gwen that would last all day. Space was also an issue. Accustomed to a three-way monitor setup, getting back into coding in a claustrophobic space with merely a laptop was a hard adjustment for Ziz. This situation could not last long. By 2017, LaSota moved out onto her own sailboat she acquired for $600 and parked it near Gwen's. With two boats parked next to each other, the owners of which both shared the same philosophy, the idea was naturally born in Ziz's head to create the "Rationalist Fleet." She had dreams of hosting a ship where fellow Rationalists could live for cheap in a community of like-minded people. With just two tiny boats, though, they weren't winning an invasion any time soon. They had to expand. LaSota, originally from Alaska, was able to find something that might do: Named the Caleb, it was a 94-foot-long tugboat from World War II. It wasn't going to exactly be a luxury cruise liner, but it was better than nothing. They planned to head to Alaska, buy it, and sail the Caleb down to the Bay Area. Keep in mind that this was not a normal ship, though—it was a tugboat. These things are the equivalent of a cargo-hauling locomotive: they're built for endurance, with the ability to haul boats significantly larger than themselves… slowly. Very, very slowly. The Caleb could, on a good day, do 10 knots per hour. Many modern vessels could do around 20 knots without breaking a sweat. This trip, which would have taken modern vessels two weeks, ultimately took the Caleb more than four. What is a captain without a crew, though? Clearly, there would need to be some recruiting involved. Ziz began to advertise the opportunity to "drive" a tugboat from Alaska to the SF Bay, informing everyone that expenses will be covered. She was able to piece together a crew of five which included: Gwen, herself, a Navy veteran with mechanical experience named Dan Powell, and two others whose identities are kept confidential for privacy reasons. The trip got off to a good start but would quickly take a turn for the worse. It was clear from first setting foot on it that the ship was not in as good condition as they had believed. This initially appeared to largely just be cosmetic, with ample rust throughout the aging vessel. Shortly after setting sail, though, they would discover that the ship had a tendency to list rather dramatically to one side. The ship was old, slow, rusty, and only had one bathroom. Which, to make matters worse for all aboard, stopped working completely shortly after setting sail. This was hardly the voyage that the crew had envisioned signing up for. This was worsened by the atmosphere aboard the ship, specifically from Ziz. While never outright hostile or threatening, something was a bit off. One of the unnamed volunteers would go on to say that while LaSota's views were still broadly within the Rationalist communities', "Ziz was a little on the creepy side, but well below the scary threshold… she was more confident than I thought she had the right to be… and she was abrasive about it." This was nothing new with LaSota, who had developed a reputation for being aggressive on these issues, at one point blogging: "I'm proud of the number of people who have gone vegan because they are afraid of me." By the time that they had reached Washington State, Powell had reached his wit's end with the group. Ziz had allegedly taken it upon herself to confront him as she was convinced Powell was actually transgender as well. After forcefully telling her to drop it, he was done and disembarked in Washington. He severed all ties with LaSota and Danielson after losing what he claimed was tens of thousands of dollars into the project. After a long-delayed docking of the Caleb and establishment of their base of operations in late 2017, larger cracks began to form between LaSota's group and the broader Rationalist movement. While Rationalists were all about self-optimization and thinking of the greater good, LaSota and her followers took this to a whole different level. ## The Birth of Zizianism (2017-2019) With the Caleb now in place and able to host whoever was interested in coming aboard, the Rationalist Fleet was born. It is here that a distinctive "Zizian" philosophy and movement can be seen as emerging. At the heart of this split was the moral supremacy of veganism, which was not embraced by many in the Rationalist community, as well as deeper philosophical and pseudoscientific beliefs about moral dualism inside the body. The scandal of eating meat—a sin of sorts to LaSota, if you will—put on clear display the moral corruption that coursed through the societies she previously was a part of. She could take no more and formally broke off. On a more philosophical level, the group diverged significantly from their Rationalist roots. Writing extensively on her blog, "Sinceriously," Ziz embraced a philosophy of moral dualism within the self: people were divided between two "cores," with most people having one good and one non-good core. Occasionally, some people would have two non-good cores, and she was one of the lucky few to have two good cores. Funny how that sort of luck normally plays out in these scenarios, huh? She came to believe that the overwhelming majority of the world gave into their non-good core through compromise above all else. Merely existing in the world was a form of compromise—going about daily life, working to pay rent, and above all else the consumption of animals was a sign of surrender to the non-good. If this approach sounds radical, it pales in comparison to their prescribed remedies. Compromise was a failure of the highest proportion, so it was better to remove yourself from society than to play a role in it and compromise your values. This included a favorite amongst cults universally: cutting off friends and family who are seen as morally corrupt, or those who question your involvement with such a movement. Gwen in particular would go on to develop a downright dangerous approach to self-improvement involving sleep deprivation, where members would attempt to mimic the "unihemispheric sleep" that animals such as dolphins can achieve. Despite living in the ocean, these mammals breathe oxygen through lungs, not gills. They can hold their breath for long periods of time, but falling asleep like other mammals do would lead them to drown. To prevent this, they've evolved the ability to sleep one side of their brain while keeping the other active to preserve basic functions—unihemispheric sleep. To be clear, the science is in on this. Humans biologically cannot practice unihemispheric sleep. The Zizians were determined not to let science stand in their way and were undeterred. They believed that this could be achieved in humans with sufficient determination and sleep deprivation, through resting with one eye open and focusing exclusively on one object. The logic behind this was that if your non-good core was your left one, you would put that side of your brain to sleep to establish the good core's dominance over it. The issue here, of course, is that sleep deprivation can be immensely harmful to our bodies. We need sleep, and begin suffering from delayed motor functions and impaired judgement after missing even part of one night's sleep, much less several days. This would impact some members more severely than others. A 28-year-old Polish citizen, born Chris Pasek who would later identify as Maia Pasek, began involving himself with the Zizians at some point in 2017. Immediately drawn in due to mutual beliefs surrounding Rationalism, transhumanism, and artificial intelligence, he began experimenting more and more with their philosophy and methodologies. After transitioning, Pasek became an enthusiastic adopted of the unihemispheric sleep approach. This would prove detrimental in her case, ultimately resulting in her committing suicide in early 2018. For Ziz and her followers, this was no tragedy. Pasek was not a victim of a self-improvement approach gone wrong, but rather a martyr. She was someone who refused to compromise with the "non-good" within her, which despite the fatal ending was still preferable to them over giving in to the world around them. While LaSota would go on to claim that unihemispheric sleep "did not doom Pasek," this was cast into doubt by her other writings. In a post titled "Pasek's Doom," she wrote that "Pasek's right hemisphere had been mostly dead" and that "we each went on our own journey of jailbreaking into psychopathy fully". This hardly made for a convincing declaration of innocence. After a rather uneventful year passed, filled with isolation from the outside world aboard the Caleb, Ziz decided it was time for action. The first target would, of course, not be the main intellectual opponents of hers—but rather the Rationalist community. As with many cults, the focus was on targeting those who should have just known better. Enforcing ideological conformity within the cult took precedence over fighting an external enemy. As former members of several Rationalist institutions, it was not especially difficult for them to find an event to target. As it turned out, the Center for Applied Rationality was to hold an event at the Westminster Woods' retreat center in California in just a week. This was perfect. The plan was set: they would arrive before them, and block the Rationalists from gaining access to the retreat center until and unless they were persuaded to adopt more of Ziz's views. This was not going to be an explicitly violent protest, but it wasn't going to be a hold-hands and sing-songs type of event either. They rented a box truck, a shuttle bus, as well as a Toyota Prius (a favorite of theirs for environmental reasons), all for the purpose of blocking the entrance. Four of them—Ziz, Gwen, and two others named Emma Borhanian and Alexander Leatham—arrived at the site dressed in long, flowing black robes donning Guy Fawkes masks. To say that the protest did not go according to plan is a little like saying that cults are only slightly creepy - an understatement if ever there was one. They were mistaken about the dates—they arrived well after the Rationalist retreat began and were closer to their departure rather than arrival. Undeterred, they decided to change their approach: instead of blocking the Rationalists from entering the grounds, they would stop them from leaving. While neither approach was legal, blocking someone from leaving an enclosed area is definitely a notch higher on the "police-get-involved" scale than blocking the entrance would have been. To top things off, the Rationalists were not the only group at the retreat center that day. Apparently unbeknownst to the Zizians, there was a group on the shared ropes course that they were also blocking in. This was a children's group, with 24 young kids now trapped in the compound as well. While undoubtedly terrifying for those being held against their will, the scene is almost comedic in hindsight. Showing up looking like they just stepped out of "V for Vendetta," the group completely botched their timeline and were unaware of the children's group they would be trapping. Panic set in among the counselors, one of whom ended up calling the police alleging to have seen one of the Zizians carrying a gun. What had originally been planned as an event to block the start of a retreat had turned into a Columbine-esque situation, with the police in complete not-screwing-around mode. The response was fast and overwhelming: they quickly had multiple SWAT teams on site, along with multiple armored vehicles and a helicopter. The children were evacuated from the retreat center, sheltering in bulletproof vehicles. The Zizians were immediately arrested on felony child endangerment and false imprisonment, amongst other charges. They would quickly post bail and have their charges reduced to misdemeanors. ## Return to Land By this point, things were not going well for the Zizians at all. Their attempt at protesting the Rationalist retreat had ended in complete disaster, failing to do much of anything other than terrify a group of school children. Publicity surrounding child endangerment typically does not make for many recruits, which meant the crew of the Caleb were more isolated than ever before. To make matters worse, the boat was in worse shape than ever. It began to leak larger and larger quantities of oil into the harbor. The group was struggling just to keep the boat afloat; repairs of that magnitude were out of the question. It got so bad that the Coast Guard deemed the vessel an "imminent threat to public health" and ordered the nearly 3,000 gallons of diesel fuel aboard to be removed. Despite allegedly claiming to be hardcore environmentalists, the group would completely ignore this order, resulting in significant fines for harbor cleanup. By March 2020, the Caleb reached a point of no return. They had to part with the vessel, and decided to anchor it at the harbor's work dock and simply abandoned the ship. Completely unclaimed and unable to find the owners, the ship began to take on water and ultimately sank in the outer parts of the harbor, coming to a stop semi-submerged due to the area's shallow bottom. The 345-ton heap of rusting metal lays off at the entrance to Half Moon Bay to this day, with estimates for removing clocking in at about $2 million. Whether or not the irony of a radical environmentalist group creating a multi-million environmental disaster and abdicating any responsibility for it ever occurred to the Zizians is unclear. All was not lost for the group, though. While struggling with the Caleb, they had befriended a kind older man who frequented the harbor, Curtis Lind. A retired enthusiast of the arts and animal lover himself, he wanted to use some of the money he had accumulated throughout his life to give back by providing living space for artists and the like to take up residence for under-market rates. Ziz was quick to accept his offer, moving in with a small group of dedicated followers to his property and setting up camp in box trucks in early 2020. After originally enjoying a good relationship with Lind, tensions began to surface on a number of issues, with rent being first and foremost. Now, keep in mind that this took place in 2020 at the height of the Covid pandemic. California was one of many states that put a total moratorium on evictions, attempting to prevent people whose jobs were impacted by the virus from losing their homes. While well intentioned, this essentially made rent "optional" for many, which was not lost on the Zizians. It wasn't long before they stopped paying, knowing Lind had little recourse. He was stuck with them. Emboldened by these developments and—for the first time in a long time beginning to attract recruits—they began to expand beyond their original box trucks to trailers intended for others Lind had invited to the property. What this group did all day has never been completely clear. They didn't hold traditional jobs, and they brought a considerable amount of technology. Several were seen walking around completely naked, sometimes talking to themselves. Despite being a peaceful man his whole life, Lind grew scared. He was powerless over these people on his own land, and it became clearer by the day that they were not there to make friends. He applied for a firearms permit and bought a handgun towards the end of 2020, which he increasingly found himself carrying for personal protection in case things took a turn for the worst. Despite his best efforts, he remained unable to remove the Zizians for years to come. This would ultimately come to a head in 2022, when the eviction moratorium was lifted. Around this time, though, a member of the cult called in an emergency from a boat off the coast: Ziz had fallen in and hadn't been seen or heard from since. Had she drowned? Had she swum to some remote shore and was trapped? The Coast Guard was called in, and what began as a search and rescue eventually turned into a recovery mission for a body. They all would turn up empty. No body was found—Ziz was just gone. After nearly two days of around-the-clock searching, the Coast Guard called off the mission. LaSota, presumed dead, would have an obituary run in her hometown's newspaper. Cause of death? A boating accident. You can only imagine the group's reaction after the eviction moratorium was lifted and Lind declared that he wanted the now over $60,000 of back rent the group had failed to pay. There was no way they could even come close to that. Leaderless and staring down the barrel of losing their only base of operations, they decided action must be taken. The plan was set. They lured Lind onto the property under the guise of a maintenance issue. Shortly after entering, Alexander Leatham, Emma Borhanian, and another surrounded him, with Leatham leading the attack using a samurai sword. According to Lind's testimony, he looked down and saw a sword sticking through him. Borhanian would also join in the attack with a knife. It was a complete ambush; he was being stabbed by multiple people from multiple directions. They slashed through his back, on his stomach, across his eye. Unbeknownst to them, Lind was armed that day. He pulled out his pistol, raised it, and fatally shot Borhanian in a desperate attempt to save his own life. He also shot another attacker who would survive the event before fleeing the scene, gushing blood and on death's door himself. Despite being stabbed over 50 times, including multiple times by a sword, Lind would miraculously go on to survive the ordeal—although he would lose his right eye and be deeply traumatized by the ordeal. Despite all this, he never lost his love for nature or animals and would continue to do what he loved most after making a nearly full recovery. ## Freefall The Zizians at this point were entering the final stage of a cult: freefall. They may have believed they were still fighting for what they set out for, but it was a delusion. The movement by this point had all but forgotten its ideological roots of environmentalism. Instead, it rapidly descended into acts of self-preservation and retribution at all costs against anyone who became an inconvenience for them, using the linguistics and structures of their philosophical movement to justify any action they took. They were the good guys—just ask them, they'll tell you. And if you don't agree, that makes you the bad guy. If you've ever read about any of history's most murderous movements, that sentence is likely sounding a warning sign in your brain. Across the centuries, people have used such reasoning to justify all sorts of atrocities. Sadly, the Zizians would soon join their number. On New Year's Eve 2022, Rita and Richard Zajko were spending the evening inside. Having retired years ago in a well-off, quiet neighborhood outside Philadelphia, the two were planning on spending the holiday with each other in their house. That plan was shattered, as they would be slaughtered in their own home that night. As they lived alone, it wasn't until several days later that they were found by a police officer doing a wellness check. Both had been shot in the head—Rita from behind, her husband Richard, from the side. Their only daughter, Michelle, was shortly thereafter brought in for questioning by police in her hometown of Vermont. As coincidence would have it, she was a Zizian herself—and set to be the sole inheritor of her parents' estate as their only child. What's more, she was in possession of a firearm that not only fired the same caliber bullets as were found at the murder scene, but had purchased bullets made by the same manufacturer as well. Naturally, they applied for and were granted a search warrant. Zajko at this point was in Pennsylvania for her parents' funeral, where Pennsylvania State Troopers received a separate search warrant and stormed the Candlewood Suites hotel looking for her. After breaking down the door, the State Troopers did not find a gun. But what they did find was even more bizarre—Jack "Ziz" LaSota, alive and breathing (despite attempts to play dead to conceal this). It was a completely ridiculous scene: the State Troopers quickly figured out that Ziz was in fact alive, but they just couldn't get her to cooperate. Ziz went limp any time they attempted to move her, and would do so for hours—a police officer had to hold her head up for her mugshot. Both would be taken into custody, although they would both ultimately be released due to lack of sufficient evidence to link them to the murder at the time. After almost two years of laying low, the Zizians would find themselves back in the news in early 2025. During a traffic stop on January 20, Border Patrol Agent David Maland pulled over a blue Toyota Prius. Inside the vehicle were Teresa Youngblut and Felix Bauckholt—who also went by the name of Ophelia—both Zizians, both with strong academic backgrounds. Bauckholt in particular is a fascinating case: previously making over $500,000 a year on Wall Street, aged just 26, he left his previous life behind to join the group. This stop was not quite random. The two had been under surveillance for some time after exhibiting bizarre behavior in public, including wearing tactical gear such as military-grade gas masks in public and openly carrying around firearms. Agent Maland was the initial officer to pull them over, but two more squad cars quickly joined him as backup. Inside the car, the Zizians had large amounts of tactical gear that they knew getting caught with would lead to further arrests. While the motivations for what would come next are partially conjecture, it is suspected that the two believed that they had to act before more reinforcements arrived. About 15 minutes into the stop, a gunshot rang out. Then another, then another. Catching Agent Maland completely off guard, one of the two in the stopped vehicle fatally shot him. The other two officers already on scene quickly returned fire—both the driver and the passenger would be shot. Youngblut survived; Bauckholt was killed in the firefight. This should be considered as nothing short of the cult exerting its last, dying breath in a wave of desperate violence against anyone who stood in their way or had previously wronged them—but they were getting careless. Not only was this yet another case of the Zizians being tied to violence, but the weapons used on the attack on Border Patrol agents were registered to none other than Michelle Zajko. She would shortly thereafter be arrested along with Ziz, who had continued to live together after their run-ins with law enforcement in 2023, both on charges of firearms possessions, as well as obstructing and hindering investigations. The Zizians had made it clear that anyone who stood in their way was a threat who needed to be dealt with. Unfortunately, this would not be the end of their killing spree: the trial against Zizian members for the assault of Curtis Lind was set to begin in just a few weeks. The prosecution argued that as Lind was forced to defend himself, the Zizians were responsible for the death of Emma Borhanian. Their only witness? Lind himself, now 82 years old. Sneaking up to his house in the dark and hiding out of sight one cold January evening was Maximillian Snyder, partner to none other than Teresa Youngblut and a card-carrying Zizian himself. After Lind stepped outside his house, Snyder pounced. Lind never saw it coming, and didn't stand a chance against the attack. He would have his throat slit by Snyder and bled out at the scene. Youngblut and Snyder, despite bright, promising academic backgrounds, were now in jail on murder charges. ## Closing Thoughts This group is a very unique example of how otherwise successful people can become radicalized. Oftentimes, those who get caught up in cults are those who have gone through some great suffering in life and become radicalized as a result of being ostracized from society. While this can be seen to some extent with the Zizians—take LaSota struggling to hold down a job, being fired within four days, and so on—many others were quite different, enjoying large salaries at prestigious companies or attending some of the world's top schools. Maximilian Snyder, for instance, was a student studying computer science at Oxford University—one of the most prestigious institutions in the world. Despite this, he was socially isolated and quickly got caught up in the Zizian movement after developing a relationship with Teresa Youngblut, who he had met prior to attending university at his prestigious Lakeside School in his home state of Washington. They had applied for a marriage license in November 2024, just a few months before the killing spree. Originally bound together by a seemingly genuine concern for the future on issues ranging from the environment to artificial intelligence, the group's increased radicalization led to a belief that their internal moral superiority justified just about any action they might take—even when those ran completely contrary to their original mission. As a result, six people are now dead through a tragic cascading sequence of suicides and murders. What started out as protesting those deemed to be the "ideological enemy" devolved into the brutal murder of an 82-year-old man for past disputes over rent and the murder of a retired couple living a quiet, peaceful life. This is not to mention the trauma the children at the retreat center went through after being evacuated through armored police vehicles. All this was done for what? Despite all of their violence, no progress was made on any of their main concerns. Their largest impact, aside from on the families of those who were lost to this cult, was the multi-million-dollar environmental disaster that was the semi-submerged Caleb, still standing as a testament to this group's carelessness in Half Moon Bay today. ## Key Takeaways - The Zizians began as a group of isolated, radicalized computer scientists with extreme views on veganism, transgenderism, AI, and environmentalism. - Jack LaSota, the founder, transitioned and became known as Ziz, leading the group through increasing isolation and extremism. - The group's philosophy evolved into a dangerous cult, promoting moral dualism and extreme self-improvement methods like unihemispheric sleep. - The Zizians committed multiple violent acts, including murders and attacks, driven by their belief in moral superiority and retribution. - Despite their initial concerns for the future, the Zizians' actions resulted in tragedy and environmental damage, with no progress on their main issues. ## Frequently Asked Questions ### Who founded the Zizians? Jack LaSota, who later transitioned to identify as a woman, founded the Zizians. ### What were the main philosophical beliefs of the Zizians? The Zizians believed in veganism, transgenderism, artificial intelligence panic, and environmentalism. They also embraced a philosophy of moral dualism within the self, believing people were divided between two 'cores,' with most people having one good and one non-good core. ### What was the Rationalist Fleet? The Rationalist Fleet was an idea conceived by Jack LaSota to create a community of like-minded Rationalists living on boats. It started with two small sailboats and later included a 94-foot-long tugboat named the Caleb. ### What was the significance of the Westminster Woods protest? The Westminster Woods protest was an attempt by the Zizians to block Rationalists from accessing a retreat center. It ended in disaster when they arrived after the retreat had started and trapped a group of children, leading to their arrest on felony child endangerment and false imprisonment charges. ### What happened to the tugboat Caleb? The Caleb, which was in poor condition, began to leak oil into the harbor. The Coast Guard deemed it an 'imminent threat to public health' and ordered the removal of its diesel fuel. The group ignored the order, resulting in significant fines. Eventually, the Caleb sank in the harbor and remains there today. ### Who was Curtis Lind and what was his connection to the Zizians? Curtis Lind was an older man who befriended the Zizians and offered them living space on his property. Tensions arose over rent, and the group stopped paying. Lind was later attacked and severely injured by members of the Zizians, who were trying to prevent their eviction. ### What was the outcome of the traffic stop that led to the death of Border Patrol Agent David Maland? During a traffic stop, Teresa Youngblut and Felix Bauckholt, both members of the Zizians, fatally shot Border Patrol Agent David Maland. The two were under surveillance for exhibiting bizarre behavior in public and were found with large amounts of tactical gear in their vehicle. ### What was the final act of violence committed by the Zizians? The final act of violence was the murder of Curtis Lind, who was the main witness in an upcoming murder trial against Zizian members. Maximillian Snyder, a member of the Zizians, slit Lind's throat, leading to Snyder and Teresa Youngblut being arrested on murder charges. ### What was the impact of the Zizians' actions on their original goals? Despite their violence, the Zizians made no progress on their main concerns such as environmentalism and artificial intelligence. Their largest impact was the multi-million-dollar environmental disaster caused by the sinking of the Caleb. ### What was the significance of the name 'Ziz'? The name 'Ziz' was the online nickname adopted by Jack LaSota after transitioning and becoming deeply involved in the Rationalist community. The name became associated with the Zizians and their philosophy. ## Sources - [Original Into the Shadows video: Gangs: The Zizians](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=heteS5ZmkK4) - [Hero image source](https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/e/e8/Canadian_National_Vimy_Memorial.jpg) by Kilyann Le Hen / openverse, by. ## Related Coverage Simon Whistler https://intotheshadows.pub/article/genetically-modified-diseases-terrifying-future-warfare https://intotheshadows.pub/article/genetically-modified-diseases-terrifying-future-warfare Sun, 28 Jun 2026 00:00:00 GMT Imagine a swarm of nanobots. They look just like mosquitos, but they're carrying a designer pathogen. Their bite isn't a bite; it's an injection of a virus, and thanks to a bit of gene splicing, all vaccines and treatments have been rendered useless. The nation that released the swarm has done so with no risk of the virus infecting their own population, as the insects are using AI to pick their targets, and the pathogen itself is only effective on specific ethnic groups. Could this happen tomorrow? No, fortunately, nanotech and genetic engineering aren't there yet. Could it happen in 2035? Possibly, and it's a threat that's being taken very seriously by both the U.S. and Russia, who are taking steps to protect against their national DNA leaking out through at-home ancestry testing kits. ## The History of Biowarfare Humans have been engaging in biological warfare, that's using weapons to spread disease among people, plants, or animals, for thousands of years. Early examples include tularaemia patients being driven into enemy lands in 15000 BC, Scythian archers in 400 BC contaminating their arrows by sticking them in dead bodies before shooting, and Tartar forces catapulting plague-infected corpses into Caffa in the 14th century. They had intended to kill with the stench alone, but, of course, it was the disease that did the job. With advancements in biotechnology came advances in biowarfare, and soon aggressors could bypass messy methods involving cadavers or jars of live snakes and manufacture pathogens in the lab. But, while less gross, we were still just flinging stuff that already occurred in nature at each other. Then, we discovered DNA and its structure. Suddenly, life itself was demystified and reduced to the simple building blocks of A, T, C, and G, and as soon as we knew what they were, we started messing around with them, and in 1972, biochemist Paul Berg became the first to successfully combine the DNA of two different organisms. A monkey virus and a lambda virus. In 1973, Herbert Boyer and Stanley Cohen inserted the DNA from one bacteria into another, and in 1974, Rudolf Jaenish and Beatrice Mintz created the first genetically modified animal—a mouse whose embryo was injected with the DNA of the SV40 virus, which prevented the formation of liver and brain tumours. The discoveries created an explosion of gene research, which led to bacteria able to produce human insulin, pest-resistant crops, and GloFish, the genetically engineered fluorescent fish you can keep as a pet if they're not prohibited in your country. Admittedly, some of these advancements were more useful than others. Unfortunately, as is human nature, while Mintz and Jaenish were engineering their tumour-free mice, the Soviet Union was setting up Biopreparat, a biological warfare programme aiming to devise a second generation of bioweapons enhanced by genetic modification. They worked on anthrax, plague, smallpox, tularemia, and Marburg, and their objectives included antibiotic resistance, genetically combined "superbugs," and viruses hidden inside bacteria that would act as a kind of Trojan horse and dual infection. Fortunately, despite years of research, multiple successful antibiotic and vaccine-resistant superbugs, and many other countries establishing their own bioweapons programs, the whole thing never really caught on. Mostly due to cost, time, dodgy delivery methods, and a frightening lack of precision. Unfortunately, recent advances in biotech and genetic engineering are solving these problems and changing the landscape of biowarfare once again. ## DIY Gene Editing The first problems to be solved were time and money, as after the research has been done once, it's terrifyingly easy to replicate. For example, in 2012, a team of researchers from the University of Wisconsin announced a terrifying breakthrough. They'd managed to alter the amino acid profile of the bird flu virus, allowing it to reproduce in mammal lungs and be transmitted by coughing and sneezing. Their intention had been to solve the riddle of how the virus could become airborne among humans, which they did achieve. But, as they published their paper, they were met with horror rather than accolades. The New York Times described it as an "engineered doomsday," and the White House announced that it would halt funding for this and any other project that could make viruses more lethal. Unfortunately, there's no way to turn back time and undo the work. As biotech expert Gaymon Bennett explained, "It took specialized facilities and millions of dollars for the University of Wisconsin researchers to figure out how to create the amino acid sequence that would allow the virus to reproduce in mammal lungs, but once you publish the sequences … once they've done that work, it would take a competent physician a few thousand dollars and a few weeks to reproduce the result." This issue is made worse by technologies like the introduction of CRISPR in 2013. This incredible tech has made gene editing quicker, easier, and cheaper than ever before. It works by creating a synthetic strand of RNA matching the sequence of the target DNA in an organism's genome. This RNA strand is attached to an enzyme which can cut the DNA. Once cut, the DNA can be removed, and new DNA added. In 2014, a scientist explained that CRISPR had affected both the cost and duration of gene editing dramatically, and what used to take $20,000 and 18 months had been reduced to $3,000 and 3 weeks. But that was 2014. Now, it's possible to buy a mail-order DIY CRISPR kit like the one created by biohacker Josiah Zayner. For just $130, he sent customers everything they needed to edit E. coli so it'd be resistant to the antibiotic streptomycin. Of course, he ensured it was a non-pathogenic form of E. coli so as not to release a new superform on the world, except in Germany, where the Bavarian Health and Food Safety Authority found the 2 kits they tested contained potentially pathogenic bacteria. Naturally, it's still available for sale. ## Designer Genes The biggest warfare threat to come out of CRISPR is known as "designer genes." This is the classic process of inserting something like an "anti-freeze" gene from a flounder in a tomato to make it frost-resistant. The most obvious application in warfare is to insert the gene for vaccine, antibiotic, or antiviral resistance into a pathogen to render the enemy defenceless. Of course, this is old news, as Biopreparat were doing it for years. The difference now is that Soviet scientists only had access to a few complete genome sequences, so their menu of offensive genes was very limited. Today, with new technologies and whole genome sequencing, there are more than 200,000 bacteria and 4,000 viruses fully sequenced, and they're easily available online. This essentially provides a blueprint for any trait scientists would like their pathogen to have. But wait, it gets worse. In 2002, Eckard Wimmer, working at the State University of New York, got the blueprint for polio, obtained some mail-order DNA, and, in just 2 years, managed to assemble the virus from scratch. In tests, it killed mice as quickly as the original. This is a virus that has been eradicated in the U.S. and in all other countries except two. Now imagine someone wanted to do the same with smallpox. A disease so deadly it's only held at two facilities, one in the U.S. and one in Russia. Theoretically, with just the genome sequence, they could create it from scratch, with no need to gain access to either facility, and they could add in resistance to our current vaccines for good measure. Fortunately, there is one stumbling block. While polio only has 7741 bases, smallpox has 185,000, making it much too complex for current methods. For now, at least. ## Binary Biological Weapons Another application of genetic modification in warfare are "binary biological weapons." As the name suggests, these contain two components, both fairly innocuous or at least not fatal on their own. But, combined, they become much more deadly. In genetically modified binary weapons, these 2 components are often a host bacteria and a virulent plasmid, a small extrachromosomal DNA fragment that codes for virulence or another pathogenic function. On its own, the host bacteria wouldn't be harmful, but once the plasmid was inserted, which could even take place during the flight of a missile, it would turn back into a deadly pathogen. This overcomes the massive obstacle of bioweapons that has put nations off developing their own programs. You see, the trouble with traditional bioweapons is that the tiny pathogens are notoriously difficult to contain, and a leak can be devastating to the producer's own population. Seeing as experts are still battling over whether or not this is what happened with COVID-19, instead, I'll give a Biopreparat example. In 1979, a technician removed a blocked filter, which led to a production facility blasting a nearby ceramics plant with a huge cloud of anthrax. 105 of their own citizens were killed, along with 100 stray dogs who were used as scapegoats. ## Stealth Viruses Various defence agencies are also concerned about "stealth viruses." These are viral infections that can be introduced into a human body using a vector. Once inside, the virus can lay dormant until a trigger mechanism is activated, and suddenly the effects are felt. This could be anything from the flu to a cancer-causing virus that triggers the growth of tumours. It sounds far-fetched, but there are already examples in nature, like herpes and shingles. The benefit of this type of attack over past weapons is twofold. Firstly it dramatically increases the odds of the perpetrator remaining anonymous. This is essential to reduce the risk of sanctions or counterattacks. Secondly, if the attempt at stealth fails, the aggressor will be able to use the threat of activation of the virus as blackmail. Governments could be put in a position where they give in to the demands of their blackmailer or face hundreds of thousands of their citizens developing cancer at the touch of a button. ## Host-Swapping Diseases Another area of concern are "host-swapping diseases." The vast majority of viruses exist in their hosts, causing little to no damage. For example, bats act as unharmed reservoirs for Ebola, waterfowl for Eastern Equine Encephalitis, and rodents harbour the hantavirus. However, occasionally, these viruses can make the jump from their host species to another, which can render them much more virulent and deadly. An example would be HIV jumping from chimpanzees to humans and causing AIDS. In past bioweapons programs, there were only a limited number of zoonotics available to choose from, and not all would be immediately effective on the battlefield. HIV, for example, would take years to have a significant effect. Today, though, advances in biotech mean that scientists can have their pick, select any animal-based virus, and genetically modify it to infect humans. ## Gene Therapy Gene therapy is possibly one of the greatest advancements in our quest to rid the world of genetic diseases or even unwanted genetic traits. So far, researchers have reactivated hair cells, cured deafness, and are working on a cure for diabetes by splicing an insulin-producing gene into pancreatic tissue. However, authorities have raised concerns that gene therapy could be applied as a weapon. Just as scientists can insert helpful genes, they can also insert harmful ones. Ones that cause cell death, infertility, or really anything you can imagine. And, terrifyingly, in the case of germline therapy, it can be designed to pass on to all future generations. This is, however, one of the least likely to be used in biowarfare. Firstly because you'd have to physically treat your targets, and secondly, because it's such a slow burn. However, that doesn't mean it's useless. For a group attempting an individual assassination, it wouldn't be impossible to apply the therapy covertly as part of some other treatment regime. ## Designer Diseases For a targeted attack, though, defence agencies are much more concerned about "designer diseases." We're not there yet, but scientists are almost at the point where they will be able to design and create a brand-new disease from scratch—reverse engineering it based on the properties, traits, and method of harm they want it to have. Theoretically, it would be possible to create a pathogen that could produce a lethal toxin, attack the central nervous system, or trigger instant cell death. Even more disturbingly, these designer diseases could be made to target specific individuals or, horrifyingly, entire ethnic groups. Effectively creating a racist bomb. This would remove another of the major barriers to a genetically modified war, the lack of precision. As has been demonstrated by Covid, the amount of travel in today's society means that releasing an aggressive virus in one country does not guarantee that it'll stay there. This could mean accidentally infecting a friendly nation or, worse, the attacker's own civilians. With a genetically targeted bioweapon, though, the issue is resolved. The idea is that they could even be engineered to be transmitted harmlessly throughout the population until reaching the target and becoming active. This means civilians could be used to carry the disease across borders, completely evading airport security. A popular hypothetical scenario is that the virus could be tailored to attack just one person based on their genetics—a foreign leader, for example. The DNA could be easily obtained at any drinks or dinner event. Then all a would-be assassin would need to do is sit back and wait as the infection spreads until eventually coming into contact with the target. By this point, tracing the source would be near impossible, and sanctions would be extremely unlikely. The good news is that we don't yet have this capability. The bad news is that in May 2007, the Russian government banned all exports of biological samples, apparently due to reports that Western institutions were developing genetic bioweapons designed to target the Russian population. Then, in 2019, the US Department of Defence advised all military personnel against using at-home genetic test kits due to "unforeseen security consequences." So clearly, neither nation is ruling out future genetically targeted weapons. ## What Stands Between Us and a Genetically Modified War? So what stands between us and a genetically modified World War III? Not a huge amount, unfortunately. We do have some regulations in place in the form of the Cold War Era Biological Weapons Convention, which has been signed by 175 countries, prohibiting their development of bioweapons. But, unlike nuclear facilities, bioengineering facilities aren't easy to spot, and any potentially offensive work can be easily concealed. We're also lacking the mutually assured destruction of a nuclear war, as it's so much easier to conceal the source of a bioweapon attack. So, what's left to protect us against a super plague? Well, the main issues are delivery and precision. The easiest bioweapon delivery method is to aerosolize the germs and disperse them over a military target or city. Clearly, though, there are a few problems with this. The first is that once aerosolized, toxicity tends to drop, requiring targets to breathe in huge quantities, which is difficult when they are so dispersed. The second issue is that aggressors are at the mercy of the weather and wind. A sudden rainstorm and the toxin will be harmlessly washed away. A change in wind direction and it may not reach the target, or worse, be blown back onto friendly forces. An example of this is the 1993 attempted bioterrorism attack in Tokyo by the religious cult Aum Shinriyko. Twice they attempted to disperse anthrax across the city, but one attack was thwarted by sunlight, which degraded it, and the other by rain, which washed it away. Residents reported foul odours, nausea, and vomiting but were otherwise unscathed. Another delivery method is to load the pathogens into explosives, like bombs, missiles, and artillery. Of course, this is also fairly ineffective as the blast will damage the bacterial or viral agent. Unfortunately, delivery is a problem we might soon be able to overcome. In fact, the first solution has already been developed by the U.S. It's called the insect allies program and was set up by the U.S. government's Defence Advanced Research Projects Agency (DARPA) with admirable intentions. The idea was to load insects with viruses that would deliver protective genes to the plants they landed on. Thus, guarding food supplies against disease. Unfortunately, it's not a huge leap to load those same insects up with destructive viruses that could wipe out a nation's food supply instead. This has led to accusations against DARPA, claiming they are trying to create a bioweapon or, at the very least, their actions could inspire an aggressive nation to do so. The problem is that now that Pandora's box has been opened, the insects can't be put back in, and no one really knows what to do about it. Fortunately, though, this delivery technique still lacks precision and has the potential to harm the attacker. However, scientists now think that both problems could be overcome by combining genetically altered pathogens with nanotechnology. This is something that a group of experts advising NATO has identified as a "potentially disruptive development that could transform the technological battlefield." In theory, it won't be long before insect-like nanobots will be advanced enough to carry small amounts of ricin or lethal factor and inject them into humans. Nanocarriers and capsules could also be used to transport the smallest toxins through impermeable cell membranes and across the blood-brain barrier. This would increase their effectiveness and reduce the amount of toxin required for a fatal dose. It would also make them more durable and less likely to degrade before reaching the target. Happily, neither the nanotech nor the gene-editing tech is quite ready yet, but experts are concerned that by 2035, it will be. Decades ago, bacteriologist Theodor Rosebury predicted, "If World War III is allowed to come, biologists and men of all related fields, including physicians, will be called upon as never before to serve alongside physicists and other scientists as instruments of human destruction." Frighteningly, he just might've been right. ## Key Takeaways - Historically, biological warfare has evolved from using natural pathogens to genetically engineered diseases. - CRISPR technology has made gene editing more accessible, raising concerns about potential misuse. - Designer diseases could target specific ethnic groups or individuals, increasing the precision of bioweapons. - Nanotechnology combined with genetic engineering could create highly effective and precise bioweapons by 2035. - The Biological Weapons Convention exists, but bioengineering facilities are hard to monitor, posing a risk. ## Frequently Asked Questions ### What are genetically modified diseases in the context of warfare? Genetically modified diseases in warfare refer to the use of designer pathogens, often carried by nanobots or insects, that can be engineered to be resistant to vaccines and treatments. These pathogens can be designed to target specific ethnic groups and can be delivered with precision using AI. ### What is the history of biowarfare? Biowarfare has been used for thousands of years, with early examples including the use of tularaemia patients and contaminated arrows. Advances in biotechnology have led to the development of genetically modified bioweapons, which can be more precise and deadly. ### What is CRISPR and how does it relate to biowarfare? CRISPR is a gene-editing technology that makes it quicker, easier, and cheaper to modify DNA. It has significant implications for biowarfare, as it allows for the creation of designer genes and pathogens that can be resistant to vaccines and treatments. ### What are binary biological weapons? Binary biological weapons consist of two components that are harmless on their own but become deadly when combined. These components can be a host bacteria and a virulent plasmid, which can be inserted during the flight of a missile, making them more controllable and less risky for the attacker. ### What are stealth viruses and how can they be used in warfare? Stealth viruses are viral infections that can lay dormant in a human body until activated by a trigger mechanism. They can be used in warfare to remain anonymous and to blackmail governments by threatening to activate the virus, causing widespread illness or death. ### What are host-swapping diseases and how do they relate to biowarfare? Host-swapping diseases are viruses that can jump from their natural hosts to humans, becoming more virulent and deadly. Advances in biotechnology allow scientists to select and modify these viruses to infect humans, making them a potential tool for biowarfare. ### What are designer diseases and how can they be targeted? Designer diseases are new pathogens created from scratch with specific properties and traits. They can be engineered to target specific individuals or ethnic groups, making them a precise and deadly tool for biowarfare. This removes the barrier of precision, as the disease can be designed to activate only in the target population. ### What is the insect allies program and its potential misuse? The insect allies program, developed by DARPA, involves loading insects with viruses to deliver protective genes to plants. However, this technology could be misused to load insects with destructive viruses, potentially wiping out a nation's food supply. ### What are the main challenges in preventing a genetically modified war? The main challenges include the difficulty in regulating bioengineering facilities, the lack of mutually assured destruction, and the issues of delivery and precision. While regulations like the Biological Weapons Convention exist, they are hard to enforce due to the concealable nature of bioweapons development. ### What is the potential timeline for the development of advanced bioweapons? Experts are concerned that by 2035, the combination of nanotechnology and gene-editing technology could be advanced enough to create highly precise and deadly bioweapons, such as insect-like nanobots carrying lethal pathogens. ## Sources - [Original Into the Shadows video: Genetically Modified Diseases: The Terrifying Future of Warfare](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=8-gk794dmsY) - [Hero image source](https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/8/83/THE_GENOESE_FORTRESS_IN_CAFFA.jpg) by Qypchak / openverse, by-sa. ## Related Coverage Simon Whistler https://intotheshadows.pub/article/germanwings-flight-9525-pilot-hijacked-plane https://intotheshadows.pub/article/germanwings-flight-9525-pilot-hijacked-plane Sun, 28 Jun 2026 00:00:00 GMT There are few feelings more uncomfortable than when something terrible is happening, and you know that there is absolutely nothing that you can do to change or prevent it. But what if that awful, sinking feeling was literally as bad as it could possibly be? What if you knew that your death was imminent, and there's nothing that you could do about it except wait for the fate that you know is inevitable? This is exactly the situation that 149 people found themselves in on one tragic morning in 2015. This is the story of Germanwings Flight 9525: when what was meant to be a short flight from Spain to Germany turned into a nightmare that would claim the lives of everyone onboard. ## Impending Disaster This story begins on the morning of March 24th, 2015, at Terminal 2 of El Prat Airport in Barcelona, Spain. 144 passengers from 18 countries were boarding a 24-year-old Airbus A320 bound for Dusseldorf, Germany. The plane was operated by Germanwings, a former German low-cost airline owned by Lufthansa. In addition to the passengers, the flight included 6 crew members: 4 stewardesses, the pilot, and the co-pilot. The pilot in command of the flight was Captain Patrick Sondenheimer, a 34-year-old from Dusseldorf. He had been flying for 10 years and had logged a total of 6000 flight hours, with 3812 of them being on the Airbus A320. The captain had recently switched to flying short-haul routes to spend more time with his family. The co-pilot was 27-year-old Andreas Lubitz. He had 2 years of flying experience and 630 flight hours, with 540 of them being on the Airbus A320. Flight 9525 was scheduled to take off from Barcelona at 9:35 AM and arrive in Dusseldorf at 11:39. After an uneventful boarding process and a brief delay, the plane became airborne at 10:01 AM. ## Terror in the Skies The flight began normally. The A320 left the runway in Barcelona and began climbing toward its assigned cruising altitude of 38,000 feet. Shortly after the plane reached cruising altitude, the captain made an announcement apologizing to the passengers for the delay and promising to make up for the lost time. He then began to brief the co-pilot on the landing procedure that they would follow in Dusseldorf. We know from the plane's cockpit voice recorder that the co-pilot responded to this briefing with "Hopefully, we'll see," a reply that is chilling, given what was about to take place. We don't know if the captain heard this, but no reply from him was picked up on the voice recorder. A few minutes later, at 10:31 AM, the captain left the cockpit to use the lavatory. While he was out of the cockpit, the captain felt the plane start to steadily lose altitude. Upon attempting to return to the cockpit, he found that the door was locked. He first attempted to use an emergency code to gain access, but this code had been disabled from within the cockpit. He then tried knocking and using an intercom to request access to the cockpit, but there was no response from Lubitz. Following continued attempts to gain access to the cockpit, the captain asked flight attendants to retrieve a crowbar that was kept hidden in the back of the plane. He attempted to pry the door open with the tool, but his attempts were unsuccessful. Following the 9/11 terror attacks in the United States, plane cockpit doors had been reinforced specifically to prevent those outside the cockpit from gaining unwanted access. At this point, the plane had lost about 10,000 feet of altitude. The captain can be heard yelling "For the love of God, Open this door!" Around this time, the descent began to take place more rapidly, initiating panic amongst the passengers. As the passengers started to ask questions and leave their seats, the captain continued attempting to gain access to the cockpit with the crowbar. As the plane descended below 10,000 feet, the passengers could see the snow-capped mountaintops of the French Alps growing closer and closer. The last thing heard from the captain is him yelling "Open this fucking door!" A terrain warning can then be heard in the cockpit, instructing the pilot to "pull up" immediately to avoid an imminent collision. The co-pilot in the cockpit did nothing. The last thing heard on the cockpit voice recorder is the sound of passengers screaming, accompanied by a high-pitched ping indicating dangerous proximity to the ground. At an altitude of about 5,000 feet, the right wing of the aircraft clipped a mountainside. Moments later, the fuselage collided with the mountain going just over 400 miles per hour near the commune of Prads-Haute-Bléone, France. A seismological station located 7.5 miles from the crash site detected the impact of the crash, identifying the time of impact as 10:41 AM. ## The Crash Site The plane impacted the southern face of a mountain at an altitude of 5,085 feet. Bizarrely, this location was only 6 miles away from the location of the crash of Air France Flight 178 in 1953. Rescue crews arrived at the location of the crash by helicopter at around 11:00 AM and were met with a truly grisly scene. The plane had been completely disintegrated by the impact of the crash, with the largest single piece being about the size of a car. The debris field was spread out over approximately 500 acres. Rescue crews began searching through the pieces of plane, luggage, and human remains as they attempted to find clues that could assist authorities in determining the cause of the crash. Astoundingly, crews found the cockpit voice recorder within 25 minutes of searching this massive debris field. Although it had sustained some damage, it was still intact and functional. The crews collected it and sent it to Paris for analysis. Within the next week, the flight data recorder was also found and shipped off to be examined by authorities. ## The Co-Pilot Upon analyzing the data from the cockpit voice recorder and the flight data recorder, scrutiny immediately turned towards the co-pilot, Andreas Lubitz. Lubitz knew that he wanted to become a pilot from a very young age. Upon graduating from high school, he was accepted into Lufthansa's pilot training school, a selective program that accepts just 5% of applicants. However, Lubitz dropped out after just two months in this program. Authorities determined that this was due to a deep depressive episode that Lubitz had fallen into. Six months after receiving treatment for this condition, Lubitz was cleared by his psychiatrist to return to pilot training. His flying license was reinstated with a stipulation, specifying that he would be automatically grounded if he required any future treatment for severe depression. Upon completing the first phase of pilot training in Germany, the next step of Lubitz's training would take place at Lufthansa's flight school in Arizona. Attending this school requires foreign pilots to be cleared by the United States Federal Aviation Authority (FAA). Pilots are asked to report any previous mental conditions as part of the screening process to receive this clearance. When Lubitz's completed this required form, he failed to report any of his previous struggles with mental health. This lie was detected by a German flight doctor prior to its final submission to the FAA. Even though this omission qualified as a criminal offense Lubitz was simply given the opportunity to resubmit his form. On his second attempt, he accurately reported his past struggles with mental health, and he was accepted for training in Arizona. After completing his flight training in Arizona, Lubitz returned to Germany, where he continued his pilot training while working as a flight attendant. He finally joined Germanwings as a pilot in 2013, 5 years after beginning his training. Despite a stretch of relative stability, Lubitz began to struggle with his mental health again within a year. His final depressive episode began with a notion that he was losing his eyesight. Lubitz sought the help of multiple ophthalmologists with complaints of light sensitivity as well as seeing constant flashing lights and streaks. These doctors detected no problems with his eyes, and some suggested that he could be suffering from psychosomatic symptoms, where the mind manifests physical symptoms when it is convinced that something is wrong. Lubitz rejected these suggestions from his doctors. He was terrified that his failing eyesight would ruin the career that he had worked so hard for. He was also frustrated at what he felt was a total lack of validation from his doctors. He began to suffer from severe insomnia as his mental state continued to decline. Eventually, it seems that he did begin to accept that perhaps the cause of his vision problems was psychological. He decided to seek treatment from the psychiatrist that had treated him when he dropped out of his pilot training program. The doctor noted that Lubitz's extreme depression had returned, but the doctor did not report this to Lubitz's employer. Lubitz was in a very dark place by early March of 2015. Investigators discovered that he had performed internet searches about how to produce carbon monoxide, what poisons kill without pain, and the effects of drinking gasoline. Prior to Lubitz's final flight, he visited a doctor one last time for vision problems. The doctor excused Lubitz from flying for 4 days due to these issues. It was while he was home during this sick leave that his mind would drift toward his future deadly actions. He investigated the locking mechanism of the Airbus A320 cockpit door. Investigators also found a note in the trash that Lubitz had written the day before he returned to work. At the top of the note was "Decision Sunday" and "BCN," the code for Barcelona's El Pratt Airport. Below this heading were several options: "Find the inner will to work and continue to live," "Deal with stress and sleeplessness," and, finally, "Let myself go." Between this time and the crash, nobody who interacted with Lubitz noticed anything different about his demeanor. His girlfriend said that he was behaving normally and a pilot that flew a round-trip route with Lubitz from Dusseldorf to Berlin on March 23rd similarly noticed nothing unusual about him. Finally, "Decision Sunday," as Lubitz had designated it, arrived. On the first leg of the trip from Dusseldorf to Barcelona, there were seemingly no noticeable differences in Lubitz's behavior. However, the flight data recorder would later reveal that Lubitz experimented with setting the plane's autopilot to 100 feet while the captain briefly left the cockpit. The flight data recorder would also reveal that this is exactly how Lubitz caused the crash on the return flight to Dusseldorf. ## The Victims The aftermath of this tragic event was felt all over the world, with victims' families being located as far away as Mexico, Japan, and Australia. They varied in age, from toddlers to the elderly. They were mothers, fathers, sons, daughters, and grandparents. They were college students, opera singers, reporters, businessmen and women, architects, and film editors. It was a diverse flight full of passengers whose lives contained immeasurable potential. However, every single one of these lives came to an abrupt and tragic end in a moment. One of the most gut-wrenching details that would be revealed following the crash was the loss of 16 students and two of their teachers from a single school in Haltern, Germany. They were returning from participating in a Spanish exchange program. Many more students from this school wanted to go, but space for the trip was limited. The school used a lottery system to select participants, and these students were the children that were selected. Eleven weeks after the crash, a photographer captured the haunting image of a convoy of hearses returning the students' remains to Haltern. ## The Aftermath As more details came to light about the circumstances leading to the crash, outrage began to develop amongst the victims' families. To make things worse, Lufthansa, Germanwings' parent company, resisted accepting responsibility for the crash. The company's CEO initially insisted that Lubitz was "100% fit to fly." The company even went as far as to insist that they too were a victim of the tragedy. Legally, the airline's responsibility for the crash was limited, and existing laws state that when customers buy an airline ticket, they are accepting a certain amount of risk that something could go wrong. In accordance with these laws, the company offered the victims' families €50,000 to cover travel and funeral expenses in addition to €25,000 for "pain and suffering." However, families of the victim insisted that this was not simply a case of unavoidable risk. They asserted that this tragedy was the result of negligence on behalf of Lufthansa. Offended by the insignificant amount of compensation offered by Lufthansa, the families of 42 of the flight's German passengers took legal action in an attempt to force Lufthansa to increase their compensation. The families requested an addition €250,000 for each immediate family member of each victim. However, Lufthansa reiterated that they had no legal obligation to do so. They instead agreed to provide an additional €10,000 for each family member. Following Lufthansa's resistance to provide adequate compensation to families of the victims, a lawyer from New York City representing 81 families filed a class action lawsuit against Lufthansa's flight school in Arizona. This lawsuit alleged that the flight school had facilitated Lubitz's ability to cause the crash by failing to act appropriately when he failed to report his mental health struggles. The suit was eventually thrown out of court when a judge determined that the case did not belong in the US court system. The case reverted to German courts, which dismissed the case after reiterating that neither Lufthansa nor their flight school bore any legal responsibility for the crash. From a regulatory perspective, Lufthansa initially insisted that there was no need for them to make any changes to their procedures following the crash. This was met with intense criticism, which led to Lufthansa backtracking and instead requiring two crew members to be in the cockpit at all times. Regulatory agencies and airlines from Canada, the EU, Australia, and the UAE would also pass similar recommendations or regulations in response to the crash. Some other countries, like the US, had already instated this regulation following the 9/11 terror attacks. ## Conclusion A risk analysis system called the "Swiss Cheese Model" is sometimes used when reviewing aviation disasters. This model views every safeguard built into a system as a "slice" of Swiss cheese, each of which contains some unavoidable flaws represented by its holes. If you imagine a stack of Swiss cheese slices, each hole is almost always going to be blocked by the next slice in the stack. This represents how multiple safeguards can work together to prevent disasters. However, on very rare occasions, the safeguards fail. These are cases where the holes present on each "slice" of Swiss cheese line up perfectly, allowing a threat to pass through all safeguards and cause problems. What we see in the case of Germanwings Flight 9525 is a perfect example of this model. At multiple steps of Lubitz's professional journey, there was an opportunity for him to be identified as a potential threat: His failure to report his struggles with mental health to the United States FAA could have prevented him from starting flight school, if he was properly punished. One of his routine pilot medical assessments could have detected a change in his mindset. His psychiatrist could have reported his worsening depression to his employer. However, none of this happened. Lubitz slipped through the holes of each potential safeguard, and the result was the event that unfolded on March 24th, 2015: When 149 innocent victims' lives were robbed from them on one of commercial aviation's darkest days. As we conclude this video, it is important to note that Lubitz's case is a unique and rare example. Just because someone struggles with their mental health does not by any means indicate that they are likely to hurt others. Furthermore, mental health struggles don't even make someone unfit to perform a specific job. Indeed, studies have determined that anywhere from 4-13% of pilots suffer from depression. Despite this fact, depression is incredibly unlikely to have any impact on a pilot's ability to achieve professional success. The FAA reports that only 0.1% of pilots who disclose mental health conditions have their medical flight certification denied. The rest receive treatment for their conditions and are free to go on and lead fulfilling careers. Finally, if you are struggling with depression, please know that things will get better, help is available, and the world is a better place with you in it. ## Key Takeaways - Germanwings Flight 9525 crashed in 2015 due to the co-pilot's deliberate actions. - Co-pilot Andreas Lubitz had a history of depression and mental health struggles. - Lubitz's mental health issues were not properly addressed or reported by his doctors. - The crash led to regulatory changes requiring two crew members in the cockpit at all times. - Lufthansa faced legal action and criticism for inadequate compensation to victims' families. ## Frequently Asked Questions ### What was the flight number and route of the Germanwings plane that crashed in 2015? The flight number was Germanwings Flight 9525, and the route was from Barcelona, Spain, to Dusseldorf, Germany. ### How many people were on board Germanwings Flight 9525? There were 149 people on board, including 144 passengers and 6 crew members. ### Who were the pilots of Germanwings Flight 9525? The pilot in command was Captain Patrick Sondenheimer, and the co-pilot was Andreas Lubitz. ### What happened to the pilot who tried to regain control of the plane? The pilot, Captain Patrick Sondenheimer, was locked out of the cockpit by the co-pilot, Andreas Lubitz, and was unable to regain control of the plane. ### What was the cause of the crash of Germanwings Flight 9525? The crash was caused by the co-pilot, Andreas Lubitz, who intentionally flew the plane into a mountain after locking the captain out of the cockpit. ### What was the mental health history of Andreas Lubitz? Andreas Lubitz had a history of severe depression and had previously been treated for a deep depressive episode. He had also struggled with insomnia and psychosomatic symptoms related to his vision. ### What changes were made to cockpit procedures after the crash of Germanwings Flight 9525? Lufthansa and regulatory agencies from various countries implemented a rule requiring two crew members to be in the cockpit at all times. ### What was the compensation offered by Lufthansa to the families of the victims? Lufthansa initially offered €50,000 for travel and funeral expenses and €25,000 for 'pain and suffering.' They later agreed to provide an additional €10,000 for each family member. ### What was the significance of the 'Swiss Cheese Model' in the context of the Germanwings Flight 9525 crash? The 'Swiss Cheese Model' illustrates how multiple safeguards can fail simultaneously, allowing a threat to pass through all layers of protection. In this case, several opportunities to identify Lubitz as a potential threat were missed. ### What was the impact of the crash on the families of the victims? The crash had a profound impact on families worldwide, including the loss of 16 students and two teachers from a single school in Haltern, Germany, who were returning from a Spanish exchange program. ## Sources - [Original Into the Shadows video: Germanwings Flight 9525: When the Pilot Hijacked the Plane](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=HVi4-Oysgbc) - [Hero image source](https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/4/47/Spanish_pre-match_preparations_-_Japan_vs._Spain%2C_2024_Summer_Olympic_men%27s_association_football%2C_2024-08-02.jpg) by Kilyann Le Hen / openverse, by. ## Related Coverage Simon Whistler https://intotheshadows.pub/article/harlows-pit-of-despair-cruel-shocking-psychological-research https://intotheshadows.pub/article/harlows-pit-of-despair-cruel-shocking-psychological-research Sun, 28 Jun 2026 00:00:00 GMT Ask his students, and he might have been a visionary. Ask his contemporaries, and he might have been a mad scientist. Ask the experts of today, and he might have been a monster. Of all of the myriad pioneers of psychological research, there are few with a reputation quite so extreme as Dr. Harry F. Harlow, whose work on dependency, social isolation, and maternal separation laid the groundwork for entire fields of modern study—but did so at a shocking cost to his subjects, and in so doing, was one of the primary reasons why ethics in psychology are regarded with such critical importance today. In this article, we'll be digging into the demented scientific research of Harry Harlow: its cruel and unusual design, its critical revelations on the nature of interpersonal attachment, and the stunning degree to which Harlow's legacy has shaped the field of psychology today. ## The Man; The Question To understand the Harlow experiments, we've first got to understand the man who created them. Born Harry Frederick Israel in Fairfield, Iowa, in 1905, the boy who later became Harry Harlow is an enigma to modern-day biographers. Even today, we know little about his childhood years, except for excerpts from his own unfinished biography, suggesting a distant mother who modern theorists would describe—in part because of Harlow's own work—as avoidant or dismissive. Harlow also implied that he struggled with depression across his life, even in childhood. Although he was a smart boy, he was often bored by his surroundings, and even feared from a young age that he might eventually go insane. As a young adult, he made his way to Stanford University, gaining entry via a special aptitude test, but whatever his aptitude might have been, he struggled to express it in his early years as an English major. Beset with atrocious grades after just a semester, and clearly not showing a whole lot of promise in the field, Harlow was forced to look for other options. As his relief valve, he employed a tried-and-true tactic among struggling undergraduates of any generation: He became a psych major, and basically hoped for the best. Over the next six years, Harlow would earn first an undergraduate degree and then a doctorate at Stanford, spending most of his time studying directly under one Lewis Madison Terman. His mentor is remembered today for his drastic improvements on the Stanford-Binet Intelligence Scales—or, basically, the modern IQ test—and a long-term study he carried out, called the Genetic Studies of Genius, which was about…well, the genetic studies of genius. However, he was also very into eugenics at the same time that Harlow was studying under him. From what we can tell, Harlow didn't seem to adopt quite those same beliefs, but as we'll see shortly, there's more than one way to be a bit unhinged. Around this same time, he changed his name from Harry Israel to Harry Harlow; it was the early 1930s, and while Harlow himself wasn't Jewish, he feared that having a Jewish-sounding last name would bring on negative consequences in both his life and his career. The person behind that change, and the one who decided he was to be called Harlow? His mentor, Lewis Terman. From Stanford, Harlow made his way to the University of Wisconsin at Madison to become a professor. Without a laboratory on campus, and without any indication from the university that they intended to give him one, Harlow set up his own research space off-campus in what would later be named the Primate Laboratory. Harlow wasn't particularly interested in working with humans, and even though he was conducting his research in psychology's wild-west era when he probably could have gotten away with some pretty insane research designs, his particular research might have been a step too far for human-subjects research even before the introduction of modern research ethics. Harlow's early work at Madison was done via a local zoo, who supplied him with primates to engage with what he would eventually call the Wisconsin General Testing Apparatus. Basically a memory and cognition test, the Apparatus yielded some fairly interesting results for Harlow, but the most important one of all, wasn't actually one he had expected to find. Within a few tests of a given primate, Harlow realized that the primates were beginning to figure out strategies to get through the tests he was running. But although Harlow spent a while trying to figure out how the monkeys were developing those strategies—or, 'learning to learn', as he called it—that line of questioning ultimately became a gateway into the one that would make Harlow's entire career. You see, during the time that Harlow was running his first large-scale primate experiments, he decided to put together a breeding colony of monkeys in his lab. The primates he chose were rhesus macaques, an Old World monkey from southeast Asia with complex social groups, internal familial relationships, and close anatomical and physiological similarities to humans. During the establishment of the breeding colony, Harlow and his students were able to witness first-hand how healthy relationships between baby rhesus monkeys and their mothers developed, and when Harlow decided he wanted to rear the infant monkeys in a nursery rather than dealing with their protective mothers whenever he wanted to use one in an experiment, he began to notice something else. The nursery-raised macaques were coming out different—not physically, but behaviorally—and Harlow wanted to know why. Harlow and his contemporaries were living at a time in which infant attachment to their parents, especially their mothers, was not well-understood. Opinions on the impact of infant separation from a mother ran the gamut; some theorists postulated it had to do with a dependent, feeding relationship with a mother, purely transactional at first, while others contended that it barely mattered at all. Still others claimed that humans only organized into familial structures, and engaged with society, to gain steady access to sexual contact. Many famous or well-regarded psychologists of the era advised mothers and fathers not to even hold their children if it wasn't necessary, let alone to indulge their cries, for fear of spoiling them. As behaviorist John Watson once wrote, apparently without a hint of irony: "Do not overindulge them. Do not kiss them goodnight. Rather, give a brief bow and shake their hand before turning off the light." The American standard for nurseries at the time was to intentionally make them cold, distant, and inhospitable to positive attachment. But Harlow, along with a handful of other psychologists at the time, took a different tack. Depending on your perspective, you might say Harlow had a hunch. Or, you might say that he had more experience than most on the subject, after struggling to make sense of his own mother's behavior toward him as a boy. After all, that's the nature of every Freudian slip in psychology: saying one thing, and meaning your mother. But regardless, Harlow contended that an infant's bond with its mother mattered very, very much, and that it would have a profound impact on a child not just in infancy, but during the longer course of development as well. ## The Nature of Love Harlow's first really consequential experiment came over twenty years after he first began working at the University of Wisconsin, in 1957. By then, he had noticed the strangeness of some of his rhesus monkeys when they were raised away from their mothers, and he decided to run a longer and more organized study. He and his research team began separating infant monkeys from their mothers at birth, and raising them in what was essentially complete isolation other than their interactions with researchers. It seems obvious now, but at the time, it was a surprise for Harlow to learn that this impacted the monkeys severely. Left alone and deprived of stimulus, the monkeys learned to cope in all manner of ways: zoning out so hard they appeared to be doing what we now know to be dissociating, or pacing incessantly inside their cages, or even harming themselves. They proved incapable of interacting with other monkeys when they were eventually given the opportunity to do so, and some were so shaken by the experience that they stopped eating entirely, and starved to death. That was already a stunning finding, considering how starkly it ran contrary to the wisdom of the time. But Harlow had also picked up on one other detail: specifically, that the monkeys had shown a common behavior in clinging onto the diapers the research team had given them. Those diapers were made of cloth, they were soft, and the infant monkeys seemed to be taking comfort in them. That led Harlow toward the question of comfort in a maternal relationship—and the way he went about examining the nature of maternal comfort, would write his name into the history books. Harlow's next experiment exposed a new generation of infant monkeys to a pair of surrogate mothers…but not living ones. Each monkey involved in this study would be raised in an enclosure with two dummies, one made of cold, inflexible wire, and one made of soft cloth. In order to directly challenge his peers' contention that a mother-child relationship was all about accessing food, Harlow ensured that some monkeys would have their milk bottle stored in the cloth mother, while others had it stored in the wire mother. In all cases, no matter which of the surrogate mothers the monkeys had to use to get their milk, they nonetheless spent the vast majority of their time with the cloth mother. Monkeys that had a milk-giving wire mother would interact with it only minimally, and usually to feed; those that had a milk-giving cloth mother, ignored the wire mother entirely. But the real stunner came when those same monkeys were exposed to new environments, with new stimuli. When they were placed into those environments with the companionship of the cloth mother, they were curious, interactive, and at times even brave. When they were feeling less brave, they'd retreat back to the cloth mother or even the wire mother for safety. But when they were taken away from their surrogate mothers and placed into the same situations, they broke down, trying to hide, crying, and howling to return to safety. Of all the ways Harlow's experiment could have gone, there were few conceivable outcomes that might have screamed the conclusions at him any more conclusively. Harlow had also run experiments on infant monkeys that had grown up only with their mothers, and no peer exposure, and when those monkeys showed fear and aggressiveness when exposed to same-age peers, Harlow's takeaways grew stronger still in their conviction. The infant-mother relationship wasn't only about food, and in fact, it didn't even need food as a central component. Instead, it was all about comfort, safety, and security, feelings in which physical contact with the mother seemed to be absolutely critical. The implications for parents of that time were horrifying; after following the advice of the best psychologists of the day, they'd taken steps to raise their children in a way that, Harlow had now shown, was going to leave their children emotionally and developmentally stunted for the long term. His findings were confirmation to other theorists who'd been struggling to make the same point to the general public, and the idea of comfort as a cornerstone in child development really began to take on. It seems ridiculous to imagine now, but these were, at the time, truly groundbreaking ideas, and ones that shook the entire field of psychology to its core. ## Isolation and Deprivation With his grand thesis on the centrality of comfort now firmly interjected into American public consciousness, Harlow turned his attention back to his flock of rhesus monkeys. Now, the question at hand would be isolation. We've already mentioned the results of isolation that Harlow had observed in early experiments; that is, that infant monkeys raised without their mothers and without interaction with any other monkeys proved to be behaviorally strange compared to monkeys with normal upbringings. They would stare off into space for hours, harm themselves, and display all other manner of odd impulses in order to cope with their situation, and they proved utterly incapable of interacting with other monkeys after living in isolation for so long. Faced with those early results, Harlow did what any psychologist of the mid-20th century would have done: he looked at the situation he had created for his subjects, and endeavored to make it so much worse. In his subsequent studies, Harlow would expose infant monkeys to one of two conditions: partial social isolation, and complete social isolation. In the partial option, the monkeys would be barred from interacting with each other, kept in individual, bare wire cages set apart from each other, with no means to receive any level of physical comfort. But as it turns out, those monkeys had it easy. The total-deprivation group were raised in isolation chambers, from basically the moment of birth, for periods as long as a total of fifteen years in some cases, well over half of the average captive rhesus monkey's entire lifespan. The results were exactly what you might expect. In the totally isolated monkeys, the pacing came back, the dissociation came back, and the withdrawn, curled-up thumb-sucking behaviors, reported by Harlow as non-nutritional sucking, came back too. They became hostile toward any outside stimulus, including researchers, and showed hostility toward their own bodies as well. But the behaviors were at their worst, when these totally isolated monkeys were exposed to others for the first time. For this, we'll quote directly from Harlow, published in 1965: "No monkey has died during isolation. When initially removed from total social isolation, however, they usually go into a state of emotional shock, characterized by […] autistic self-clutching and rocking [….] One of six monkeys isolated for 3 months refused to eat after release and died 5 day later. The autopsy report attributed death to emotional anorexia. A second animal in the same group also refused to eat and probably would have died had we not been prepared to resort to forced feeding." In one particularly interesting detail, the emotional anorexia Harlow described appeared most strongly in infants that were isolated for just three months before being exposed to other monkeys. Infants who were isolated for longer periods, and matured a bit more in their solitude, certainly didn't enjoy their initial exposure to other monkeys, but the results were far less destructive. Harlow also noticed that when the monkeys, particularly the three-month isolates, were given the chance to spend more time with other monkeys around their age, they were able to come out of their shells and even rehabilitate themselves cognitively and socially. Said Harlow: "In human terms they are the children salvaged from the orphanage or inadequate home within the first year of life". The monkeys who'd been isolated for longer, however, showed severely impaired recovery, and were totally averse to contact play, or roughhousing, that would be common among normal macaques of the same age. In Harlow's writing: "The effects of 6 months of total social isolation were so devastating and debilitating that we had assumed initially that 12 months of isolation would not produce any additional decrement. This assumption proved to be false; 12 months of isolation almost obliterated the animals socially [….]". So stunted was the 12-month group's social growth that when it came time to have them interact with normally raised monkeys from a control group, quote, "the controls became increasingly aggressive toward the helpless isolate animals and might have killed them had we continued social testing". By the end of this run of studies, Harlow had concluded not only that a lack of social interaction could nearly entirely destroy an infant's capacity to function either at the present age or later in life, but that there was only a narrow, critical window for much of the damage to be undone. A three-month-old monkey could be taken out of isolation, placed into Harlow's rough equivalent of a nursery, and shown by their peers how to act, but the same couldn't be said for six-month-old or twelve-month-old monkeys. By Harlow's extrapolations, those were roughly the same developmental markers as a two-year-old child and a four-year-old child, respectively. And when those monkeys were left to interact only with peers that had also experienced the same isolation, they were able to interact only minimally, using the crude mechanisms they basically invented themselves. Those that eventually had children of their own were sometimes capable of not killing their own infants, but struggled to do anything more than that. But that news did come with one critical caveat: six-month-old monkeys who were placed into recovery groups not with normal six-month-old peers, but normal three-month-old peers, had a far better chance at a complete social recovery. ## The Pit of Despair Now, do you remember when we said earlier that Harlow, when faced by real and fascinating results on attachment, decided to do the mid-20th-century-psychologist thing and make life even more of a living hell for his subjects? Well, it was at this point in the final years of Harlow's career that he decided to repeat the cycle one more time. Harlow had always had a soft spot for choosing rather unconventional, or even sensationalist names for his own projects, including some that we're not going to mention because we'd rather not have this article taken down. But the one we do need to discuss, is a series of isolation chambers that Harlow referred to as the Pit of Despair. Harlow's intent with this round of studies was to attempt to build a model for understanding depression in animals, and if Harlow was going to do that, then he was going to need some depressed animals. To make that happen, he and his research partner at that time, Stephen Suomi, designed a stainless-steel trough that they technically termed a vertical chamber apparatus. Basically, it was a steel pit with a wire-mesh floor, a food box, and a water-bottle holder, with a top designed so that the monkeys inside couldn't use it to hang or entertain themselves. The sides of it were made to be slippery, sloping down to a narrow point where the monkey inside would barely have room to move. And this time, Harlow's subjects weren't infant monkeys removed from their mothers at birth. They were monkeys of an age at least three months old, who had already formed bonds with their mothers and their nursery playmates. Harlow's express intention was to shatter those bonds, and keep the monkeys in complete isolation and complete darkness for months. The result, of course, was precisely what you might expect. After a day or two spent attempting to escape, the monkeys inside would give up, descend to the bottom of the apparatus, curl up into a ball, and, by all outward appearances, languish in their despair with no opportunity to do anything else. As Harlow's collaborator Suomi wrote it later, no monkey was able to guard against the psychological anguish they seemed to experience inside the cage, and none of them emerged without sustaining serious psychological damage for the rest of their lives. After thirty days in the pit, monkeys who were released would refuse to interact with other monkeys, engage with any external stimuli, or even move of their own volition. For the most part, they would remain huddled and attempting to self-soothe by clutching at their own bodies. Those behaviors would persist for months in most cases, and they only got worse the longer a monkey had spent in the pit before release. Then, Harlow and his students would attempt to rehabilitate them, in efforts that were basically unsuccessful across the world. Harlow would insist in his later years that the studies had provided data that had major implications for the study of depression, but decades later, those same studies have been only minimally referenced in any work related to treatment. ## Controversies and Breakthroughs Harlow would die in Tucson, Arizona, at the age of 76 in 1981, by which time much of the public reaction to his work had already become firmly entrenched. With Harlow's publications, and the slow evolution of his work from the genuinely groundbreaking to the increasingly macabre, his name had become the source of powerful controversies within the scientific community, and controversies that would only grow more and more intense after the end of his life. Now, before we get into the many, many, many negatives of Harlow's work, we do need to take a moment and acknowledge the real value of what he achieved. Harlow's work on the importance of maternal attachment came at a time when it was desperately needed, and when conventional wisdom suggested that children were best left stranded in social and parental isolation. Harlow's work clearly demonstrated, and later studies have since confirmed, that such treatment of children—whether monkey or human—would seriously stunt a child's ability to grow, erase critical social skills, and have an impact that would echo throughout the rest of their lives. For his work, Harlow won national acclaim in the United States, and he was even named president of the APA, or American Psychological Association, which governs academics across the entire field of psychological research. But Harlow's work also made him one of a few members of one of modern psychology's most exclusive clubs: the researchers whose work inspired the creation of ethical standards in human and animal psychological research, not because of the lessons Harlow's research taught anybody, but to ensure that research like it could never take place again. One of Harlow's own former students, University of Washington professor Gene Sackett, has since explained how Harlow's experiments basically kicked off the animal liberation movement in the US, and forced America to reckon with the treatment of animals in laboratory settings. Today, the use of lab animals is tightly regulated by the APA and other governing bodies, who refuse to sponsor, endorse, or even allow the use of research institutions for human or animal experimentation that is deemed to have too great of a risk of harm to its subjects. When it comes to educating the next generation of psychologists, Harlow's example, and the sheer visceral horror it evokes in people who learn about it, have made it a flagship case of what not to do. Ask a first-year undergraduate psychology student at any American university, fresh off an introductory class, and they may or may not be able to explain the mechanisms of interpersonal attachment or the models that guide our understanding of human or animal depression. But they sure as hell know Harlow's monkeys, and can probably recount a detailed explanation from their professors or teaching assistants on just why research like that is such a bad idea. Harlow's personal reputation hasn't survived, either, and it's not as if he helped his own case in trying to preserve it. In his later years, he would reveal to interviewers and students his disdain for the monkeys he'd used as subjects, including with this gem of a quote from 1974: "The only thing I care about is whether the monkeys will turn out a property I can publish. I don't have any love for them. Never have. I really don't like animals. I despise cats, I hate dogs. How could you like a monkey?" Routinely, Harlow would attempt to frame any disputes around the welfare of his animals as a matter of public relations or perception, and would dismiss any genuine care for the animals shown by his many critics, as either being misguided or fabricating their concern outright. As another of his former students said later in life, despite himself continuing deprivation experiments with animal subjects, quote, "it's as if he sat down and said, 'I'm only going to be around another ten years. What I'd like to do, then, is leave a great big mess behind.' If that was his aim, he did a perfect job." Not only that, but Harlow's own motivations for conducting some of his most questionable studies has been repeatedly called into question. As we alluded to before, this was a man who devoted his life to studying mother-child attachment, and often ripping away that attachment from his subjects, after having been deprived of such attachment himself. There were side experiments we didn't even mention before, including the use of a surrogate-mother machine that attacked baby monkeys with spikes or cold air to simulate real-life abuse. The results, by the way, showed that those baby monkeys were still unable to bring themselves to stop seeking comfort from the evil, but cloth-covered abusive surrogates. Harlow's later Pit of Despair experiments came at a time in his life when Harlow himself entered a well of despair, following the death of his second wife after a long battle with cancer. With his own personal depression came disinterest in attachment, and far more of an interest in the isolation of his subjects. When asked by another faculty member at the University of Wisconsin why on Earth Harlow was using these demented pits for his research, Harlow reportedly responded, "Because that's how it feels when you're depressed." One of his former doctoral students he'd worked with during the Pit of Despair years has since explained that he had to be talked out of an even more descriptive name, the Dungeon of Despair, for fears of how the university and Harlow's own peers might react. Other critics pointed out that the Pit of Despair research was generating results that might have been shocking in the 1950s—for example, the idea that living organisms might experience negative effects because of social deprivation—but were well-understood by the time those later experiments actually took place. Said writer Wayne Booth, "Harry Harlow and his colleagues go on torturing their nonhuman primates decade after decade, invariably proving what we all knew in advance—that social creatures can be destroyed by destroying their social ties". In retrospect, it's impossible to dismiss the life and work of Harry Harlow in its entirety. Modern nurseries, social services, maternity wards, and countless individual relationships between mothers, fathers, and their children have been fundamentally changed for the better because of what Harlow was able to show the world with his studies. But at the same time, Harlow left behind a long and indisputable legacy of intense pain and even depravity in the name of science. Harlow and his work did, indeed, represent progress, but at a price of decades of unyielding cruelty. He was a man one part visionary, one part mad scientist, and one part pure madman. The world wouldn't be the same without him, and yet, it is imperative that the field of psychology never hosts a figure quite like him again. ## Key Takeaways - Harry Harlow's experiments on maternal separation and social isolation in monkeys were pivotal in understanding the importance of maternal attachment. - Harlow's work demonstrated that comfort, safety, and security are crucial for infant development, challenging prevailing beliefs. - The ethical implications of Harlow's research led to significant changes in psychological research standards, emphasizing the protection of subjects. - Harlow's controversial methods, including the Pit of Despair, highlighted the severe psychological damage caused by social deprivation. - Despite his groundbreaking contributions, Harlow's legacy is marred by the extreme cruelty inflicted on his animal subjects. ## Frequently Asked Questions ### Who was Harry Harlow and what was his primary area of research? Harry Harlow was a psychologist known for his research on dependency, social isolation, and maternal separation. His work laid the groundwork for entire fields of modern study in psychology. ### What was the significance of Harlow's experiments on maternal attachment? Harlow's experiments demonstrated the importance of maternal comfort and security in the development of infants, challenging the prevailing wisdom of the time that suggested maternal attachment was purely transactional. ### What were the Pit of Despair experiments? The Pit of Despair experiments involved placing monkeys in isolation chambers to study the effects of social deprivation and depression. The monkeys were kept in complete isolation and darkness for extended periods, leading to severe psychological damage. ### How did Harlow's work influence the field of psychology? Harlow's work led to significant changes in the understanding of maternal attachment and the importance of social interaction in development. It also played a crucial role in the establishment of ethical standards in psychological research. ### What were the ethical controversies surrounding Harlow's research? Harlow's experiments were highly controversial due to the severe psychological and physical harm inflicted on the monkeys. His work sparked the animal liberation movement and led to stricter regulations on animal experimentation. ### What was the Wisconsin General Testing Apparatus? The Wisconsin General Testing Apparatus was a memory and cognition test developed by Harlow. It yielded interesting results, particularly in how primates developed strategies to solve the tests, leading Harlow to study 'learning to learn'. ### What were the effects of social isolation on the monkeys in Harlow's studies? Monkeys subjected to social isolation exhibited behaviors such as pacing, dissociation, self-harm, and an inability to interact with other monkeys. Prolonged isolation led to severe and often irreversible psychological damage. ### How did Harlow's personal experiences influence his research? Harlow's own struggles with depression and his distant relationship with his mother may have influenced his focus on maternal attachment and social isolation in his research. ### What was the impact of Harlow's work on modern psychology? Harlow's findings on the importance of maternal attachment and social interaction have fundamentally changed practices in nurseries, social services, and maternity wards. His work also highlighted the need for ethical standards in psychological research. ### What was the significance of Harlow's surrogate mother experiments? Harlow's surrogate mother experiments showed that infant monkeys preferred comfort and security over food, highlighting the importance of physical contact and emotional support in maternal relationships. ## Sources - [Original Into the Shadows video: Harlow's Pit of Despair: Cruel, Shocking Psychological Research](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=fu_36bljSIg) - [https://www.pbs.org/wgbh/aso/databank/entries/bhharl.html](https://www.pbs.org/wgbh/aso/databank/entries/bhharl.html) - [https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC285801/](https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC285801/) - [https://www.wellbeingintlstudiesrepository.org/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1112&context=acwp_arte](https://www.wellbeingintlstudiesrepository.org/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1112&context=acwp_arte) - [https://www.iflscience.com/the-pit-of-despair-was-one-of-the-most-unethical-experiments-of-modern-science-60408](https://www.iflscience.com/the-pit-of-despair-was-one-of-the-most-unethical-experiments-of-modern-science-60408) - [https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/full/10.1002/jhbs.22180](https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/full/10.1002/jhbs.22180) - [https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/35040491/](https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/35040491/) - [https://archive.boston.com/news/globe/ideas/articles/2004/03/21/monkey_love/](https://archive.boston.com/news/globe/ideas/articles/2004/03/21/monkey_love/) - [https://link.springer.com/article/10.1007/s12124-008-9072-9](https://link.springer.com/article/10.1007/s12124-008-9072-9) - [https://www.psychologicalscience.org/publications/observer/obsonline/harlows-classic-studies-revealed-the-importance-of-maternal-contact.html](https://www.psychologicalscience.org/publications/observer/obsonline/harlows-classic-studies-revealed-the-importance-of-maternal-contact.html) - [https://pages.uoregon.edu/adoption/studies/HarlowMLE.htm](https://pages.uoregon.edu/adoption/studies/HarlowMLE.htm) - [https://allthatsinteresting.com/harry-harlow](https://allthatsinteresting.com/harry-harlow) - [https://www.nytimes.com/2003/02/02/books/no-more-wire-mothers-ever.html](https://www.nytimes.com/2003/02/02/books/no-more-wire-mothers-ever.html) - [https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC7433398/\](https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC7433398/\) - [https://link.springer.com/referenceworkentry/10.1007/978-3-319-55065-7_122](https://link.springer.com/referenceworkentry/10.1007/978-3-319-55065-7_122) - [https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/10.1177/0957154X10370909?icid=int.sj-full-text.similar-articles.1](https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/10.1177/0957154X10370909?icid=int.sj-full-text.similar-articles.1) - [https://psycnet.apa.org/record/2022-24880-001](https://psycnet.apa.org/record/2022-24880-001) - [https://www.britannica.com/biography/Lewis-Terman](https://www.britannica.com/biography/Lewis-Terman) - [Hero image source](https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/b/b7/Fairfield_Warde_High_School%2C_2024.jpg) by Packer1028 / openverse, cc0. ## Related Coverage Simon Whistler https://intotheshadows.pub/article/hawaii-subjugation-paradise-kingdom https://intotheshadows.pub/article/hawaii-subjugation-paradise-kingdom Sun, 28 Jun 2026 00:00:00 GMT ## Introduction Hawaii. It's the closest thing you'll find to Paradise on Earth, a tropical archipelago whose incredible beaches, lush rainforests, and active volcanoes have captured the world's imagination. It is a booming tourist destination, an intersection of luxury and exuberant culture. It's the perfect honeymoon spot, the perfect getaway, the perfect snowbird destination or retirement home. In all the world, there's nowhere else quite like it. Except…well, that's one hell of a whitewashing, and it omits both a history, and a present-day situation marked by foreign expansionism, cultural genocide, and the continued exploitation of the islands by not only the tourist industry, but the United States as a whole. In this exploration of the dark, and often brutal history of the Hawaiian islands, we'll cover the devastating effects of European arrival, the many decades of colonialization, the overthrow of a legitimate Hawaiian ruling government, and the many ramifications of Hawaii's history that still impact it today. ## Ancient Hawaii and European Arrival The first people to reach Hawaii arrived by boat, probably somewhere between the year 300 CE, and the year 1000 CE. It's a broad timeline, but necessarily so; like the inhabitants of many Polynesian islands, Hawaii's early settlers kept oral histories and traditions, rather than written ones. As one would expect, this creates some blank spots within the historical record, especially when considering how many generations would have passed by the time Europeans arrived to the island. Most likely, the first arrivals came from the Marquesas Islands, two thousand miles south of the archipelago. When they arrived, they found a set of islands devoid of predators and disease, and, by all indications of archaeological study, no prior residents. The society these first islanders built, as well as later arrivals from Tahiti, was both constrained by, and enhanced by the unique conditions of Hawaii. A lack of metal, clay, and large animals made for a very different sort of cultural progression than was seen in many other parts of the world, but Hawaii nonetheless developed into a highly advanced society given their resources. From technological advancements like massive seafaring canoes and land-and-water management systems, to scientific ones like a sophisticated calendar system and highly developed navigational techniques, Hawaii's civilization was dictated by its resources and its needs. So, too, was its culture, an elaborate and deeply religious caste system in which chieftains and their bloodlines ruled various islands in a complexly interrelated system, often including inter-island wars and marriage-based political alliances. The islands and their feudal culture were totally self-sufficient, with no known contact with the outside world at that time. There's some evidence that Spain may have run trade routes in the area for several centuries, but Spain never made a territorial claim to Hawaii, probably to protect the secret locations of said trade routes. That all changed in 1778, when the British explorer and naval officer Captain James Cook arrived to the islands on the ships Discovery and Resolution. Cook and his crew had been in the process of mapping the Pacific, but had encountered Hawaii by chance. In this first encounter, Cook made a fairly major impression on the people of Hawaii, and in more ways than one. His crew's early skirmishes with Hawaiian warriors—including one Hawaiian's death—and their use of fireworks as a show of force, led the locals to believe that the new arrivals were sent or allied with the deity Lonomakua, known as a keeper of fire. This assessment led the elders on the island Cook had arrived on, to conclude that Cook and his crew should be appeased and befriended via trade. Cook left the islands not long after arrival, but returned later the same year, and again in 1779. By then, Cook was well-known to the people of Hawaii, and had related many of his experiences to people in Europe who would later document, and publish information on the archipelago and how to get there. But by 1779, Hawaiian priests and elders had formed their best understanding of how Cook fit in with their religion, and various local chiefs had worked Cook into their own political machinations. In his third visit to the islands, Cook was initially well-received, with his presence being honored and celebrated for the month that he and his crew were present. But after his departure, Cook's ships were damaged in a storm which forced them to return, an action which violated the Hawaiians' understanding of his comings and goings, as well as the meaning behind them. Tension grew as Cook's crew tried to repair their ships, until the theft of the Discovery's small support boat led Cook to attempt to take the king of the Hawaiian Big Island, Kalei'opu'u, as his hostage until the boat was returned. The situation devolved quickly, and was only made worse by news that elsewhere on the islands, Cook's men had shot and killed another local chieftain. Cook and four of his men were killed, along with one Hawaiian warrior. His successor was able to restore order and achieve a graceful exit from the situation, but the damage was done. After his death, further tales of Cook's escapades were published in Europe, and this led to further visits from Europeans and Americans, including explorers, traders, and whalers. With their continued presence, the islands were exposed to the wider world in a second way, one that we now know was a hallmark of first-contact experiences between Europeans and peoples of the New World. Diseases like influenza and smallpox ravaged the Hawaiian islands in short order, causing a massive decline in the local population. Within two years of Cook's arrival, some one-in-seventeen native Hawaiians had already died, and by the twenty-year mark, nearly half of the islands' population had perished. The native Hawaiian population declined to just 16% of its pre-arrival numbers, by the year 1840. In the following years, European arrival had a major effect not just on Hawaiian mortality rates, but Hawaiian society and government. The Europeans' weapons were a game-changer for Hawaii's centuries of inter-island warfare, and one young warrior in particular, the Big Island king's nephew Kamehameha, used the situation better than anyone else on the islands. Kamehameha oversaw an acquisitions process that transferred European armaments into his uncle's hands, and led a conquest of each of the Big Island's tribes, thus gathering the manpower to wage war across the archipelago. During this time, Kamehameha rose to the mantle of King himself, becoming King Kamehameha the First. Once Kamehameha consolidated power on the Big Island, he used his thousands of warriors and his European advisers to build the largest army Hawaii had ever seen, at that time. The island of Maui fell in short order, and both Kamehameha and the rival king of Oahu, who controlled the rest of the island chain, leveraged European artillery for their final confrontation. For Kamehameha, this had come at severe cost; he had promised the Big Island to Great Britain in exchange for help and recognition on the rest of the archipelago. But infighting among his rivals helped to ensure that Kamehameha's decision would not be in vain, and with fire and steel on his side, Kamehameha took Oahu in 1795. Before long, the rest of the islands fell under Kamehameha's control. Less than thirty-five years after the arrival of the Europeans, Hawaii and the lives of Hawaiians had been inexorably changed. ## The Kingdom of Hawaii Kamehameha unified the islands under the Kingdom of Hawaii, which would rule the islands for the following eighty-five years. But this regime was far less an affirmation of Hawaiian autonomy, than it was an overseer to decades of sweeping and often-unpredictable change. By this time, Captain George Vancouver and his crew had introduced livestock to the islands, which quickly bred out of control and destroyed the well-established ecosystem there. Given its location in the middle of the Pacific, Hawaii also quickly became a waystation for traders and whalers, and within a decade of the Kingdom of Hawaii being established, the first Christian missionaries arrived to the islands from New England. This coincided with a number of cultural changes within the Hawaiian system, instituted by the Queen Regent Ka'ahumanu after the death of Kamehameha I. Ka'ahumanu was instrumental in pushing out the Kapu system, an elaborate system of Hawaiian rules, codes of conduct, and social norms. In their place, she welcomed Protestant Christianity and encouraged Hawaiians to be baptized, using a new legal model structured on the Ten Commandments and other Christian values to replace the Kapu system. Ka'ahumanu also banned the practice of hula dancing, and established diplomatic relations with the United States. This range of social and political reforms significantly boosted the efforts of Christian missionaries and greatly expanded American influence on the islands' trade, but also brought the islands and their people much more firmly under foreign control, and overwrote massive portions of Hawaiian culture. This change led to white settlers being able to exert significant influence over Hawaii, both in terms of the assets they leveraged by trade, and their position as religious authorities on the practice of Christianity. They used that influence in a number of ways, but the most significant during this time was to convince King Kamehameha III, the ruler at the time, to adopt both a constitution that was to their liking, and the Great Mahele, an act of land division that reshaped Hawaii completely. The concept of private land ownership did not exist in the Hawaiian islands prior to this, and a Bill of Rights of the Hawaiian Islands had guaranteed less than a decade previously that Hawaii's lands would not be taken from its people. But in 1848, the Great Mahele divided the lands of the archipelago between the King and 245 prominent Hawaiians. This meant that land was now owned, titled, and most importantly, it could be bought—and who had the wealth, power, and influence to claim the most valuable land? That would be the white settlers, who made it quite clear that they cared less about Kamehameha III's authority over the system, and more about their ability to use it to their advantage. Hawaii's people would receive less than 1% of the land in reality, despite being promised 33%. Over the mid-19th century, the United States began to form more of a controlling stake over foreign influence within Hawaii, beating out British and French claims by virtue of somewhat better relations and an obvious geographical advantage. This culminated in the signing of the Reciprocity Treaty of 1875 between the Kingdom of Hawaii and the US, which gave Hawaii duty-free and complete access to the US sugar market and other subsets of the economy. This helped to bring down the price of sugar in the US, after it had risen dramatically during the American Civil War. In exchange, the US received special economic privileges in Hawaii, as well as exclusive rights to Pearl Harbor, which were included in an amendment to the agreement a decade later. In retrospect, the treaty was an extremely effective way to turn Hawaii into one massive sugar plantation—and we do mean just one, with San Francisco sugar refiner Claus Spreckels claiming a monopoly by 1882. But plantation production also saw a much wider diversification of Hawaii's foreign population, with significant numbers of Chinese, Japanese, Korean, Portuguese, and Filipino immigrants arriving in these years. The King at the time, Kalakaua, had been an advocate for the Reciprocity Treaty, seeing it as a way to expand Hawaii's coffers while maintaining a degree of autonomy in the face of a foreign market takeover. But Kalakaua's other acts during this time got him into trouble with the Hawaiian elite, including his efforts to return Hawaiian culture and customs to the people, and the large amounts of spending from his administration, including on a modern palace and a trip to circumnavigate the globe. In response, the elites—for the most part, wealthy Americans and Europeans—forced the signature of what's now known as the Bayonet Constitution, a highly restrictive agreement that Kalakaua signed at bayonet-point. With his signature, the Hawaiian monarchy conceded most of its power to a legislature operating in the interest of the settler class, while also establishing a voting system linked to property ownership—again, controlled by those same settlers. The Bayonet Constitution started a countdown till death for the monarchy, a death that King Kalakaua himself would not witness. In 1891, his heir and sister, Queen Liliuokalani became the first reigning queen of Hawaii. Unlike her brother, Liliuokalani did not consent to her role as a facilitator to Hawaii's economic occupation, and publicly opposed the terms of the Reciprocity Treaty. Kalakaua's reintroduction of Hawaiian cultural practice had deeply pissed off its Christian settlers and missionary class, but that had at least been an acceptable imposition. Liliuokalani, however, was taking far more drastic measures, which would mark her as a threat to Hawaii's real ruling order. ## Overthrow, Annexation, and Aftermath On January 14, 1893, Queen Liliuokalani drafted a constitution that was meant to counter and undo the effects of the Bayonet Constitution, which was strongly opposed by most surviving Hawaiian natives. At this time, the American McKinley Act had just nullified Hawaii's advantage in the US sugar trade by removing import duties from Hawaii's competitor nations, adding pressure on the sugar elites of Hawaii to maintain and expand production. Liliuokalani's constitution would have made this effort functionally impossible, and in response, a small group of Europeans and Americans formed the Committee of Safety, a conspiracy to overthrow Liliuokalani and seek annexation to the US. The coup's leaders included Lorrin Thurston, a newspaper publisher, and Henry Cooper, an American lawyer. Two days after Liliuokalani's constitution was drafted, the Marshal of the Kingdom of Hawaii got word of the coup, but his requests to prevent it by force were denied by the Queen's cabinet over fears of escalating tensions with the US. After a failed attempt at negotiation with the conspirators, the Marshal mustered a force of some five hundred men to defend the queen, causing the conspirators to swell their own ranks. On January 17, amidst a standoff outside the royal palace, Henry Cooper announced the deposition of the queen, the abolition of the monarchy, and the establishment of a provisional government. Still fearing the development of a larger conflict, Queen Liliuokalani's defenders did not retaliate forcefully to Cooper's proclamation. The USS Boston, a naval cruiser from the United States, had sent troops ashore on the 16th to keep the peace, and their presence forced Liliuokalani and her government to accept the queen's placement under house arrest at the royal palace. The queen directed her forces to surrender. In her own words, summarized in a later autobiography: "Since the troops of the United States had been landed to support the revolutionists, by order of the American minister, it would be impossible for us to make any resistance." This reality posed a major problem for the United States, including President Grover Cleveland, who denounced the USS Boston's participation in the coup as an act of war that the United States had now unwillingly committed. Cleveland recognized that the people of Hawaii had no desire for an armed force of US troops imposing foreign will on their soil, and publicly admitted that the actions of the Marines and sailors in Hawaii were wrongful in their nature. As such, the United States did not immediately annex Hawaii, despite the wishes of Thurston and his gang of conspirators. Instead, their provisional government went into effect, under the command of new President Sanford Dole. The new government, known as the Republic of Hawaii, was a public and shameless oligarchy, emboldened by the presence of a settlers' militia known as the Honolulu Rifles. The queen, who survived her deposition, issued a scathing statement to protest her overthrow even as she acknowledged that she would yield. Liliuokalani's intent was instead to address the US government directly, something that Grover Cleveland's administration was happy to facilitate. A government investigation found that "United States diplomatic and military representatives had abused their authority, and were responsible for the change in government". The Americans who had aided in the overthrow were punished, and Cleveland himself made verbal commitments to restore the status quo that had existed prior to the coup, including the monarchy itself. However, as you can probably guess, President Dole and the Republic of Hawaii refused Cleveland's demands to reinstate the queen outright. A counter-report from the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, where most members were pro-annexation of Hawaii, disputed the first report's claims, and gave the Republic of Hawaii enough of a buffer in Washington that President Cleveland couldn't take action. In 1895, a group of pro-monarchy conspirators led by several Liliuokalani loyalists made one last attempt to reinstate the Queen. In a short counter-revolution, some five hundred poorly armed recruits waged three skirmishes against Republic of Hawaii troops, and despite minimal loss of life on both sides, the revolutionaries were routed, captured, or driven to desertion. Many of the participants would face severe consequences later, and when a weapons cache was found and directly blamed on Liliuokalani, she was arrested on charges of treason. To prevent further violence, Liliuokalani renounced all claim to the throne, and after signing a formal statement of abdication, she was able to secure the pardons of many of her supporters. Liliuokalani continued to oppose annexation for the next few years, but after the end of the Cleveland administration, resistance dried up in Washington. Cleveland's successor, President William McKinley, was much more amenable to the idea of American expansionism, and under his leadership, the US Congress passed the Newlands Resolution. In 1898, the Republic of Hawaii was annexed as a US territory, at a public ceremony at the royal palace. Hardly any native Hawaiians chose to attend the event, and those few who did, did so in protest on behalf of the forty thousand native Hawaiians whose families had been lucky enough to survive the last century of occupation. Across the islands, Hawaiian natives protested annexation till the end, as did the former Hawaiian royal family. Sanford Dale, former President of the Republic of Hawaii, was made the territory's first governor. The sovereign nation of Hawaii ceased to exist, never to be seen again. In the century to follow, Hawaii would be maintained as a plantation territory, with significant impositions on civil liberties during World War II after the bombing of Pearl Harbor, itself a target within Hawaii. The territory achieved US statehood in 1959, and though a sovereignty movement has gained limited recognition during this time, it has not come anywhere close to reaffirming Hawaiian sovereignty outright. Today, tourism is Hawaii's major industry, although a brief environmental rebound during the slow tourist years of 2020 and 2021 clearly demonstrated how tourism has wreaked havoc on the Hawaiian ecosystem. Today, Hawaii still lives with the ramifications of its difficult history. Native Hawaiians have had far more trouble than continental Native Americans in gaining rights and autonomy, especially where land rights are concerned. The effects of the Great Mahele still exist till this day, with the US government and a small handful of families controlling massive amounts of land compared to the local population, and the US military maintains a strong presence there. Locals and the Hawaiian government continue to plead with tourists to slow down the rates of their visits, with many native Hawaiians advocating official protections against tourist exploitation of Hawaii's fragile landscape. Animals like rats and mongoose, introduced by European settlers, continue to distort Hawaii's ecology, and as of now, debate still rages over the use of Hawaiian ancestral lands for anything from the Thirty-Meter Telescope on Mauna Kea, to condos, hotels, and other developments. ## Conclusion It goes without saying that the Hawaiian islands today are a far cry from what they were prior to the arrival of Captain James Cook, but it's far more important to stress not just how different the islands are, but why and how that change took place. The archipelago is by no means unique; history has seen thousands of sovereign lands and peoples colonized by foreigners, ravaged by disease, and eventually brought under the yoke of a more powerful neighbor. This, unfortunately, has been just as much a part of human history as anything else, and most states around the world continue to reckon with the implications, either as a formerly colonizing nation or as a formerly colonized one. But in the case of Hawaii, it bears special attention to the systematic process of manipulation carried out by foreign influences: first by using their advanced weapons to dictate Hawaiian consolidation, then forcing more and more exploitative treaties to control the land, and finally, to overthrow a sovereign state by leveraging the force of the United States, even though the United States at the time did not support annexation. In the twenty-first century, no discussion of Hawaii can be complete without recognition of that process, and frankly, no visit to Hawaii should take place without, at a bare minimum, understanding what took place there. We can't say with any level of certainty what will happen for Hawaii in the future, for its land, or its attempts to reassert the rights of its people. But at the very least, we can hope that its future looks a hell of a lot better than the two-and-a-half centuries past. ## Key Takeaways - Hawaii's history includes foreign expansionism, cultural genocide, and exploitation by the United States. - European arrival brought diseases that decimated the native Hawaiian population. - The Kingdom of Hawaii was overthrown by American and European settlers in 1893. - The Great Mahele of 1848 divided Hawaiian lands, benefiting foreign settlers. - Hawaii's annexation by the U.S. in 1898 marked the end of its sovereignty. ## Frequently Asked Questions ### When did the first people arrive in Hawaii? The first people to reach Hawaii arrived by boat, probably somewhere between the year 300 CE, and the year 1000 CE. ### Who was the first European to arrive in Hawaii? The British explorer and naval officer Captain James Cook was the first European to arrive in Hawaii in 1778. ### What impact did European arrival have on the Hawaiian population? Diseases like influenza and smallpox ravaged the Hawaiian islands, causing a massive decline in the local population. Within two years of Cook’s arrival, some one-in-seventeen native Hawaiians had already died, and by the twenty-year mark, nearly half of the islands’ population had perished. ### Who unified the Hawaiian Islands under the Kingdom of Hawaii? Kamehameha, the Big Island king’s nephew, unified the Hawaiian Islands under the Kingdom of Hawaii. ### What was the Great Mahele? The Great Mahele was an act of land division that reshaped Hawaii completely. It divided the lands of the archipelago between the King and 245 prominent Hawaiians, allowing for private land ownership and the ability to buy and sell land. ### What was the Bayonet Constitution? The Bayonet Constitution was a highly restrictive agreement signed by King Kalakaua at bayonet-point. It conceded most of the Hawaiian monarchy's power to a legislature operating in the interest of the settler class and established a voting system linked to property ownership. ### Who overthrew Queen Liliuokalani? A small group of Europeans and Americans formed the Committee of Safety, which overthrew Queen Liliuokalani in 1893. The coup's leaders included Lorrin Thurston, a newspaper publisher, and Henry Cooper, an American lawyer. ### When did Hawaii become a U.S. territory? Hawaii was annexed as a U.S. territory in 1898 under the Newlands Resolution. ### What is the current major industry in Hawaii? Today, tourism is Hawaii’s major industry. ### What are some of the ongoing issues in Hawaii related to its history? Native Hawaiians have had far more trouble than continental Native Americans in gaining rights and autonomy, especially where land rights are concerned. The effects of the Great Mahele still exist, with the US government and a small handful of families controlling massive amounts of land compared to the local population. Locals and the Hawaiian government continue to plead with tourists to slow down the rates of their visits, with many native Hawaiians advocating official protections against tourist exploitation of Hawaii’s fragile landscape. ## Sources - [Original Into the Shadows video: Hawaii: Subjugation of the Paradise Kingdom](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=gm-BMxCVBRs) - [https://www.tripster.com/travelguide/top-5-reasons-to-visit-hawaii/](https://www.tripster.com/travelguide/top-5-reasons-to-visit-hawaii/) - [https://www.rmg.co.uk/collections/objects/rmgc-object-11916](https://www.rmg.co.uk/collections/objects/rmgc-object-11916) - [https://www.bl.uk/the-voyages-of-captain-james-cook/articles/encountering-history-discovery-and-resolution-revisited#:~:text=Meeting%20James%20Cook,Kaua%CA%BBi%20on%2018%20January%201778](https://www.bl.uk/the-voyages-of-captain-james-cook/articles/encountering-history-discovery-and-resolution-revisited#:~:text=Meeting%20James%20Cook,Kaua%CA%BBi%20on%2018%20January%201778) - [https://www.pewresearch.org/fact-tank/2015/04/06/native-hawaiian-population/#:~:text=By%20Swanson's%20estimates%2C%201%2Din,1840%2C%20it%20declined%2084%25](https://www.pewresearch.org/fact-tank/2015/04/06/native-hawaiian-population/#:~:text=By%20Swanson's%20estimates%2C%201%2Din,1840%2C%20it%20declined%2084%25) - [https://www.pearlharbortours.com/blog/ancient-hawaiian-history-timeline/](https://www.pearlharbortours.com/blog/ancient-hawaiian-history-timeline/) - [https://www.jstor.org/stable/10.1525/phr.2007.76.3.347](https://www.jstor.org/stable/10.1525/phr.2007.76.3.347) - [https://www.britannica.com/biography/Kaahumanu](https://www.britannica.com/biography/Kaahumanu) - [https://www.nlm.nih.gov/nativevoices/timeline/688.html](https://www.nlm.nih.gov/nativevoices/timeline/688.html) - [https://files.hawaii.gov/dcca/reb/real_ed/re_ed/ce_prelic/land_in_hawaii.pdf](https://files.hawaii.gov/dcca/reb/real_ed/re_ed/ce_prelic/land_in_hawaii.pdf) - [https://www.britannica.com/event/Reciprocity-Treaty-of-1875](https://www.britannica.com/event/Reciprocity-Treaty-of-1875) - [https://education.nationalgeographic.org/resource/bayonet-constitution](https://education.nationalgeographic.org/resource/bayonet-constitution) - [https://www.gohawaii.com/hawaiian-culture/history](https://www.gohawaii.com/hawaiian-culture/history) - [https://www.smithsonianmag.com/travel/hawaii-history-and-heritage-4164590/](https://www.smithsonianmag.com/travel/hawaii-history-and-heritage-4164590/) - [https://www.hawaiiankingdom.org/political-history.shtml](https://www.hawaiiankingdom.org/political-history.shtml) - [https://www.iolanipalace.org/history/queens-imprisonment/](https://www.iolanipalace.org/history/queens-imprisonment/) - [https://www.britannica.com/biography/Liliuokalani](https://www.britannica.com/biography/Liliuokalani) - [https://www.britannica.com/place/Hawaii-state/History](https://www.britannica.com/place/Hawaii-state/History) - [https://beatofhawaii.com/who-owns-hawaii-island-by-island/](https://beatofhawaii.com/who-owns-hawaii-island-by-island/) - [https://www.pbs.org/wnet/americanmasters/learn-the-rich-history-of-hawaii/21599/#](https://www.pbs.org/wnet/americanmasters/learn-the-rich-history-of-hawaii/21599/#) - [https://scalawagmagazine.org/2022/09/white-lotus-colonialism-hawaii/](https://scalawagmagazine.org/2022/09/white-lotus-colonialism-hawaii/) - [https://abcnews.go.com/US/hawaiian-locals-beg-tourists-stay-home-citing-covid/story?id=79617531](https://abcnews.go.com/US/hawaiian-locals-beg-tourists-stay-home-citing-covid/story?id=79617531) - [https://www.jstor.org/stable/40068535](https://www.jstor.org/stable/40068535) - [https://www.olaproperties.com/blog/lets-talk-story/the-story-of-the-mongoose-in-hawaii/](https://www.olaproperties.com/blog/lets-talk-story/the-story-of-the-mongoose-in-hawaii/) - [https://www.npr.org/2022/07/31/1114314076/hawaii-mauna-kea-telescope-space-observatory](https://www.npr.org/2022/07/31/1114314076/hawaii-mauna-kea-telescope-space-observatory) - [Hero image source](https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/9/9b/Paradise_Gardens_Apartments%2C_Sahl_Hasheesh%2C_Egypt%2C_2023.jpg) by Photographer: Mosbatho / openverse, by. ## Related Coverage Simon Whistler https://intotheshadows.pub/article/historical-immurement-people-bricked-up-buried-alive https://intotheshadows.pub/article/historical-immurement-people-bricked-up-buried-alive Sun, 28 Jun 2026 00:00:00 GMT For the claustrophobic among us, the idea of being bricked up into a cramped space with only a small hole through which food and water could be passed is truly the stuff of nightmares and horror stories. However, although immurement has certainly been used by storytellers over the years in order to make their stories more terrifying, with perhaps the earliest example of this being the ancient Greek playwright Sophocles whose heroine Antigone was bricked into a cave alongside her lover, and one of the more recent examples being an episode of *Thomas the Tank Engine* in which Percy was bricked into a tunnel after refusing to go out in the rain, as we all know, the past was the worst and not only was this something that happened to real people, it was something that happened fairly frequently throughout history. Today we will take a look at just how this horrific practice was used to punish sinners in the eyes of the Lord, as a method of spiritual reflection and as a guarantee that important structures such as churches and bridges would not immediately fall down after they were constructed. It is no secret that throughout history, various religious organisations have come up with a good many barbaric methods of execution and torture. Being crucified, stoned to death, or burnt at the stake to name just a few. Immurement differed slightly from these because, although it certainly could be used as a form of execution, this was not always the case. It was not unheard of for people to be sentenced to a certain amount of time imprisoned in this fashion and, assuming that they were not forgotten about, released at the end of the sentence. So exactly what was immurement and what kind of heinous crime would somebody have to commit in order to be sentenced to it? The first recorded cases of immurement being used as a punishment go back as far as the times of ancient Rome. During this time, female temple priestesses of the goddess Vesta (or Vestal Virgins) would take a solemn vow of chastity and would be expected to uphold this no matter what the circumstances. This not only meant that they would be punished for electing to break their vow, but they would also be held responsible for any nonconsenting sexual activity in which they may be forced to participate. The sentence for any such transgression was death. This presented somewhat of a problem as it was illegal to spill the blood of a Vestal Virgin, so it was eventually decided that, in order to prevent this, the perpetrator would be buried alive. This then immediately led to another problem as carrying out a burial was not permitted within the city of Rome. The obvious solution to this problem was to imprison the woman in question in a tiny, inescapable room with a small supply of food and water. Once the supply ran out, she would of course die of natural causes. The following is a brief account of one such event taken from a book called *A School Dictionary of Greek and Roman Antiquities*: > "When condemned by the college of pontifices, she was stripped of her vittae and other badges of office, was scourged, was attired like a corpse, placed in a close litter, and borne through the forum attended by her weeping kindred, with all the ceremonies of a real funeral, to a rising ground called the Campus Sceleratus, just within the city walls, close to the Colline gate. > > There, a small vault underground had been previously prepared, containing a couch, a lamp, and a table with a little food. The pontifex maximus, having lifted up his hands to heaven and uttered a secret prayer, opened the litter, led forth the culprit, and placing her on the steps of the ladder which gave access to the subterranean cell, delivered her over to the common executioner and his assistants, who conducted her down, drew up the ladder, and having filled the pit with earth until the surface was level with the surrounding ground, left her to perish deprived of all the tributes of respect usually paid to the spirits of the departed." Although in cases such as this, immurement was used as a method with which to execute somebody without any one person being responsible, the practice would later be voluntarily undertaken by religious figures such as priests, monks, and nuns. In these instances, rather than being left to die, the person who underwent immurement would do so for a predetermined amount of time, either as a self-imposed penance or as an opportunity to indulge in deep spiritual reflection. Although this behaviour could certainly be considered unusual, there is no reason why a consenting adult should be prevented from any religious observance that they deem to be necessary. Sadly, it was not unusual for these individuals, especially the nuns — also sometimes referred to as anchoresses — to insist on company during these periods of self-imposed torture. Unsurprisingly, given religion's propensity towards unnecessary cruelty to children, this company would usually take the form of a young girl or boy under the age of 10 years old. Although these children were sometimes orphans who were under the care of the church, it was also not uncommon for families to willingly donate children to act as symbols of purity and likewise to be a companion for whomever had chosen to undergo this process. Julian of Norwich, a lady who underwent several periods of immurement, was particularly fond of this practice. It was not uncommon for her to spend years at a time bricked up into a tiny space within her local church and, according to surviving writings on the subject, she was almost always accompanied by a small child. Another source tells the story of a nun and a small girl who had been left in the care of the church by a local family who could not afford to feed her. The duo entered into a five-year period of immurement in a tiny cell located in a church in the south of France. According to this source, the young girl appeared terrified when she arrived and, upon learning that she would be forced to remain in this tiny place for the next five years, became hysterical. It goes on to say that once the room had been sealed, the nun could be heard subjecting the child to "frequent prolonged beatings" on a daily basis. Although the nun in question would remain in the cell for the agreed-upon amount of time, the little girl was not so lucky. She passed away after less than one year of confinement. Interestingly, this way of life was so popular during the mediaeval period that several guides were written on how it should best be carried out and just what these individuals should do with their time. One such guide, *Ancrene Wisse*, suggests: "Admiring their own white hands is bad for many anchoresses who keep them too beautiful, such as those who have too little to do; they should scrape up the earth every day from the grave in which they will rot." Although this practice has its roots firmly based in religion, there are numerous accounts of it being used as both a form of torture and a particularly harsh kind of imprisonment. The most notable case of the latter is perhaps James Hepburn, 4th Earl of Bothwell, and third husband of Mary Queen of Scots. Hepburn spent the last five years of his life as a prisoner in Dragsholm Castle, near Copenhagen, chained up in a space so small that he could not stand, and completely isolated from any human contact, save for the guards who would occasionally bring him food. According to one source: > "Danish authorities more or less forgot about Hepburn, and he remained in his hole for five years. When he was finally found, he acted like a feral animal. Hepburn did not use language, but instead only grunted and paced back and forth. He died shortly after his release." It is also believed by many historians that King Richard II of England was subjected to immurement at Pontefract Castle in Pontefract, West Yorkshire; it is likely that this method of execution was chosen in order to ensure that the body would show no overt signs of foul play. Aside from murder, religious observance, torture and imprisonment, there is one more instance in which immurement has been frequently used over the centuries. As far as we were able to discover, this tradition originated in Serbia whose people claimed, during the building of the city of Skodra, "that the foundations could not be laid until the builders interred the wife of one of the three leaders of the undertaking." It is not just from Serbia that the stories come. From Greece comes the story of the building of the bridge over the river Arta, which required the sacrifice of the wife of the master builder, and from Albania it is the Fox's bridge over the river Dibra which carries a similar story. Although there are some people who claim that these stories are purely fiction, there is indisputable evidence that such practices have been carried out. During the demolition of Blackfriars Bridge in London in 1867, workmen discovered a quantity of both animal and human remains in the foundations. This discovery helped to confirm stories that, during the bridge's original construction, people had been buried alive in specially created hollow spaces. It is highly likely that the children's song "London Bridge is Falling Down" came about as a reference to this tradition. Another source tells the story of some Turkish soldiers who, when building a block house in 1865 at Ragusa, captured two Christian children for the purpose of burying them in the foundations. However, perhaps the most famous structure that we know to have been built with living victims trapped inside is the wall built in the 18th century around the city of Acre by Ahmad Pasha al-Jazzar. Nicknamed the Butcher, al-Jazzar was notorious for devising cruel and unusual punishments for anybody who displeased him. Although the construction of this wall was primarily for defence purposes, al-Jazzar also wanted it to be imbued with some features that were both "beautiful and entertaining." One of the ways that he decided to make this wall more entertaining involved capturing a large number of Greek Christians and building them into the structure. To ensure that this would remain entertaining for as long as possible, their heads were left protruding from the wall so that he could fully enjoy their constant suffering and eventual demise. Although it may be tempting to consider immurement an ancient and barbaric practice from a less civilised time, there are examples of it being used as a form of prolonged execution relatively recently. Traveller M. E. Hume-Griffith wrote in his book *Behind the Veil in Persia and Turkish Arabia* that during his travels in 1903, he had occasionally come across men who had been bricked up and left to die as punishment for various offences. In one chapter he wrote that "Another sad sight to be seen in the desert sometimes, are brick pillars in which some unfortunate victim is walled up alive… Men bricked up in this way have been heard groaning and calling for water at the end of three days." Although it is impossible for us to know just how many people have suffered involuntary immurement over the years, new instances are regularly discovered. Every time a bridge is demolished, and the skeleton of an adult is discovered in the foundations, or whenever an ancient church undergoes restoration and the skeleton of a small child is discovered walled up in part of the original structure, it serves as a stark reminder of the terror and suffering that these poor individuals were subjected to before their inevitable deaths. ## Key Takeaways - Immurement, or bricking people into small spaces, was used historically for punishment, religious reflection, and structural stability. - Ancient Rome used immurement to execute Vestal Virgins who broke their vows of chastity, avoiding bloodshed within the city. - Religious figures, including nuns and monks, voluntarily underwent immurement for penance or spiritual reflection, sometimes with child companions. - Immurement was also used as a form of torture and harsh imprisonment, such as James Hepburn's confinement in Dragsholm Castle. - Structures like bridges and walls were sometimes built with living victims immured within, as seen in historical accounts and archaeological findings. ## Frequently Asked Questions ### What is immurement? Immurement is the practice of bricking someone up into a cramped space with only a small hole through which food and water could be passed. ### Who were the first recorded cases of immurement used as a punishment? The first recorded cases of immurement being used as a punishment go back as far as the times of ancient Rome. ### What was the punishment for Vestal Virgins who broke their vow of chastity? The sentence for any transgression by Vestal Virgins was death. To avoid spilling their blood, they were buried alive or imprisoned in a tiny, inescapable room with a small supply of food and water. ### How was immurement used by religious figures? Religious figures such as priests, monks, and nuns would voluntarily undergo immurement for a predetermined amount of time as a self-imposed penance or for deep spiritual reflection. ### What was the practice of anchoresses? Anchoresses were nuns who would spend years at a time bricked up into a tiny space within their local church, often accompanied by a small child. ### What happened to James Hepburn, 4th Earl of Bothwell? James Hepburn spent the last five years of his life as a prisoner in Dragsholm Castle, chained up in a space so small that he could not stand, and completely isolated from any human contact. He died shortly after his release. ### What is the significance of the discovery during the demolition of Blackfriars Bridge? During the demolition of Blackfriars Bridge in London in 1867, workmen discovered a quantity of both animal and human remains in the foundations, confirming stories that people had been buried alive during the bridge’s original construction. ### What is the story behind the wall built around the city of Acre by Ahmad Pasha al-Jazzar? Ahmad Pasha al-Jazzar, nicknamed the butcher, captured a large number of Greek Christians and built them into the wall around the city of Acre, leaving their heads protruding so he could enjoy their suffering and eventual demise. ### Are there recent examples of immurement? Yes, there are examples of immurement being used as a form of prolonged execution relatively recently. In 1903, men were bricked up and left to die as punishment for various offences. ## Sources - [Original Into the Shadows video: Historical Immurement: People Who Were Bricked Up or Buried Alive](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=-JMBLqwn-gY) - [Hero image source](https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/f/ff/DragsholmCastleDenmark.jpg) by Niels Elgaard Larsen / openverse, by-sa. ## Related Coverage Simon Whistler https://intotheshadows.pub/article/horrors-of-historic-mental-asylums https://intotheshadows.pub/article/horrors-of-historic-mental-asylums Sun, 28 Jun 2026 00:00:00 GMT Few subjects send such a chill shooting down the spine as historic mental asylums. They are the setting for countless horror films—places where our dark, collective nightmares reside. These were institutions of unspeakable horror, where the chaos of severe mental illness met antiquated medical thinking and, at times, shocking cruelty. The earliest asylums were little more than holding cells for those deemed too dangerous or disruptive for society—locations of isolation where the mentally ill were kept out of sight and out of mind, often in deplorable conditions. The idea of treatment, in any compassionate or scientific sense, was virtually non-existent. Instead, patients were subjected to a regime of confinement, often chained and left in their own filth. As the centuries progressed, so did the evolution of mental asylums, but not always for the better. The 18th and 19th centuries saw the rise of the so-called "madhouses" or "lunatic asylums," where overcrowding, neglect, and abuse were rampant. It was also an era marked by a strange fascination with the macabre and the spectacle of madness, leading to the commercialization of asylums. Wealthy visitors could pay to tour these institutions, observing the patients as if they were attractions in a twisted carnival. Despite the grim realities within, these asylums were marketed as a friendly face of benevolence and progress. Brochures and advertisements boasted of humane treatment and cures, encouraging desperate families to entrust their loved ones to these institutions. Yet, behind closed doors, the reality was often horrendous. Treatments—if we even want to call them that—ranged from the truly bizarre to the outright cruel. Patients were subjected to ice baths, bloodletting, and the infamous "tranquilizer chair." The line between "procedure" and torture was often blurred. It was not until the late 19th and early 20th centuries that a movement towards reform began to take shape, driven by a growing awareness of the atrocities committed within these institutions. Pioneers in psychiatry and dedicated individuals pushed for change, advocating for the humane treatment of the mentally ill and the overhaul of the asylum system. Their efforts, initially met with resistance and plenty of skepticism, slowly began to turn the tide, ushering in a new era of mental health care. Yet, the legacy of the historic mental asylums remains heavy on our psyche, even though many of us have never experienced anything similar, and the days of the worst cases are long gone. Like our innate fear of falling and loud sounds, there is something buried within our collective consciousness that reminds us that we must fear the asylum. ## Early Days Generally, the further back you go, the worse things become for the mentally ill. In ancient times, mental illness was strongly associated with the supernatural. Cultures around the globe interpreted the symptoms of mental disorders as manifestations of demonic possession, divine retribution, or witchcraft. The treatments, therefore, were often rituals of exorcism, prayers, and various forms of magic aimed at expelling evil spirits or appeasing the gods. These rituals could be as benign as herbs and chants or as extreme as trepanation—the act of drilling holes into the skull to release evil spirits. As civilizations evolved, so did their understanding of mental illness, but of course, it remained worlds away from what we would consider adequate care today. The Greeks and Romans significantly contributed to the medical understanding of mental health. Hippocrates proposed that mental disorders had natural causes and were related to imbalances of the four bodily humors. Despite this progress, treatments remained rudimentary and often savage, including bloodletting and purging—which involved giving patients concoctions that would expel liquid from the body, both upwards and down. The Dark Ages saw a hellish regression in the understanding of mental illness, with a resurgence of superstition and the demonization of those afflicted. The mentally ill were often feared and ostracised, subjected to harsh treatments and exorcisms, or even persecuted as witches. The Bethlem Royal Hospital in London, colloquially known as Bedlam, is perhaps the most infamous mental institution in history. Founded in 1247 AD, it became an early psychiatric hospital in the 14th Century, making it one of the oldest institutions of its kind. Today, we use the word 'bedlam' to describe a chaotic or disorderly scene, and this is where it comes from—reflecting the appalling conditions that were once present within the hospital's grand facade. In Bedlam, patients were often shackled in chains, left in their own excrement, and subjected to public view as a form of entertainment. Treatments, based on the flawed understanding of mental illness of the time, ranged from the brutal ways of the ancients to the eccentrically grotesque forms, such as spinning chairs intended to shake the madness out of a patient. The asylum's notoriety as a place of suffering and inhumanity highlighted the dire need for reform in the care of the mentally ill, but real change was still some way off. The Renaissance brought about a renewed interest in the human body and mind, yet the treatment of mental illness remained primitive and often vicious. The mentally ill were increasingly removed from society, sometimes kept in monasteries or hospitals that were ill-equipped to provide any genuine care. It was during this period that many of the first institutions specifically for the mentally ill began to emerge, though they were about as far from the therapeutic environments we have today as you could imagine. ## The First Asylums By the 17th and 18th centuries, the landscape began to change with the establishment of the first asylums. While it was undoubtedly a step forward to have dedicated places to treat the mentally ill, the care afforded to them in these places was beyond anything that the vast majority of us will ever comprehend. This was a time when the belief that mental illness could be cured by breaking the will of the patient led to barbaric treatments, such as confinement in cages, cold water shock treatments, and the use of restraints. The founding of these early asylums was, in many cases, driven by a genuine desire to provide sanctuary to those with nowhere else to turn. The intentions behind these facilities were often rooted in compassion and a sense of moral obligation. In theory, asylums were meant to offer a place of refuge where the afflicted could be separated from the stresses of daily life and receive care. However, despite these noble intentions, the reality of life within the walls of Europe's first asylums was starkly different. Overcrowding became a common issue, with facilities quickly becoming inundated with patients, further compounded by a complete lack of understanding of mental illness and how to treat it. The belief was that such harsh treatments could jolt the mind back to health, a theory that had tragic consequences for many. As in ancient times, it was thought that all mental illnesses could be cured by inducing recurring bouts of vomiting and diarrhea and by bleeding from the veins. The skin would be blistered with acidic substances and patients would have their heads shaved and be placed in cold baths. This regime would be administered repeatedly for as long as 'the strength would bear.' Far from being places of healing, they became warehouses for the mentally ill, where people were often forgotten by society. The lack of effective treatments, combined with the dehumanizing conditions, meant that few patients ever returned to society. Instead, many spent their entire lives within asylum walls, their conditions worsening over time. Years and years were spent being tortured, often by people who genuinely thought they were doing good. ## Rising Numbers By the 19th Century, the number of diagnosed mentally ill patients was soaring, leading to a massive increase in the number of individuals committed to asylums. This surge in population, coupled with insufficient funding and resources, resulted in severe overcrowding and hellish conditions. Patients were crammed into tiny, poorly ventilated spaces, with several individuals often sharing a single bed or being left to sleep on the hard floor. The overcrowded conditions were exacerbated by a chronic staff shortage, leading to widespread neglect. Basic necessities such as food, water, and sanitary facilities were often completely inadequate, resulting in malnutrition, dehydration, and the spread of disease. That horrific image we have in our minds of mental asylums really began to take shape during this period. While the exact nature of it has long been debated, most agree that the Industrial Revolution had a shattering psychological effect on many—with their effects still felt today. Studies done in both the U.K. and the U.S. have found that people today whose ancestors lived in industrial areas during the revolution still show higher signs of neuroticism, lower conscientiousness, lower aspects of extraversion, lower life satisfaction, and lower life expectancy than people in other regions. We're a long way past being able to ask coal miners in the 19th Century about their work-life balance, but the correlation between the Industrial Revolution and the soaring number of those committed to mental asylums is stark. ## Treatment, Torture & Medical Experimentation What passed for treatment in these institutions often bordered on torture. Restraints such as straitjackets, manacles, and chains were commonly used not for therapeutic purposes but to control and subdue. Solitary confinement in dark, tiny cells was a frequent punishment for those deemed unmanageable or disobedient. So-called "therapeutic" practices included shockingly inhumane procedures such as rotational therapy, where patients were spun in chairs to induce dizziness and vomiting, and hydrotherapy, which involved the use of ice-cold baths or powerful jets of water. These treatments, based on flawed theories of mental illness, did little to alleviate suffering and often exacerbated the conditions they were meant to cure. During the 20th Century, mental institutions became hotbeds for experimental treatments. Perhaps the most infamous was lobotomy, a procedure that involves severing connections in the brain's prefrontal cortex to alter a patient's behavior. Initially hailed as a miracle cure for various mental illnesses, lobotomies often resulted in patients becoming emotionally blunted, vegetative, or worse. Despite the severe and frequently debilitating side effects, thousands of lobotomies were performed, sometimes even on unwilling patients. Electroconvulsive therapy (ECT), while still used in a much more controlled and ethical manner today, was another treatment marred by abuse in its early days. High doses of electrical current were administered without proper anesthesia or muscle relaxants, leading to broken bones, severe memory loss, and even death. The use of ECT was often punitive rather than therapeutic, serving as a means to control or discipline unruly patients rather than to treat underlying psychiatric conditions. The advent of psychopharmacology saw a new wave of experimentation within mental institutions. Patients were often used as test subjects for new drugs without their consent, exposing them to unknown risks. The discovery of drugs like chlorpromazine, while revolutionizing the treatment of schizophrenia, was preceded by trials that would definitely not meet today's ethical standards. Patients experienced severe side effects from these early psychotropic medications, ranging from debilitating physical conditions to irreversible cognitive impairments. The exposure of these unethical practices, often through investigative journalism and whistleblower accounts, led to public outcry and significant reform in the treatment of mental health patients. In the United States, the Belmont Report of 1979 established ethical principles and guidelines for protecting human subjects in research, emphasizing respect for persons, beneficence, and justice. This marked a turning point, leading to the establishment of institutional review boards (IRBs) to oversee research involving human subjects, ensuring that studies are ethically conducted and that the rights and welfare of participants are protected. ## Hell on Earth Nestled in the rolling hills of West Virginia, the imposing structure of the Trans-Allegheny Lunatic Asylum has a horrendous history. Constructed between 1858 and 1881, this colossal building was designed under the principles of Dr. Thomas Story Kirkbride, who advocated for the moral treatment of the mentally ill in a serene and structured environment. It sounds lovely—but it quickly became hellish. Originally intended to house 250 patients in spacious, well-lit rooms, the Trans-Allegheny Lunatic Asylum's population had ballooned to nearly ten times its capacity by the mid-20th Century. Patients were kept in cramped, poorly ventilated rooms, with the most violent or uncontrollable individuals often caged in basement cells with little to no light. As the 20th Century progressed, the Trans-Allegheny Lunatic Asylum became a microcosm of the larger issues plaguing mental health institutions across the country. Reports of patient abuse, unsanitary conditions, and inadequate medical care began to surface, painting a grim picture of life inside its walls. It was also the notorious site of an experimental lobotomy laboratory run by Walter Freeman, whose "ice pick" method involved slipping a thin pointed rod into the patient's eye socket and using a hammer to force it to sever the connective tissue in the brain's prefrontal cortex. Things reached a tipping point in the 1980s when investigations by health professionals and journalists brought to light the deplorable conditions within. The Danvers State Lunatic Asylum was another location that lingered long in the American psyche and followed a similar pattern to Trans-Allegheny. The sprawling, Gothic-style building, with its beautiful design and vast, landscaped grounds, was designed to house approximately 450 patients, but by the early 20th Century, the patient population had swelled far beyond its intended capacity, reportedly as high as 2,000 at certain points. The asylum's therapeutic ethos gave way to more custodial and control-oriented practices as the focus shifted from treatment to containment. Restraints, isolation, and sedation became common, and the asylum began to use more controversial treatments, such as electroconvulsive therapy and lobotomies. Danvers State Lunatic Asylum became emblematic of the horrors associated with historic mental health institutions. Tales of patient mistreatment, ghostly apparitions walking the halls, and dark, unexplained events became wound into its story. Perhaps more than any other location, the Danvers State Lunatic Asylum helped to foster deep-seated societal fears and stigmas surrounding mental illness and the institutions designed to treat it. Danvers closed in 1992, and today, very little remains of the original building, but close by, you can still visit two separate cemeteries with the graves of 770 patients who died within those walls. ## End of an Era The mid-20th Century marked a turning point in the perception and treatment of mental illness. The publication of exposes and firsthand accounts brought the conditions of asylums to the public eye, igniting widespread outrage and a call for reform. Books like Albert Deutsch's "The Shame of the States" and Ken Kesey's novel "One Flew Over the Cuckoo's Nest" raised awareness about the inhumanity going on inside. At the same time, the evolution of psychotropic medications in the 1950s, such as chlorpromazine, revolutionized the treatment of mental disorders. For the first time, there were effective pharmaceutical treatments that could manage symptoms and offer patients a level of normalcy that was previously unattainable. This pharmacological breakthrough reduced the need for long-term institutionalization and laid the groundwork for outpatient care and community-based services. One of the biggest shifts in mental health care was the deinstitutionalization movement, which gained momentum in the 1960s and 1970s. Driven by a growing consensus that long-term hospitalization was inhumane and counterproductive, this movement advocated for the closure of large state-run asylums and the integration of mental health services into the community. Legislative actions, such as the Community Mental Health Act of 1963 in the United States, aimed to establish a network of community mental health centers to provide a range of services, including inpatient care, outpatient treatment, emergency services, and rehabilitation. However, I'm afraid to say it's been a far from easy transition. In many places, the shift to community-based care was often inadequately funded and poorly executed, leaving many individuals with mental illness without the necessary support. This shortfall has contributed to a range of social issues, including homelessness and drug addiction. Walk down the streets of any major city, and it's clear that our glittering metropolises of the 21st Century are badly struggling under the weight of mental illness. The horrors of historic mental asylums serve as a sobering reminder of the consequences of misunderstanding, stigmatizing, and mistreating mental illness. We didn't get it right then, and increasingly, we're not getting it right now. ## Key Takeaways - Historic mental asylums were notorious for deplorable conditions and cruel treatments. - Early asylums often isolated and mistreated patients, with little focus on compassionate care. - The Industrial Revolution correlated with a surge in mental illness and asylum populations. - Experimental treatments in asylums often crossed into torture and unethical practices. - Reforms in the mid-20th century aimed to improve mental health care, but challenges persist. ## Frequently Asked Questions ### What were the conditions like in the earliest mental asylums? The earliest asylums were little more than holding cells for those deemed too dangerous or disruptive for society. Patients were often kept in deplorable conditions, subjected to a regime of confinement, often chained and left in their own filth. ### How were mental illnesses treated in ancient times? In ancient times, mental illness was strongly associated with the supernatural. Treatments often involved rituals of exorcism, prayers, and various forms of magic aimed at expelling evil spirits or appeasing the gods. These rituals could range from benign herbs and chants to extreme procedures like trepanation. ### What was the Bethlem Royal Hospital in London known for? The Bethlem Royal Hospital, also known as Bedlam, was infamous for its appalling conditions. Patients were often shackled in chains, left in their own excrement, and subjected to public view as a form of entertainment. Treatments ranged from brutal ancient methods to eccentric and grotesque forms. ### What were some of the treatments used in the first asylums? Treatments in the first asylums included confinement in cages, cold water shock treatments, and the use of restraints. Patients were often subjected to vomiting, diarrhea, and bleeding. The skin would be blistered with acidic substances, and patients would have their heads shaved and be placed in cold baths. ### What were the conditions like in the Trans-Allegheny Lunatic Asylum? The Trans-Allegheny Lunatic Asylum became overcrowded, with patients kept in cramped, poorly ventilated rooms. The most violent or uncontrollable individuals were often caged in basement cells with little to no light. Reports of patient abuse, unsanitary conditions, and inadequate medical care surfaced, highlighting the grim conditions within. ### What role did the Community Mental Health Act of 1963 play in mental health care? The Community Mental Health Act of 1963 aimed to establish a network of community mental health centers to provide a range of services, including inpatient care, outpatient treatment, emergency services, and rehabilitation. This was part of the deinstitutionalization movement, which advocated for the closure of large state-run asylums and the integration of mental health services into the community. ### What were some of the experimental treatments used in mental institutions during the 20th century? Experimental treatments included lobotomies, electroconvulsive therapy (ECT), and the use of new psychotropic medications. Lobotomies often resulted in severe side effects, while ECT was sometimes used punitively. Patients were often used as test subjects for new drugs without their consent, exposing them to unknown risks. ### How did the Industrial Revolution impact mental health? The Industrial Revolution had a shattering psychological effect on many people. Studies have found that descendants of those who lived in industrial areas during the revolution still show higher signs of neuroticism, lower conscientiousness, lower aspects of extraversion, lower life satisfaction, and lower life expectancy than people in other regions. ### What was the impact of the deinstitutionalization movement? The deinstitutionalization movement aimed to close large state-run asylums and integrate mental health services into the community. However, the transition was often inadequately funded and poorly executed, leaving many individuals with mental illness without the necessary support and contributing to social issues like homelessness and drug addiction. ### What was the significance of the Belmont Report of 1979? The Belmont Report of 1979 established ethical principles and guidelines for protecting human subjects in research. It emphasized respect for persons, beneficence, and justice, leading to the establishment of institutional review boards (IRBs) to oversee research involving human subjects and ensure ethical conduct. ## Sources - [Original Into the Shadows video: The Horrors of Historic Mental Asylums](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=h9bXornp-WA) - [Hero image source](https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/3/34/2012_Olympics_opening_ceremony%2C_Industrial_Revolution_scene.jpg) by Barney Moss from London, UK / openverse, by. ## Related Coverage Simon Whistler https://intotheshadows.pub/article/how-bad-is-afghanistan-since-the-us-left https://intotheshadows.pub/article/how-bad-is-afghanistan-since-the-us-left Sun, 28 Jun 2026 00:00:00 GMT ## Introduction At just before midnight, local time, on August 30, 2021, Major General Chris Donahue boarded a C-17 Globemaster aircraft and issued his final command to American troops in Afghanistan: "Flush the force." Within ten minutes, Donahue's plane and the four others on the ground at Hamid Karzai International Airport took to the skies, presumed to have been carrying somewhere between 500 and 600 American troops. As they lifted off the ground and traveled out of Afghan airspace they marked the conclusion not only to almost 20 years of continual occupation of the country by American forces, but to the weeks-long dumpster fire of an evacuation that had heralded their leaving. We've already explored the disaster that was the American withdrawal process, but today, we're going to look at what came after. With Afghanistan effectively ceded by the Western world, it took almost no time at all for the entire nation to be brought squarely under the control of the Taliban, and since then, Afghanistan and its people have been embroiled in economic and humanitarian crisis. The Taliban appears to understand acutely that the United States has washed its hands of the whole Afghanistan affair, and with few outlets for relief left among the Afghan people, the situation there may only get worse. ## The State of Affairs In order to understand what came afterward, it's important to understand both the speed of the US withdrawal from Afghanistan, and the disorganization and chaos that came with it. Originally slated for September 11, 2021, the American timeline was moved up less than two months from their new evacuation date, and withdrew suddenly from their long-held locations across the country—not least Bagram Air Base, which the US abandoned in the dead of night without informing Afghan security forces, leaving behind massive amounts of military hardware. Sensing the instability of their situation, the Afghan security forces essentially collapsed, and Afghanistan's major cities fell to the Taliban basically unopposed. The US-backed Afghan President, Ashraf Ghani, fled the country, and the United States was forced to conduct haphazard evacuation flights, on an airfield that was at times swarmed with Afghans so desperate to flee the Taliban that many were documented falling from the exterior of US aircraft—where they had attempted to cling on for dear life, with little hope of their own survival. The civil and military leaders of the US, and of much of the world, were shocked by the speed of Afghanistan's collapse, and in an effort to simply escape with as many lives intact as possible, the United States made no effort to oppose the Taliban from assuming full control of the country. So, then…who are the Taliban? With a name that translates literally to "students" in the Pashto language, the Taliban are an organization of Sunni-Islamist hardliners originating in northern Pakistan during the 1990s. The Taliban have fought for control of Afghanistan for decades, and had ruled the country from 1996 to 2001 before maintaining an insurgency, mostly in Afghanistan's rural areas, for the next twenty years. Although the actual American withdrawal from Afghanistan took place under the watch of President Joseph Biden, it was his predecessor, Donald Trump, who negotiated a peace deal with the Taliban in 2020—an agreement in which the Taliban made commitments to a series of peace talks with the internationally recognized Afghan government, but which did not include any way to enforce compliance. As probably should have been predicted, the Taliban declined to negotiate in any good faith with the Ghani administration, and when it came time for the US to depart as promised, the Taliban maintained a healthy perimeter around the Americans while swallowing up the territory they had coveted for so long. As part of the peace process, the Taliban had made commitments to more modern, Westernized principles of governance: that all girls should be allowed to be educated, that Afghanistan should be kept safe and free, and that the rights of all Afghans, including those who did not agree with the Taliban's goals, should be protected. In this realm, too, the promises the Taliban made had no mechanism of enforcement, and although we'll go through each one in depth, suffice to say for now that each promise has since been broken or ignored entirely. Instead, they've made good on the goals they've held for decades: to institute a version of peace that favors their political and cultural interests, and to implement their preferred version of Islamic law. At this time, the Taliban controls not only the Afghan capitol city of Kabul, but the entirety of Afghanistan, opposed only by relatively small rival groups like the Islamic State in Khorasan and the National Resistance Front. Of the groups trying to stand up to the Taliban, none have both the desire to restore a republic and the political or military ability to organize a meaningful resistance. The Taliban follow their so-called Supreme Leader, a cleric and Islamic scholar named Hibatullah Akhundzada who prefers to rule from the shadows. Akhundzada is about sixty years old, and is seen by many experts as the person responsible for uniting the Taliban well enough that an Afghan takeover was even possible. His son, for what it's worth, was one of the Taliban's own suicide bombers. The Taliban are notoriously secretive about the goings-on among their leadership, and much of Akhundzada's inner circle are only known by a few basic identifiers, but a few, including Acting Prime Minister Hasan Akhund and First Deputy Leader Sirajuddin Haqqani, have made more of an impact than others. Speaking more broadly, the Taliban have assumed a sort of command within Afghanistan that is both expansive on the national level, and often vague in its actual commands and expectations. With no governing constitution and an administration still filled with interim appointees, Akhundzada's government is made up entirely of men who were high-ranking Taliban prior to the takeover. Around the country, Taliban appointees oversee civil servants, most of whom have returned to work after an initial period of panic and fear around the takeover. Taliban officials implement a highly individual interpretation of their rule of law, with local bands of "security forces" at liberty to decide which acts are considered criminal and which civilians should be detained. For those unlucky enough to face the ire of the Taliban's legal system, judges in Afghanistan are now encouraged to fully impose their own interpretation of Sharia law, including amputation of limbs, flogging, and public execution. Over a hundred such shows of force took place in stadiums across Afghanistan in the space of a month, in late 2022. Despite their legal changes and a robust system of taxation and revenue collection, the government has not taken the necessary steps to set up a comparable level of governance in any other sector, and especially in rural areas, there is little to none of the sort of oversight that might prevent individual Taliban leaders from ruling as warlords. The effectiveness and the brutality of that rule are both widely variant, as the Taliban's former fighters adapt to roles that require little, if any fighting at all. ## Domestic Matters As we go through the effects of Taliban rule at home, it's only right that we begin with the issue that earned the greatest dread from international observers before and during the American withdrawal: women's rights. The Taliban have had a long history of blocking women's access to education, employment, public resources, and other basic freedoms, and although the Taliban made some early promises to protect the right of girls to get a basic education, these appear to have been little more than lip service. Within the first year of Taliban rule, women were expected to begin covering their faces using traditional garments, and although girls were still allowed to attend both primary school and university, they were barred from attending secondary school. Effectively, this would have allowed the Taliban to phase out university education for girls much more quietly, without the sort of international outcry that an outright ban might have brought on. But the specter of controversy appears not to have mattered that much at all. In December of 2022, women were banned from attending university at all. Women were also banned from working for NGOs and aid operations, an act that both removed one of the few remaining avenues for women to support themselves, and also hamstrung the ability of those NGOs to operate in Afghanistan at all. Elsewhere in the workplace, women are barred from employment within the government and most sectors of industry, and in one particularly revealing move, the country's finance ministry asked its women employees to recommend a male relative for their roles, explicitly so that they could then be sacked. As it stands now, women are not permitted to travel more than 70 kilometers without being accompanied by a close male relative, and pharmacies have been gutted of contraceptive medicine, while the quality of healthcare for expectant mothers and their newborns has continually declined. The Taliban are believed to be considering even more repressive measures against women and girls in the coming years, especially since the organizations that women have relied upon for support are beginning to close up shop by necessity. Primary education, in particular, is believed to be on the chopping block for an absolute ban. And it's not just women who've caught the brunt of the Taliban's discriminatory social policies. Members of Afghanistan's ethnic minorities have been cleared out of most government postings and only minimally involved with the Taliban's decision-making. They are also prime targets for the Taliban's police forces, and are subject to harassment and arbitrary detainment, often scapegoated as alleged members of local low-grade insurgencies in their regions. Afghanistan's LGBT population has faced targeted attacks, sexual assault, and risk of death, while internally displaced people within the country have been shot dead, held inside Afghanistan's borders, or denied the ability to apply for asylum. Cultural expression has been sharply limited, too—these days, it's illegal to play or listen to music in Afghanistan, and popular media has been subject to careful restriction and censorship to ensure that the Afghan cultural life they portray, closely lines up with what the Taliban expects for its people. Then, there's the economy. Prior to the US withdrawal from their country, 47% of Afghans already lived in poverty, but one year later, that number had jumped to 97%—so high, in fact, that many Afghan families have been forced to resort to organ donation or the sale of their children for marriage, simply in order to feed themselves. An international freeze on Afghan foreign reserves has left the Taliban utterly unequipped to respond, although it bears noting that the reason for the freeze, as well as the withdrawal of many major organizations, was due to concerns that the Taliban might simply put that money into its own pockets anyhow. Although global relief has helped to keep most Afghans from starving outright, the population has otherwise gone without any meaningful sort of help, and doctors, lawyers, policymakers, engineers, and other highly educated members of Afghan society have left the country en masse. At this point, the economy is in shambles, and it's projected to only shrink further in the coming years. And just because Afghans aren't necessarily starving, there is a lot of room between starvation and food security, with the vast majority of the population far closer to having nothing than they are to having enough. In 2022, 86% of Afghans reported that they could not afford food, and over half of the population, some 20 million people, are at crisis or emergency levels of food insecurity, according to the World Food Programme. This is the worst level of food insecurity that the world has seen in over a decade, and in the face of depleted food stocks, Afghanistan's already-low rations are expected to be cut in half for over four million people for months prior to the 2023 harvest season. At the time of writing, that harvest hasn't happened yet, but even if it happens to be particularly bountiful, it would still only be a temporary stopgap measure before next year's lean months. If the harvest is poor, the situation is likely to get even worse, and fast. Given Afghanistan's persistent droughts in recent history, it's difficult to be optimistic. Then, there's public health, which would be a catastrophe of its own even before the complicating layers of malnutrition and barriers to access. Several aid groups, like Doctors Without Borders, are continuing to do their very best to maintain emergency care services and treat the sickest patients, but with limited resources, their numbers haven't been enough to keep up with outbreaks of pneumonia, tuberculosis, measles, and malaria, all of which have taken turns ravaging the bodies of Afghans who are already low on food. Afghanistan is one of only a few nations to still have the poliovirus in circulation, and while it's nowhere near outbreak status, cases have picked up in the last year and a half. The country is also in pharmaceutical crisis, with key medications no longer available, and many public facilities lack the funding to even pay the limited number of Afghan doctors and nurses who still remain. And, of course, no discussion of any authoritarian regime's sphere of control would be complete without touching on their attitude toward the free press. In the Taliban's case, well, they certainly aren't fans. The leaders of the Taliban have been accused of violence against members of the media in Afghanistan, with deliberate media repression being more likely if a journalist is working outside Kabul, or if they are a woman. En masse, media workers in Afghanistan have reported threats and explicit directions from the Taliban on what to write or not write about, with large proportions of that intimidation being directed toward potential stories about the Taliban's own violence. As a result, many journalists within Afghanistan have been forced to self-censor their material, and those who haven't, risk being harassed or even attacked. These attacks, in particular, are highly unlikely to go unreported when they happen—after all, who's going to write about them, other than the reporter being attacked? Many media outlets have been shut down, and most of the remaining ones have been subsumed to the Taliban's will. As for popular protest, this gets shut down just as quickly; peaceful protesters have been arbitrarily detained, tortured, and disappeared en masse. Finally, it's worth circling back to focus on one group in particular: the many Afghan soldiers, interpreters, community leaders, and other dedicated personnel who assisted the United States and coalition forces during nearly twenty years of occupation. Before and during the Afghanistan withdrawal, onlookers around the world expressed extreme concern for the conditions these people might face if the Taliban took over, and many American veterans and aid workers who had worked alongside Afghan friends did their very best to ensure that those friends were on one of the flights leaving Kabul. Luckily, many did manage to escape, but far more were left behind, and their individual ordeals after the fact have been anything from difficult, to downright tragic. In the months following the Taliban takeover, hundreds of former soldiers of the Afghan security forces were killed or disappeared, especially in rural areas, despite the Taliban's public assurances that they would be given amnesty. Judges, interpreters, peace activists, and many others had found themselves in the Taliban's crosshairs prior to their full takeover, as if to ensure that those people wouldn't be a problem later, and by the accounts of people still living there, the Western coalition's former Afghan collaborators have suffered exactly the fate many feared. Others, including former interpreters, have been blacklisted by the Taliban government and barred from receiving the visas promised to Afghans who had helped the US. And there are quite a few former US allies who just haven't been heard from since the invasion, with their friends in the US and Europe forced to recognize that nobody is both willing and able to track them down in Afghanistan—even just to see if they're alive. ## On the World Stage As of the time this was written, no country has issued formal recognition to the Taliban's claim to lead Afghanistan. That includes Pakistan, Saudi Arabia, and the United Arab Emirates, which, in their day, were the only three nations to recognize the Taliban prior to 9/11. This situation appears to be to the significant frustration of Supreme Leader Akhundzada, who has continually issued written and verbal demands that the world recognize the legitimacy of his government, only to be continually rebuffed. Given the global geopolitical situation, it seems almost a small miracle, but the Taliban not getting international recognition appears to be just about the only issue the entire world's governments can agree on. But unfortunately, real life is quite a bit more complicated than just a simple question of who formally recognizes who, and the Taliban have begun to establish ties with a number of countries, even despite the aforementioned lack of an official sign-off. According to the Taliban, representatives of the Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan have been sent to 14 countries, including Iran, Turkey, Pakistan, Russia, China, and others. Iran, in particular, has fully handed over Afghanistan's embassy in Tehran to Taliban control. Pakistan, Turkey, China, and Qatar also maintain their own diplomatic missions in Afghanistan, working directly with the Taliban as the local ruling power. The Supreme Leader and his underlings have also worked to push for greater control of Afghanistan's diplomatic missions abroad, many of which are currently controlled by the government-in-exile of US-backed President Ashraf Ghani. The government-in-exile also holds Afghanistan's seat in the UN, a trophy that the Taliban have been exceedingly clear that they'd like to get their hands on. And even for countries that don't maintain diplomatic ties with the Taliban, any sort of international aid or relief effort must confront the reality that like it or not, the Taliban are in control. This has been a major reason for those relief efforts and global governments to stop sending support to Afghanistan just by sending money, a practice that has been largely replaced by sending tangible goods—and specifically, ones that can't just be marked up and sold elsewhere for the Taliban's government. But even these practices point to the broader truth: any nation in the world with even a passing interest in helping the Afghan people, must implicitly recognize the Taliban's control of their territory. They simply cannot be ignored, no matter how strongly a nation may wish to oppose them. The Taliban have also looked to gather investments and foreign backing from world nations, which has become more and more feasible now that they are beginning to be accepted as Afghanistan's leaders in some corners of the world. Companies from Russia, Iran, and Pakistan have agreed to form a consortium looking into the possibility of power and infrastructure investments, financial connections that will almost certainly play a role in dictating the Taliban's future trade agreements and even their diplomatic ties. This sort of economic partnership would also go a long way toward the Taliban's hopes of reducing their dependency on Western aid in order to keep their people alive; after all, if the Taliban doesn't need Western money, then they have no incentive to even pretend to be playing by Western rules. It's here that we get into what may be the deciding factor in the Taliban's place on the world stage: Whether or not they, like many other smaller nations across the world, are going to be subsumed into a great geopolitical game between China, Russia, and the United States. Obviously, the US has not made a particularly strong case in Afghanistan as of late, but many foreign policy experts within the United States agree that the only thing worse than the Taliban running Afghanistan, would be the Taliban running Afghanistan with the full-throated support of China. Both China and Russia clearly saw an opportunity in the US withdrawal, practically tripping over themselves to fill the gaps of economic aid, and Russia's willingness to come to an agreement with Ukraine to facilitate grain exports—even during the ongoing Russian invasion—has gone a long way in ensuring that the people of Afghanistan do not starve outright. But both nations have also had to be careful; Afghanistan has played host to attacks on their business interests, too, and if the Taliban can't begin to bring the Islamic State in Khorasan Province and other terror groups under control, China and Russia may begin to have second thoughts. On the flip side, China in particular may see an opportunity to become a guarantor of Afghan security, and it's unclear whether China would learn from the lessons of failed Soviet and American interventions in the country, or take the chance that they might succeed where both major powers had failed. Lastly, it's worth touching on the rising tensions between Afghanistan and its next-door neighbor, Pakistan. Despite the Taliban's origins as Pakistani, not Afghan Islamists, the two states now offer competing models of successful Islamic statehood, and border disputes, confrontational cultural exchanges, and intermittent clashes between Afghan and Pakistani security forces have led to a greater and greater strain on their relationship. Rather than a strategic asset for Pakistan to leverage while trying to check a rising India, Afghanistan has become more of an upstart little brother, and a parallel movement known as the Pakistani Taliban has even begun a terror campaign inside Pakistan's North Waziristan province. This rising flashpoint has presented both challenges and opportunities for the US, Russia, China, and India, but what will come of the whole mess, is unclear at this time. ## The Future of Afghanistan As Afghanistan and its people do their best to move forward into the future, it seems inevitable that at least in the short term, the Taliban will continue to exercise a firm and unyielding grip on the country. Much of Afghanistan's economy and ongoing food insecurity cannot be dealt with without foreign aid; foreign aid will not come so long as the Taliban continue to rule; and so long as the Taliban rule, Afghanistan's economic collapse and food insecurity will most likely grow worse. Under the Taliban's interpretation of Sharia law, the rights and freedoms of women, girls, ethnic minorities, and many others will continue to be repressed, and the many people who have fled Afghanistan to get out of the Taliban's crosshairs, are unlikely to ever consider returning while the Taliban rule. There is, however, some news that we can at least classify as marginally decent: specifically, that there appears to be trouble in paradise within the Taliban's top echelons of leadership. The Supreme Leader and his political allies agree that their outright and systemic repression of women, their increased isolationism, and their lack of enthusiasm in rehabilitating the Afghan economy are all part of the plan, but not every Taliban leader sees their situation the same way. Many among their number, including even some of the Supreme Leader's direct deputies, see those measures as a barrier to the Taliban's long-term success as the rulers of Afghanistan. Although it's difficult to refer to such measures as reform, per se, some of these Taliban leaders do privately advocate lifting the ban on women's education and employment, while beginning to more actively cultivate conditions in which international aid organizations might consider returning to help out again. For now, it appears that the Supreme Leader has thrown those proposals out the window, and there are no direct outward indications that this sort of factionalism in the Taliban might evolve into a full-scale struggle for leadership, or even an attempt at a coup. But reformers exist in every government, even if their ideas of reform are only a baby-step in a better direction, and it's not unlikely that one of those reformers will eventually rise to power. There's also one other element to consider: Resistance. Although the few nations that do meaningfully engage with the Taliban are unlikely to try to force any sorts of change that would be centered around, say, human rights, there is the possibility that Afghanistan may be able to fight for itself. The quick collapse of Afghan security forces prior to the US withdrawal have led many to believe that the nation's populace is flat-out unable or unwilling to muster a defense of any less-authoritarian version of Afghanistan, but the seeds of dissent do exist. The National Resistance Front, widely viewed as a toothless, tangential threat for most of its short existence, has recently begun to pick up steam, and while it doesn't have the capability to start a full-grade insurgency against the Taliban, it and groups like it may be the seeds of opposition that will lead to something greater in the future. No matter what the Taliban believes, people do not like to starve. They do not like to live in poverty, or die of diseases they know full well are preventable. Afghan security forces under the US coalition were clearly not motivated to fight for the version of Afghanistan that America laid out, but forced to choose between the prospect of total ruin, and the prospect of pushing back against the Taliban, it's not impossible that Afghans may commit to some form of popular resistance. Now, resistance could just as easily mean anarchy as it could mean order, and it could just as easily take the shape of a virulent, hateful ideology as it could a commitment to democratic values. But those who hope for the Afghan people to stand up to the Taliban, will likely be forced to roll those dice. With no help coming from the outside world, it will be up to Afghanistan, and Afghanistan alone, to decide whether Taliban rule will persist into the future. ## Key Takeaways - The Taliban swiftly took control of Afghanistan following the U.S. withdrawal, leading to severe economic and humanitarian crises. - Women's rights have been significantly curtailed under Taliban rule, with bans on education and employment. - The Taliban's governance is marked by harsh interpretations of Sharia law, including public executions and amputations. - International aid to Afghanistan is complicated by the Taliban's control, with countries sending goods instead of money. - There is internal factionalism within the Taliban, with some leaders advocating for reforms to improve the country's situation. ## Frequently Asked Questions ### When did the US complete its withdrawal from Afghanistan? The US completed its withdrawal from Afghanistan on August 30, 2021. ### What is the Taliban's stance on women's education and employment? The Taliban have banned women from attending university and working for NGOs and aid operations. They have also barred women from employment within the government and most sectors of industry. ### How has the economy in Afghanistan changed since the US withdrawal? The economy in Afghanistan has significantly deteriorated since the US withdrawal. Poverty levels have skyrocketed from 47% to 97%, and many families have resorted to extreme measures like organ donation or selling their children for marriage to survive. ### What is the current state of food security in Afghanistan? Food security in Afghanistan is dire. In 2022, 86% of Afghans reported that they could not afford food, and over half of the population is at crisis or emergency levels of food insecurity. ### How has the Taliban's rule affected public health in Afghanistan? Public health in Afghanistan has deteriorated significantly under Taliban rule. There have been outbreaks of pneumonia, tuberculosis, measles, and malaria, and the country is facing a pharmaceutical crisis with key medications no longer available. ### What is the Taliban's approach to the free press and media? The Taliban have been accused of violence against members of the media and have engaged in deliberate media repression. Many journalists have been forced to self-censor, and numerous media outlets have been shut down or subsumed to the Taliban's will. ### How have former Afghan collaborators with the US been treated under Taliban rule? Many former Afghan soldiers, interpreters, and community leaders who assisted the US have been killed, disappeared, or blacklisted by the Taliban. Some have been barred from receiving visas promised to Afghans who helped the US. ### What is the international recognition status of the Taliban's government? As of the time of writing, no country has issued formal recognition to the Taliban's claim to lead Afghanistan. However, the Taliban have established ties with several countries, including Iran, Turkey, Pakistan, Russia, and China. ### What are the internal power struggles within the Taliban leadership? There are indications of factionalism within the Taliban leadership. Some leaders advocate for lifting the ban on women's education and employment and for cultivating conditions that might allow international aid organizations to return, but these proposals have not been implemented. ### What is the potential for resistance against the Taliban in Afghanistan? There is potential for resistance against the Taliban, with groups like the National Resistance Front gaining some momentum. 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[https://www.mei.edu/publications/pakistan-afghan-taliban-relations-face-mounting-challenges](https://www.mei.edu/publications/pakistan-afghan-taliban-relations-face-mounting-challenges) - [https://www.rferl.org/a/afghanistan-kabul-music-ban-taliban-harmonium-wedding/32178596.html](https://www.rferl.org/a/afghanistan-kabul-music-ban-taliban-harmonium-wedding/32178596.html) - [https://www.cnn.com/2022/11/15/asia/taliban-afghanistan-sharia-law-intl-hnk/index.html](https://www.cnn.com/2022/11/15/asia/taliban-afghanistan-sharia-law-intl-hnk/index.html) - [https://www.cnn.com/2021/11/22/asia/taliban-women-banned-tv-drama-afghanistan-intl/index.html](https://www.cnn.com/2021/11/22/asia/taliban-women-banned-tv-drama-afghanistan-intl/index.html) - [https://www.orfonline.org/expert-speak/resistance-to-the-taliban/](https://www.orfonline.org/expert-speak/resistance-to-the-taliban/) - [https://blogs.lse.ac.uk/southasia/2022/12/26/taliban-and-the-future-of-the-state-in-afghanistan/](https://blogs.lse.ac.uk/southasia/2022/12/26/taliban-and-the-future-of-the-state-in-afghanistan/) - [https://foreignpolicy.com/2022/03/31/the-geopolitics-of-the-talibans-opium-economy/](https://foreignpolicy.com/2022/03/31/the-geopolitics-of-the-talibans-opium-economy/) - [https://www.cfr.org/backgrounder/taliban-afghanistan](https://www.cfr.org/backgrounder/taliban-afghanistan) - [https://www.amnesty.org/en/location/asia-and-the-pacific/south-asia/afghanistan/report-afghanistan/](https://www.amnesty.org/en/location/asia-and-the-pacific/south-asia/afghanistan/report-afghanistan/) - [https://www.nytimes.com/2022/08/12/us/politics/us-withdrawal-afghanistan.html](https://www.nytimes.com/2022/08/12/us/politics/us-withdrawal-afghanistan.html) - [https://www.axios.com/2022/08/15/afghanistan-taliban-us-withdrawal-anniversary](https://www.axios.com/2022/08/15/afghanistan-taliban-us-withdrawal-anniversary) - [https://www.pbs.org/newshour/world/how-the-taliban-has-changed-afghanistan-a-year-after-taking-power](https://www.pbs.org/newshour/world/how-the-taliban-has-changed-afghanistan-a-year-after-taking-power) - [https://www.voanews.com/a/afghans-show-mixed-feelings-about-us-more-than-a-year-after-withdrawal/6857734.html](https://www.voanews.com/a/afghans-show-mixed-feelings-about-us-more-than-a-year-after-withdrawal/6857734.html) - [https://www.theguardian.com/world/2023/mar/08/afghanistan-withdrawal-hearings-house-committee](https://www.theguardian.com/world/2023/mar/08/afghanistan-withdrawal-hearings-house-committee) - [https://sgp.fas.org/crs/row/R45122.pdf](https://sgp.fas.org/crs/row/R45122.pdf) - [https://www.nbcnews.com/news/world/us-weapons-afghanistan-taliban-kashmir-rcna67134](https://www.nbcnews.com/news/world/us-weapons-afghanistan-taliban-kashmir-rcna67134) - [https://www.vfw.org/media-and-events/latest-releases/archives/2022/8/leaving-afghanistan-one-year-later](https://www.vfw.org/media-and-events/latest-releases/archives/2022/8/leaving-afghanistan-one-year-later) - [https://www.carnegie.org/our-work/article/afghanistan-after-us-withdrawal-five-conclusions/](https://www.carnegie.org/our-work/article/afghanistan-after-us-withdrawal-five-conclusions/) - [https://www.cfr.org/global-conflict-tracker/conflict/war-afghanistan](https://www.cfr.org/global-conflict-tracker/conflict/war-afghanistan) - [https://www.brookings.edu/podcast-episode/whats-happening-in-afghanistan-one-year-after-the-u-s-withdrawal/](https://www.brookings.edu/podcast-episode/whats-happening-in-afghanistan-one-year-after-the-u-s-withdrawal/) - [Hero image source](https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/9/9d/Flickr_-_DVIDSHUB_-_Vice_President_Biden_visits_Task_Force_Patriot%2C_pins_Bronze_Star_Medal_recipient_%28Image_5_of_7%29.jpg) by DVIDSHUB / openverse, by. ## Related Coverage Simon Whistler https://intotheshadows.pub/article/how-crime-works-money-laundering https://intotheshadows.pub/article/how-crime-works-money-laundering Sun, 28 Jun 2026 00:00:00 GMT Imagine, for a minute, that you are *Breaking Bad*'s Walter White. You've been producing copious amounts of meth for quite some time now, and you're raking in fat stacks of cash. But there's a problem: What do you do with all that money? You can't stash it in the bank without explaining where it came from. You can't buy property, cars, or anything of substantial value without attracting unwanted attention. And without legitimate proof of income, your hard-earned piles of dirty cash are at permanent risk of being seized. So, you decide to launder it. But how? How do you make dirty money look clean? Well, in the case of Walter White, he invests in a car wash, a seemingly legitimate enterprise designed to launder drug money by disguising it as legal profit. This fairly well-known concept is called a front company, something we'll explore in much more depth later. And thanks to shows like *Breaking Bad*, this method is probably the most famous way of laundering money, but it is by no means the only way. ## What is money laundering? At its core, money laundering is the process of making illegally obtained funds appear legal. But this crime comes in all shapes and sizes and encompasses an enormous variety of schemes and techniques. Additionally, as technology and anti-money laundering regulations advance, so do the methods used by money launderers. One thing that is widely agreed upon, however, is the basic model that the majority of large money laundering operations follow. At least in part. This model is divided into three main stages: The first is called **placement**, which is the stage where dirty money is first introduced into the legitimate financial system. **Layering** is the second stage, whereupon a series of complex transactions are made in an effort to obscure the source of the funds. And **integration** is the final stage where the laundered money is reintroduced into the economy, having been cleaned. ## Starting Small To illustrate some of the most common ways in which criminals might launder money, let's create our own. Meet Craig. Craig lives somewhere in the US and works as a bartender to support himself, but as is the case for many, this isn't always enough. Strapped for cash one night, Craig sells $50 worth of the devil's lettuce to his roommate. Later that week, Craig spends that $50. Technically, and on a very small scale, Craig has now successfully laundered $50, both placing and integrating his dirty cash in one foul swoop. In all likelihood, he could probably do the same with $100, maybe even $500. But let's fast-forward a few weeks. Spotting a money making opportunity, Craig starts selling his little green baggies for a profit, quickly earning himself $1,000 in cash. This is where things might start to get a bit more complicated, so let's begin with the basics: Why can't Craig just put his $1000 in the bank? Well, in almost all countries, banks are required by law to report any "suspicious transactions." But exactly what counts as a suspicious transaction varies from bank to bank and country to country. Precise figures are also purposely difficult to ascertain, as banks don't want you to know them. However, after speaking with several experts in the field, the general consensus seems to be that in the US, any transaction exceeding $5,000 would likely raise alarm bells, but only if the source of the income wasn't immediately obvious. For countries in the European Union, the official limit is set at €15,000, but almost all countries and banks will exercise their own significantly lower limits in accordance with their own anti-money laundering policies. Similarly, if Craig was feeling extra bold, he might start taking bank transfers or accepting payments through services like CashApp or PayPal. As long as the amounts were small enough, these services probably wouldn't pay much attention. But, like banks, every money transfer service has its own limits on how much and how often you can transfer money before someone starts asking questions. Specially designed algorithms also aid in spotting patterns associated with money laundering as well as key word recognition. While specific trigger words aren't known for sure, referencing a transfer with something like "nuclear missiles saving pot" or "cash for crack" probably isn't the best idea. ## Structuring and Smurfing So, how does Craig get his money in the bank? One very common method for achieving this is called **structuring**. This is the term given to the process of splitting large sums of money into smaller amounts that fall below whichever reporting threshold the money launderer is beholden to. In Craig's case, this could be as simple as splitting his $1000 into two sets of $500 to deposit into two different accounts or into even smaller amounts to deposit into the same account over a prolonged period of time. This may work initially, but there is no guarantee for Craig that these repeated cash deposits won't eventually get flagged up. Even if he's using multiple different banks, financial institutions have the ability to share information, in large part to comply with anti-money laundering regulations and to stop the Craigs of the world from doing just this. So, instead, Craig employs a method known as **'smurfing'**. This is similar to structuring, with the key difference being that multiple people's accounts are used to move money as opposed to just one. Also strapped for cash, Craig's roommates both agree to take $500 each in cash, which they will then deposit into their accounts minus a fee for the deed. Say $50 each. They then transfer their respective remaining $450 back to Craig, who's now successfully laundered $900. The dirty money that was placed when Craig's roommates deposited it into their accounts is then integrated when it's returned to Craig. As these transactions are still relatively small, the money sent to Craig could realistically be for things like rent, bills, or even a random financial gift. Up until this point, Craig's schemes have consisted of placement followed more or less immediately by integration. But as his profits increase, so does his risk of detection. Should authorities start poking around, it would be relatively easy for them to trace the dirty money back to Craig within just a few simple steps. So he's going to want to make things a bit more complex. This is where the idea of **layering** comes in, the purpose of which is to confuse and convolute the financial trail, making it as hard as possible for authorities to trace the money back to its source. ## Gambling A popular, but still relatively small scale means of doing this is through gambling. High Street betting shops like William Hill or Betfred are attractive options for money launderers as they allow them to place bets with small amounts of dirty cash that can then be exchanged for clean winnings—along with a receipt to prove it. Craig will likely choose fixed-odd betting games, which means he knows the odds of winning prior to playing, so he can keep losses to a minimum. He can also take advantage of an array of similar online betting games, walking away with a digital receipt in the process. Once again, as long as he keeps his amounts low, it is unlikely that these institutions will have any cause for concern. But what if they aren't small amounts? Say Craig discovers that he's actually really good at dealing drugs. It's a few months down the line, and now he's sitting on $5,000 in cash that needs to be cleaned. Being in the US, he may choose to visit a casino, as they can usually facilitate higher cash transactions without the need for reporting. Casinos are only obligated to report customers' transactions if they exceed $10,000 per day or if they have any other reason to be suspicious. This means that, in theory, Craig could visit a casino every single day, placing bets of up to $9,999 to then cash out as clean winnings. Though, in reality, this might look a bit suspicious. So he's likely to use a combination of structuring and smurfing to split his money up and distribute it amongst both himself and his friends to gamble through multiple different casinos. Again, walking away with all the necessary receipts to give his money that much needed layer of legitimacy. In addition to this, if authorities did want to trace this money, they'd now have to look through multiple transactions by different individuals and institutions. Which is annoying for them. ## Cryptocurrency To add further layers of legitimacy to his money and make it even more annoying for authorities to trace, Craig might add cryptocurrency to the mix. This topic is no doubt deserving of an entire video in itself. But in simple terms, Craig begins by using his illicit money to buy cryptocurrencies like Bitcoin, Ethereum, or Dogecoin—to name just a few. This is appealing due to the decentralised nature of cryptocurrencies, which means that no single entity, like a bank or government, controls them. Instead, they work on blockchain technology, where transactions are recorded on databases that function across a network of computers. Although these databases are publicly available, they are also pseudonymous, meaning users do not work with their real names. Rather, they use wallet addresses, which are just chains of numbers and letters that are very difficult to trace back to the actual user. So, Craig is essentially free to invest, sell, and trade these currencies over and over again, creating a lengthy chain of transactions that puts distance between him and that initial deposit. He then cashes them all out as legitimate crypto earnings from one of his wallet addresses. For extra peace of mind, though, Craig could again employ smurfing, enlisting his friends to conduct transactions on his behalf. Or he could deliberately move his cryptocurrency through different jurisdictions, which would make tracing the transactions even harder as authorities would have to contend with multiple different countries' privacy laws and financial regulations. In the last few years, though, various services have popped up that go one further, offering total and complete anonymity for people like Craig. Platforms like Tornado Cash allow users to deposit multiple types of cryptocurrencies into one large, shared pool. Once the deposit has been made and everything's mixed together, users can then withdraw funds from the pool back to their personal wallets, having totally removed themselves from the initial deposit. Recently, realizing how easy it is to launder money through these services, authorities have begun to crack down on them. However, much like money laundering itself, there are always new services and loopholes to be found and exploited. ## Front Companies Let's journey forward even further, though. It's a few years later, and Craig has become quite the drug-dealing prodigy. Having moved into more lucrative substances, he's now making more money than he can reasonably launder through the aforementioned means. The cash volume is simply too great to complete these processes in a timely manner, and so he must find a new strategy that accommodates his ever-growing endeavours. It's at this point that he decides to start a **front company**. As mentioned, this is a business that is used primarily as a cover for illegitimate earnings. For obvious reasons, cash-rich businesses tend to work best with companies like car washes, casinos, and laundromats, proving particularly popular. But as a bartender, it makes sense for Craig to choose a bar. The problem is Craig can't afford to buy a whole bar with drug money alone. Neither would he want to, as this would raise questions as to how he could afford to do this on bartender wages. So, Craig gets some of his more affluent friends to invest some clean money in the business. Meanwhile, he draws up a really great business plan, which includes healthy profit projections. He presents this to a bank, which lends him $20,000 as a small business loan, which he can use in conjunction with his friend's money to buy the bar. So far, everything is above board, but prior to opening, the bar's going to need equipment, and supplies, and products—all normal bar things—which Craig is going to purchase with a mixture of clean and dirty money. Suppose he buys some furniture for $5,000. He pays $4,000 in clean money and $1,000 in dirty money, but records the purchase as only having cost $4,000—the amount of clean money that's left the bar's account. This is a process he can repeat with any number of items, either making genuine use of them or reselling them at a later date to make a profit. In terms of day-to-day operations, the majority of dirty money will be accounted for through inflated sales and those all important fake receipts. For instance, on opening night, the bar legitimately earns $1,000 in profit. However, Craig adds another $1,000 in dirty cash to the register, showing a total profit of $2,000. To justify this additional income, he creates fake bar tabs marked as paid in cash and whips up the fake receipts to match. If everything lines up, he's then free to deposit all of this money back into the bar's business account, where it can be used for all manner of purposes. Some of these will be legitimate: Craig pays his staff and himself, he orders stock, and he generally maintains the bar. But it will also be continually mixed with dirty money. As his business seems to boom, Craig is also able to pay back that bank loan with interest, which makes the bank very happy. They even give Craig a glowing report, as he appears to be such a diligent businessman, which makes it easy for them to say yes when he approaches them for an even bigger loan. With this loan, he then expands the business, maybe even turning it into a chain. He can also start legitimately investing in other companies and business ventures, putting yet more distance between the initial dirty deposit and what Craig eventually makes back. ## Shell Companies But let's skip forward even further. Thanks to his various enterprises, both legal and not, Craig is now a very wealthy businessman. He's invested in lots of different companies, one of which happens to be a consulting firm based in Panama. Craig also happens to be the owner of this firm, but you might not know that at first glance. This is because the company has been set up by a group of directors and shareholders acting on Craig's behalf. Due to strict privacy laws concerning company ownership, Craig's name doesn't technically need to appear on any official documentation. This is entirely legal in several jurisdictions, many of which actually offer services specifically to facilitate these kinds of arrangements. Aside from murky ownership, however, the key difference between this company and the bars is the active business operations, or lack thereof. This alleged consulting firm is what's known as a **shell company**. This is a type of company that exists primarily on paper. It doesn't occupy a physical space. It doesn't employ a proper workforce, and most importantly, it doesn't actually provide any consulting services. A service like consultancy, which can be conducted in person but paid for via online transactions, is a popular option for money launderers because it's almost impossible to prove that these services were never actually provided. For example, the consulting company might send a $100,000 invoice to one of Craig's bars for some consulting work they say they did. The bar records this expense on their end and then transfers the money—already partially mixed with clean funds—to the company in Panama. They then record this as legitimate profit, which can be funnelled back to Craig both as the owner of the company and through the initial investment his bar business made in it. Again, all with the goal of adding as many layers of separation and legitimacy to the dirty money as possible before it's spat back out at Craig. But it doesn't end there. Of the $100,000 the consulting firm received, $25,000 was loaned to a different, completely legitimate company based in Switzerland. Lending money between companies is a common and legal practice for various valid reasons, so no alarms are raised. Another $25,000 is paid as a bonus to one of the company directors, who then transfers it to a trust fund in the Cayman Islands. Although Craig is the ultimate owner of this trust fund, he again employs other people to manage it on his behalf in order to maintain anonymity. This kind of arrangement is again, entirely legal through the use of lawyers, accountants, and financial services. A further $25,000 is used to purchase property in Mauritius in the company's name, which can be sold or rented out to generate legitimate profit. And finally, the remaining $25,000 is sent to another shell company in the Cayman Islands that Craig also happens to own. ## The Trail So, at this point, if authorities did get wind of Craig's illegal activities, in order to conclusively prove he was laundering money, they would first have to gain access to his numerous bank accounts. Suppose they discover that in the past month, Craig has received 20 different payments from 20 different sources, each of which they now have to trace. But let's focus on just one for now. Authorities see that a business account based in the Cayman Islands has sent Craig $100,000 as a loan repayment. So, they now have to determine where this money originated, which means launching an international investigation in which they are reliant on local authorities' cooperation and are at the will of varying stringent privacy laws. Assuming they manage this, their next job is combing through the hundreds of transactions made by this company in the Cayman Islands. That's hundreds more lines of investigation. But say they pick one payment of $500,000 from the consulting firm in Panama, they now have to negotiate Panamanian privacy laws to gain access to the hundreds of transactions made by that company. They see an invoice that was paid from one of Craig's bars, so they look into those accounts, where hundreds of other payments have been made by both real and fake customers, as well as Craig's other shell companies. And so the cycle continues as the investigation grows exponentially—all in effort to at least delay, if not entirely prevent, the money from being traced back to its origins. Believe it or not, this is a relatively simplified version of possible events. In reality, high level criminals can own or be associated with hundreds of different shell companies across the globe, all of which are working together to create and extend this ridiculously complicated web of transactions. ## Highest Level But let's make one final stop in Craig's adventure. It's been a few more years, and he now sits at the head of one of the world's most notorious drug cartels. Think Pablo Escobar levels. He has an enormous criminal network that functions internationally, and he's turning over billions of dollars worth of profit. He's also very much a wanted man. This is the point at which, in order to carry on with his illegal activities relatively undisturbed, Craig's going to need certain institutions and bodies to be complicit in his operations. Being a major drug kingpin, he's wealthy enough to pay off whomever he wants now, so this is doable. Banks are a popular target as they can exercise **wilful blindness**, ignoring suspicious transactions and obvious red flags in order to keep their high-value clients happy. In practice, this might involve Craig's accomplices depositing huge amounts of money into one specific bank branch, who then purposely don't perform the correct checks because they want this money in their branch. Banks can also actively facilitate money laundering by helping clients structure transactions to avoid detection and by offering guidance on how to circumvent anti-money laundering regulations. This, they can do by assisting clients in setting up shell companies and offshore accounts, knowing full well that the funds they are working with are not legitimate. But if this money accounts for enough of the bank's big business or some lucrative backroom deal has been struck—they probably won't mind. Rather distastefully, Craig can also make use of politicians or entire governments that are vulnerable to corruption. This could involve bribery or campaign donations in return for overlooking Craig's financial crimes or even making policy changes with the express purpose of protecting known money laundering operations taking place in their jurisdiction. Governments can also award contracts to Craig's companies at inflated prices as means of layering his money for him, or they can set up fake projects and fundraisers through which Craig's illicit money can be moved. ## Getting Caught Unfortunately for Craig though, even the most sophisticated money laundering schemes can eventually be exposed. At the level these kinds of criminals operate, their crimes usually extend far beyond money laundering, encompassing a wide array of illegal endeavours. As a result, authorities will often spend years investigating individuals like Craig for their more severe crimes, either prior to or in conjunction with money laundering. But, if we're focusing solely on Craig's financial crimes, then there are several ways in which his money laundering operation could be brought down. For example, if he's been laundering money through banks, he could be exposed during routine or special audits. While it's possible to bypass checks, regulations, and thresholds with the cooperation of individual branches or even whole banks, these institutions are ultimately accountable to higher authorities. This means there will always be opportunities for oversight that can trigger investigations into the banks and, by extension, their clientele. As part of their money laundering investigation, undercover agents may infiltrate Craig's networks by posing as fellow financial criminals. Agents will often spend years living and working under an alias, slowly gaining criminals' trust and even becoming key players in their money laundering operations in an effort to gather indisputable evidence. Craig's downfall may even come from within. Every one of his hundreds, or possibly thousands, of employees is also at risk of getting caught. If this happens, then there's every chance that they could turn on him in return for reduced sentences and some much needed protection. Whichever way Craig is caught, whether through one or a combination of the above methods, he will most likely never see the light of day again. Being the head of an international drug cartel usually comes with a pretty hefty life sentence, making the extra 14 or so years for money laundering seem somewhat insignificant. And while it may seem like money laundering is a relatively victimless crime, this is far from the truth. In actuality, this process facilitates some of the world's most egregious criminal acts. We're talking human trafficking, terrorist funding, arms dealing, and pretty much any other crime you can think of that involves making or exchanging money. There are also knock-on financial implications that stretch far beyond the money laundering process. The clandestine nature of the practice makes it difficult to determine the full scope of these, but UN estimates suggest that approximately **$1.6 trillion is lost annually** to money laundering operations worldwide. This not only represents a significant drain on global resources but also paves the way for corruption at the highest levels. So, in answer to the question, how do you make dirty money look clean?—It's complicated. And it encapsulates an infinite spectrum, from $50 dodgy cash to billions of dollars travelling through an unfathomably complex network of deception. From smurfing to gambling to cryptocurrency, every time one scheme is uncovered, a multitude of others rush in to fill its place in this perpetual game of criminal whack-a-mole. And as for Craig, it's safe to say he probably should have stopped after that $50. ## Key Takeaways - Money laundering transforms illicit funds into seemingly legitimate money through complex processes. - The three main stages of money laundering are placement, layering, and integration. - Small-scale money laundering can involve simple transactions like buying and selling drugs. - Structuring and smurfing are methods used to deposit large sums of money without triggering bank alerts. - Front companies and shell companies are used to disguise illegal earnings as legitimate business profits. ## Frequently Asked Questions ### What is money laundering? Money laundering is the process of making illegally obtained funds appear legal. It involves three main stages: placement, layering, and integration. ### What is the placement stage in money laundering? The placement stage is where dirty money is first introduced into the legitimate financial system. ### What is the layering stage in money laundering? The layering stage involves a series of complex transactions made to obscure the source of the funds. ### What is the integration stage in money laundering? The integration stage is where the laundered money is reintroduced into the economy, having been cleaned. ### What is structuring in money laundering? Structuring is the process of splitting large sums of money into smaller amounts that fall below reporting thresholds to avoid detection. ### What is smurfing in money laundering? Smurfing is similar to structuring, but it involves using multiple people's accounts to move money, making it harder to trace. ### How can gambling be used in money laundering? Gambling can be used to place bets with small amounts of dirty cash that can then be exchanged for clean winnings, along with a receipt to prove it. ### What role do cryptocurrencies play in money laundering? Cryptocurrencies can be used to buy, sell, and trade, creating a lengthy chain of transactions that puts distance between the initial deposit and the launderer. ### What is a front company in money laundering? A front company is a business used primarily as a cover for illegitimate earnings, often used to disguise dirty money as legal profit. ### What is a shell company in money laundering? A shell company is a type of company that exists primarily on paper, often used to facilitate money laundering by creating layers of separation and legitimacy. ## Sources - [Original Into the Shadows video: How To Do Crime: Money Laundering](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=8YOLuCRxKXY) - [Hero image source](https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/5/5e/Meeting_of_European_Law_Directors_during_the_Belgian_Presidency_of_the_Council_of_the_European_Union_2024_%28EU2024BE%29_on_19_June_2024_-_3.jpg) by belgium24.eu / openverse, by. ## Related Coverage Simon Whistler https://intotheshadows.pub/article/how-to-spot-a-psychopath https://intotheshadows.pub/article/how-to-spot-a-psychopath Sun, 28 Jun 2026 00:00:00 GMT A psychopath doesn't look like a monster. They don't lurk in dark alleys or stand out in a crowd. They blend in. They charm. They convince you they're just like everyone else—until it's too late. They don't feel guilt. They don't feel fear. And when they hurt someone, they don't lose sleep over it. Some manipulate their way through life unnoticed. Others, the more dangerous ones, take things much further. But there are signs—subtle cracks in the mask. And once you know what to look for, spotting a psychopath becomes much easier. You've probably met one before. You just didn't realise it. Psychopaths don't announce themselves. They don't wear a label or fit a stereotype. They aren't the cackling villains of movies, twirling their moustaches while plotting evil deeds. No, the real ones blend in. They smile. They are charming. They build relationships. But if you know what to look for, the cracks start to show. ## 1. Superficial Charm & Manipulation – The First Red Flag If you want to spot a psychopath, don't look for someone who seems creepy or dangerous—look for someone who seems *too perfect*. Psychopaths don't just walk into a room; they own it. They are magnetic and confident and know exactly how to make you trust them. They study people, learning how to mirror emotions and say all the right things. But behind that charm is cold, calculated manipulation. Take Ted Bundy, one of history's most infamous serial killers. He wasn't a lurking, shadowy figure—he was a handsome, well-spoken law student. Women felt safe around him, often falling for his charismatic personality. He used this to his advantage, faking injuries and asking for help, luring victims into his car. Even after his arrest, many refused to believe he was guilty. His charm blinded people to the horror underneath. But not all charming psychopaths are killers. Some operate in business and politics, where charm is their greatest weapon. A 2016 study found that an astonishing 1 in 5 CEOs exhibited some kind of psychopathic tendencies. Bernie Madoff, the man behind the biggest Ponzi scheme in history, convinced investors to hand over billions. How? By making them feel special as if they were part of an exclusive opportunity. His ability to inspire trust allowed him to manipulate people for decades. In everyday life, psychopaths use charm to get what they want. Imagine meeting someone who instantly makes you feel important, remembering every detail you share. They flatter you, make you laugh, and seem deeply interested in your life. But over time, you notice something: they never truly open up about themselves. Their stories shift, their emotions seem calculated, and their kindness always comes with a hidden cost. A psychopathic boss might shower you with praise, only to later exploit your loyalty, demanding long hours without reward. A romantic partner might fast-track intimacy, making you feel like you've met your soulmate—only to reveal their manipulative nature once they have control. The key to spotting this red flag is to watch for **inconsistencies**. True charm is natural and unforced, but the psychopathic charm is strategic. They use flattery, fake vulnerability, and mirroring to win your trust quickly. And once they have it, they'll start taking—your time, your money, your energy. ## 2. Lack of Empathy & Remorse – The Coldest Trait Most people feel guilt when they hurt someone. It's part of what makes us human—the ability to regret, feel shame, and want to make things right. Psychopaths don't. They can destroy lives without a second thought. They might pretend to be sorry if caught, but it's just another performance. Deep down, they feel nothing. Take Edmund Kemper, the Co-ed Killer. He murdered multiple women, as well as his own mother, yet spoke about his crimes with disturbing detachment. In interviews, he casually described dismembering bodies as if he were talking about fixing a car. At times, he even laughed. This isn't just cruelty—it's a complete absence of emotional connection to human suffering. But not all psychopaths are violent criminals. Many exist in everyday life, blending into workplaces, relationships, and social circles. Consider a ruthless CEO who fires employees without hesitation—not because the company is struggling, but because it's convenient. Or a serial cheater who repeatedly lies to their partner without guilt, watching their pain with indifference. These people aren't just selfish—they lack the ability to care about how their actions affect others. One of the most chilling modern examples is Chris Watts, the Colorado man who murdered his pregnant wife and two daughters in 2018. Before confessing, he went on TV pretending to be a grieving husband, pleading for their return. But something was off. His words were right, but his body language was cold, his emotions rehearsed. Later, when confronted with evidence, he admitted to the murders. His motive was simply to start a new life with another woman: no rage, no passion—just cold, selfish calculation. Psychopaths don't process emotions the way normal people do. They understand what emotions *look like*, but they don't *feel* them. If you hurt them, they don't feel true sadness—only anger at losing control. If they hurt you, they don't feel guilt—only frustration that they got caught. In daily life, watch for people who never seem truly sorry, who fake remorse when needed but show no real change. If someone lies, cheats, manipulates, and never appears to care about the consequences, they may not just be heartless—they may be a psychopath. ## 3. Pathological Lying – Deception Without Conscience Everyone lies from time to time. But psychopaths take lying to an entirely different level. They don't just lie to cover up mistakes—they lie for fun, power, and control. They lie even when the truth would serve them better. And they do it effortlessly, without hesitation and remorse. For a psychopath, lying is a tool—a way to manipulate reality and shape how others see them. If caught, they don't panic. Instead, they double down, shift the blame, or weave an even more elaborate lie. They aren't just good at deception; they *thrive* on it. Take Frank Abagnale Jr., the con artist behind *Catch Me If You Can*. He posed as a pilot, a doctor, and a lawyer—all without formal training. His charm and confidence made people believe whatever he told them. While his case is more of a harmless example, it highlights how psychopaths can manipulate reality itself. They don't just lie—they create entire false identities to get what they want. A darker case is Charles Sobhraj, also known as The Serpent. In the 1970s, he travelled across Asia, conning and killing tourists. His ability to deceive was legendary. He could talk his way out of almost anything, charming his victims into trusting him completely—right before he poisoned them. Even after his arrest, he continued to manipulate law enforcement, escaping prison multiple times using bribery, persuasion, and strategic deception. But pathological lying isn't limited to criminals. It exists in everyday life. Imagine a friend who constantly changes their backstory—one day, they grew up poor; the next, they were from a wealthy family. When confronted about contradictions, they laugh it off, saying, "You must have misunderstood." They exaggerate their successes, twist facts to fit their narrative, and gaslight you into doubting your own memory when backed into a corner. Or picture a romantic partner who lies about everything—where they were, who they were with, what they're doing. Even when caught, they remain calm and unapologetic, shifting the blame to you. Instead of admitting fault, they insist, "You're paranoid. You're overreacting." Psychopaths are masters of deception. They manipulate reality, rewrite history, and make you question your own sanity. If someone lies constantly, changes their story without blinking, and remains eerily calm when caught, you may not just be dealing with a compulsive liar—it may be something darker. ## 4. Grandiose Sense of Self-Worth – The Psychopath's God Complex Psychopaths don't just think they're important—they believe they are *superior*. They see themselves as untouchable, above the rules, and destined for greatness. To them, other people exist to admire them, serve them, or get out of their way. Failure? That's never their fault. Consequences? Those are for weaker people. This grandiosity isn't just arrogance—it's *delusional* self-belief. Psychopaths genuinely think they are more intelligent, stronger, or more capable than everyone else. Even when they fail, they refuse to take responsibility, blaming others or rewriting the story to make themselves the hero. Take Jordan Belfort, the real-life *Wolf of Wall Street*. He built a financial empire on fraud, stealing millions from investors while living a life of excess. Even after getting caught, he refused to show genuine remorse. Instead, he capitalised on his infamy, becoming a motivational speaker selling his crimes as a success story. That's classic psychopathy—turning guilt into a brand. Or consider Elizabeth Holmes, the CEO of Theranos. She claimed to have revolutionised healthcare, convincing some of the world's smartest investors to back her fake technology. Even as her company collapsed, she refused to acknowledge the truth. When faced with evidence, she lied, acting as if she was misunderstood instead of a fraud. Her unshakable confidence in her own genius—even in the face of undeniable failure—is a textbook psychopathic trait. But you don't have to look at CEOs or criminals to find this behaviour. Imagine a coworker who constantly takes credit for other people's work. If a project succeeds, they claim their brilliance made it happen. If it fails, they immediately blame the team. They brag endlessly, exaggerating their achievements, talking over others, and acting like they're the smartest person in the room. But when you look closer, their accomplishments don't match their confidence. Or picture a romantic partner who demands constant admiration. They expect to be treated like royalty but offer nothing in return. If you call them out on their behaviour, they act offended, dismissing you as jealous, weak, or ungrateful. To them, your needs don't matter—only their own greatness. Psychopaths don't just have big egos—they have *delusions of superiority*. They talk like legends, act like gods, and expect the world to bend to their will. ## 5. Impulsivity & Risk-Taking – Living on the Edge Without Fear Most people think before they act. They weigh risks, consider consequences, and exercise self-control. Psychopaths don't. They live for the thrill, chasing danger and excitement without hesitation. If they want something, they take it. If they feel an urge, they act on it—no second thoughts. No regrets. This impulsivity is one of the most dangerous traits of a psychopath. They aren't bound by fear, guilt, or common sense. They make reckless choices, take unnecessary risks, and sometimes destroy their own lives just to feel something. Take Richard Ramirez, the Night Stalker. Unlike most serial killers, who plan their crimes carefully, Ramirez acted purely on impulse. He broke into homes at random, attacking whoever happened to be inside. He didn't care about security cameras, forensic evidence, or being caught. He thrived on chaos, revelling in the unpredictability of his own violence. His recklessness made him one of the most terrifying killers in history—because there was no pattern, no logic, just pure, impulsive evil. But impulsivity in psychopaths isn't always tied to violence. Many channel it into business, politics, or personal relationships, making reckless, self-destructive choices without concern for consequences. Look at Billy McFarland, the man behind Fyre Festival, one of the most infamous scams in modern history. He promised a luxury music festival, took in millions, and failed spectacularly. Instead of cutting his losses, he kept lying, spending, and digging his grave. Even after getting caught, he attempted another fraud while awaiting trial—because, for psychopaths, the con is never over. But this kind of recklessness isn't just found in high-profile criminals. You see it in everyday life—a friend who constantly sabotages themselves—quitting jobs without notice, blowing their savings on gambling, cheating on partners for no reason other than the thrill of getting away with it. They make excuses, blame others, and when things go wrong? They just move on to the next disaster. Or a romantic partner who thrives on chaos. One moment, they're madly in love, planning a future together. The next, they're picking fights, disappearing for days, or making reckless choices that throw your life into turmoil. They don't care about stability—they crave excitement, power, control. For a psychopath, risk isn't something to be avoided—it's something to be chased. Whether it's crime, business, or relationships, their actions are driven by impulse, thrill, and the belief that consequences don't apply to them. ## 6. Shallow Emotions & Fake Relationships – The Perfect Performance Psychopaths don't feel emotions the way normal people do. They might cry at a funeral, act overjoyed at good news, or say "I love you" with total sincerity—but it's all an act. They've learned how to mimic emotions, but beneath the surface, there's nothing. For most people, emotions are instinctive. Happiness, sadness, guilt, love—these feelings come naturally. But for a psychopath, emotions are *calculated*. They observe how others react and then mirror those behaviours when necessary. Their smiles, tears, and sympathy are all practised, rehearsed, and strategically used to get what they want. Take Jodi Arias, one of the most chilling examples of emotional deception. In 2008, she brutally murdered her ex-boyfriend, Travis Alexander, stabbing him nearly 30 times and shooting him in the head. When questioned, she sobbed in interviews, portraying herself as a grieving ex-lover who couldn't believe what had happened. She insisted on her innocence and told elaborate stories to avoid blame. But once convicted, her mask completely changed. She smirked in court, made jokes during her trial, and even gave bizarre, self-indulgent interviews, showing no real remorse for what she had done. One moment, she was the devastated victim; the next, she was cold and emotionless, utterly detached from the horror of her crime. This drastic emotional shift is a classic psychopathic trait—when emotions aren't real, they don't stay consistent. Have you ever had a friend who always seems a little *too* perfect? They say all the right things and always seem to have the perfect reaction, but something feels off. Their emotions never seem truly spontaneous. When they express sympathy, it feels hollow. When they comfort someone, they seem more focused on how they look than how the other person feels. They know how to imitate emotions, but when you look closer, you realise it's all a performance. Now, picture a romantic partner who says "I love you" effortlessly, but their actions never match their words. They seem affectionate in public but distant in private. If something tragic happens, they might overdo their reaction, crying dramatically in front of others, but moments later, they're back to normal—no grief, no sadness. If you confront them about their lack of emotion, they might laugh it off or fake a new reaction just to keep you from questioning them. Psychopaths aren't emotionless robots, but their emotions aren't real. They're shallow, rehearsed, and used as tools. They form fake relationships—not because they care, but because having relationships gives them something they want. ## 7. Parasitic Lifestyle – The Ultimate Taker Psychopaths don't build. They *take*. They survive by manipulating, exploiting, and draining others. Whether it's money, shelter, social status, or emotional energy, they latch onto people like parasites—feeding off them without guilt or gratitude. Unlike normal people, who feel embarrassment or shame when relying too much on others, psychopaths see dependence as a strategy. They expect others to support them while they contribute nothing in return. They never take responsibility for their failures and always have an excuse for why they can't pull their own weight. Take Anna Sorokin, better known as Anna Delvey. She pretended to be a wealthy socialite, scamming her way into high society. She stayed in luxury hotels without paying, manipulated friends into covering her expenses, and talked her way into elite circles. She lived a millionaire's lifestyle—without a single dollar of her own. And when her con collapsed, she acted like she was the real victim. That's the hallmark of a parasitic psychopath—they don't just take; they feel *entitled* to what they steal. But this behaviour isn't limited to con artists and scammers. Parasitic psychopaths exist in everyday life, leeching off partners, friends, and family. The friend who always needs financial help—but never seems to get back on their feet. Every time they borrow money, they promise to pay it back, but they never do. When you question them, they play the victim—"You don't understand what I'm going through." They expect help but never show gratitude. And if you stop supporting them? They turn on you. Or the romantic partner who refuses to work, expecting to be fully supported. They never contribute, never help, and never appreciate the effort their partner puts in. If questioned, they deflect blame, saying things like "You're being selfish" or "You don't support me." They don't feel guilt for being a burden—they believe they *deserve* to be taken care of. Then there's the emotional parasite—someone who feeds off drama, attention, and sympathy. They always have a crisis, always need rescuing, and always expect others to drop everything for them. They don't solve their problems because they thrive on playing the victim. When confronted, parasitic psychopaths never take responsibility. They make excuses, shift blame, and gaslight their victims into feeling guilty for even questioning them. They don't see themselves as manipulators but as survivors who are just "using the system to their advantage." If someone constantly takes but never gives, makes endless excuses, and guilt-trips you when you set boundaries, you may not just be dealing with a freeloader. You may be dealing with a psychopath. ## The Other 1% Psychopaths are far more common than most people think. Those with full-blown psychopathy make up about **1% of the general population**, which means that for every hundred people you meet, one of them is likely a psychopath. But we're talking about a spectrum here. **5–10%** of people are moderately psychopathic, and probably around **30%** of us have at least some characteristics. And the numbers skyrocket in certain professions. CEOs and lawyers reportedly have psychopathic traits that are *four times* the general rate. In high-risk, high-power environments like finance, politics, and law enforcement, psychopathy is often an advantage. Their lack of fear, guilt, or emotional attachment allows them to make cold, ruthless decisions that others couldn't stomach. In prisons, the rate is even higher. Some estimates suggest that up to **25% of inmates** have psychopathic traits. Many violent offenders, serial killers, and con artists fit the profile perfectly—no remorse, no empathy, no fear of consequences. But most psychopaths aren't criminals. They blend into society, using charm, manipulation, and deception to get what they want. They thrive in business, relationships, and social circles, leaving behind a trail of broken trust and destruction. You've likely met a psychopath before—a boss, a partner, a friend, maybe even a family member. They don't always stand out. But once you know the signs, you'll realise they're everywhere. ## Key Takeaways - Psychopaths blend in and charm others, making them hard to spot initially. - They lack empathy and remorse, often manipulating others without guilt. - Psychopaths are skilled liars, using deception to control and manipulate. - They exhibit a grandiose sense of self-worth, believing they are superior. - Psychopaths often live parasitically, taking from others without contributing. ## Frequently Asked Questions ### What are the key traits of a psychopath? Psychopaths exhibit traits such as superficial charm and manipulation, lack of empathy and remorse, pathological lying, a grandiose sense of self-worth, impulsivity and risk-taking, shallow emotions and fake relationships, and a parasitic lifestyle. ### How do psychopaths use charm and manipulation? Psychopaths use charm to make others trust them quickly. They study people, mirror emotions, and say all the right things. Behind this charm is cold, calculated manipulation aimed at getting what they want. ### What is the significance of a lack of empathy and remorse in psychopaths? Psychopaths do not feel guilt or remorse when they hurt someone. They can destroy lives without a second thought and may pretend to be sorry if caught, but it is just another performance. They lack the ability to care about how their actions affect others. ### How do psychopaths lie differently from ordinary people? Psychopaths lie effortlessly, without hesitation or remorse. They lie for fun, power, and control, and they do it even when the truth would serve them better. They thrive on deception and can manipulate reality to shape how others see them. ### What is the grandiose sense of self-worth in psychopaths? Psychopaths believe they are superior and see themselves as untouchable, above the rules, and destined for greatness. They think they are more intelligent, stronger, or more capable than everyone else and refuse to take responsibility for failures. ### How do psychopaths exhibit impulsivity and risk-taking? Psychopaths live for the thrill and chase danger and excitement without hesitation. They make reckless choices, take unnecessary risks, and sometimes destroy their own lives just to feel something. They do not weigh risks or consider consequences. ### What are shallow emotions and fake relationships in psychopaths? Psychopaths mimic emotions but do not feel them naturally. Their smiles, tears, and sympathy are all practised and used strategically. They form fake relationships not because they care but because having relationships gives them something they want. ### How do psychopaths exhibit a parasitic lifestyle? Psychopaths survive by manipulating, exploiting, and draining others. They expect others to support them while they contribute nothing in return. They never take responsibility for their failures and always have an excuse for why they can’t pull their own weight. ### How common are psychopaths in the general population? Psychopaths make up about 1% of the general population. However, 5–10% of people are moderately psychopathic, and around 30% have at least some characteristics. The numbers are higher in certain professions like CEOs, lawyers, and high-risk, high-power environments. ### Where are psychopaths most likely to be found? Psychopaths are found in various environments, including business, relationships, and social circles. They thrive in high-risk, high-power environments like finance, politics, and law enforcement. Many violent offenders, serial killers, and con artists fit the psychopathic profile. ## Sources - [Original Into the Shadows video: How to Spot a Psychopath](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=kVSqr_gTM0Y) - [Hero image source](https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/2/24/Celtic-manager_Billy_Mc_Neal_met_Roy_Aitken_%28r%29_op_de_dag_voor_de_wedstrijd_Ajax%2C_Bestanddeelnr_932-3452.jpg) by Rob Bogaerts / Anefo / openverse, cc0. ## Related Coverage Simon Whistler https://intotheshadows.pub/article/hurricane-katrina-huge-federal-failure https://intotheshadows.pub/article/hurricane-katrina-huge-federal-failure Sun, 28 Jun 2026 00:00:00 GMT Hurricane Katrina, one of the most deadly natural disasters to hit the USA in modern history. It flooded a city leaving survivors stranded on rooftops and tens of thousands of evacuated civilians, desperate for food and water, crammed into the Superdome. Six died in their supposed shelter. Four of natural causes, one of a drug overdose and one committed suicide, jumping from the upper-level seats. In New Orleans, a city in a developed nation, help should've been swift and effective. Instead, people died in medical centres as they waited for evacuation and federal troops to arrive. Bodies lay in the street, floated in the water and were left abandoned in their homes. What went wrong? ## Preparation The disaster response got off to a promising start. The hurricane was identified early on the 23rd of August 2005, when it was just a tropical depression over the Bahamas. The National Hurricane Centre began tracking the storm and issued the first of the 61 advisories it would release over the next week. The federal government caught on to it quickly, began close monitoring and generated simulations. If it was to become a hurricane they were not going to be taken by surprise. On August 24th the depression grew to a tropical storm and was named Katrina. At this point, the Federal Emergency Management Agency (FEMA) got involved and activated its Hurricane Liaison team. By the 25th FEMA had dispatched resources like water, ice and food to areas predicted to be hit. Florida was prepared, but sadly 14 people still lost their lives through drowning, falling trees, car accidents and carbon monoxide poisoning from generators. Louisiana was next in the firing line and just one year before, government agencies had performed a simulation exercise with fictional 'Hurricane Pam' hitting New Orleans. A draft plan had been created, it was incomplete when Katrina hit but still provided rough guidance. They knew the levees could be overtopped and the bowl shape of New Orleans could be submerged. So extensive flooding and evacuation needed to be planned for. Surely, with this much notice, in one of the most powerful countries in the world, tragedy could be avoided. ## Landfall On the 29th of August 2005, Katrina made landfall in Louisiana as a Category 3 hurricane. Its 130 mph winds felled trees and caused major damage to buildings. The resulting injury and traumas led to 25% of deaths. But, by far the most deadly and damaging impact was a result of the storm surges. The combination of low pressure and high winds generated enormous waves up to 8.5 metres high. These breached the levees and when added to the 20cm of rain that fell along the coast caused extensive flooding. 80% of New Orleans was left underwater. The leading cause of death? Drowning. Most in their own homes. They climbed higher and higher to avoid the water but it kept rising and once they reached their attics, they had nowhere to go. Bangs and screams echoed through the streets as people tried desperately to break out. Some were prepared with axes and made it onto their roofs, they created makeshift signs begging for help, food and water. Those who fled in boats had to push bodies aside with sticks. 1,863 people died in total. The most deadly hurricane in the US since 1928. For one of the world's superpowers with 6 days to get ready, pre-staged supplies, sophisticated modelling techniques and engineered levees, that's a shocking figure. Why was it so high? ## Levees The first failure occurred 40 years before the hurricane. Authorised by Congress in 1965, the Flood Control Act commissioned the Army Corps of Engineers to construct defences to protect Louisiana from flooding at a cost of $738 million. You might be thinking, 'Wait a minute, you said failure and this sounds great.' Well, unfortunately, the project wasn't due to be completed until 2015, 10 years after Katrina hit. But, worse than that, the Army Corps was a federal agency and they cut corners to save money. Engineers built levees on areas of weak sand and peat instead of firm clay. Other sections had inadequate pilings of only 10 feet instead of 17. These parts collapsed and floodwater rushed uncontrollably into New Orleans, doubling the area that would've been flooded by overtopping alone. Resident Lucrece Phillips described hearing her downstairs neighbours hammering on their ceiling and pleading for help as the water rose. Then silence. Louis Farrakhan, Nation of Islam Leader, believed the levee failure to be more sinister than simple incompetence. He and other public figures accused the government of intentionally breaking the levees with dynamite to divert the floodwaters away from wealthier neighbourhoods. His claim was taken seriously and reached the United States House of Representatives who were investigating Katrina. They deemed it to be an urban myth, unsurprisingly, as how could the US do something so blatantly evil? Oh, except in 1927 when 30 tons of dynamite was used on the Caernarvon Levee during the Great Mississippi Flood. The intention was to protect the city of New Orleans and instead sacrifice the poorer St. Bernard Parish and all of Plaquemines Parishes. The residents were never compensated for their losses. ## Federalism Since Katrina, the public has clamoured to blame the federal government for the slow and ineffectual handling of the disaster. Federal officials, eager to deny responsibility, in turn named federalism as the culprit. The system splits responsibility and decision making between federal, state and local governments, causing confusion, tangles of red tape, slow decision making and inaction. In the event of a disaster, local governments would be the first to take control. If they become overwhelmed they'd request assistance from the state and the federal government wouldn't get involved until both had reached their limits and exhausted their resources. This is described as a 'pull' system where affected areas must request assistance. However, in events the scale of Katrina, panic sets in, officials exaggerate the impacts in their districts and request more resources than they need. Then, requests have to filter through many departments to gain approval, with the potential to be blocked at each stage. It's slow and riddled with bureaucracy. Katrina required an immediate 'push' of resources from the top. ## Local Government So, let's follow the federal system and start at the bottom with Ray Nagin, Mayor of New Orleans at the time of Katrina. The Hurricane Pam trial had shown that an evacuation of New Orleans would take at least 72 hours. Armed with this knowledge and an accurate prediction of landfall it wouldn't take a genius to figure out when to give the order to evacuate. 72 hours before, right? Nagin gave the order for mandatory evacuation just 24 hours before the hurricane hit. He also knew that 100,000 residents didn't own cars and would rely on public transport but had made no plans to supply it. He earned the nickname 'School Bus Nagin' when he turned down an offer to have residents evacuated by the fleets of yellow public school buses. His response to the offer? 'You've got to be kidding me. This is a natural disaster. Get every doggone Greyhound bus line in the country and get their asses moving to New Orleans.' Not only did the Greyhound coaches never arrive, the school buses were caught in the floodwaters and 150,000 people failed to evacuate. Buses weren't even the only evacuation option turned down. Rail company Amtrak was running the last train out of New Orleans to move equipment out of harm's way. They offered seats for several hundred passengers. The city declined and the train left empty. Knowing that his residents were unlikely to fully evacuate the city he'd named the Superdome as a shelter of last resort and 9,000 evacuees had arrived by the first evening. Conditions were terrible but people were told to wait it out for the federal response to kick in. The cavalry would arrive in 48 hours. No one came and as the levees failed and the city flooded more and more people arrived. It's estimated between 20 and 30,000 people sought refuge there with little water and no food. In a desperate bid to get help for his residents, Nagin started exaggerating conditions in the dome. In an interview with Oprah Winfrey, he claimed, 'They have people standing out there, have been in that frickin' Superdome for five days watching dead bodies, watching hooligans killing people, raping people.' This was a lie and his claims failed to attract help. Instead, they raised tensions, scared away rescuers and turned the focus from help to security. ## State Leaders One official who took charge of security, and next in our federalism hierarchy, was Governor Kathleen Blanco. Riots and looting had been reported, slowing aid. To quell unrest she required troops, more than she had, as 40% of Louisiana's troops were deployed in Iraq. Other states offered theirs but she was slow to make an official request, waiting until the day after landfall. Officials took another 24 hours to approve it. However, she can't be accused of having had no impact on civil obedience. People had begun to take food and water from abandoned shops but others looted more freely. In response she warned, 'These troops are fresh back from Iraq, well trained, experienced, battle-tested and under my orders to restore order in the streets. ... They have M-16s and they are locked and loaded. These troops know how to shoot and kill and they are more than willing to do so if necessary and I expect they will.' I'm sure the dehydrated evacuees found that very comforting and calmed right down. New Orleans Police Superintendent also waded in in an attempt to defuse tensions. He ordered police, soldiers and marshals to confiscate all firearms from civilians, announcing, 'No one will be able to be armed. Guns will be taken. Only law enforcement will be allowed to have guns.' Surprisingly, scared citizens who were living in fear of rioters and looters were not thrilled about handing over their weapons without a warrant. They were often taken by excessive force and, in one case, a 58-year-old woman, Patricia Konie, had a group of police enter her house and tackle her to the ground. They were attempting to confiscate her revolver and fractured her shoulder in the process. So while all this was going on at state and city levels, what was the federal government doing? ## The Department of Homeland Security Historically it would've been FEMA who'd have responsibility for this type of emergency. However, after 9/11 the Department of Homeland Security (DHS) was set up and FEMA's budget was cut and shifted under their control. This put Homeland Security Secretary, Michael Chertoff, in charge of 22 departments, 180,000 employees and all national emergencies. Understandably, following 9/11, his focus was on terrorism. Hurricanes were way down his list. So far down in fact that no one had done any pre-storm planning. The list of failings was extensive. Federal law enforcement took a week to arrive and when they did, they were distracted by a turf war with officers from the Department of Justice. Neither department being able to agree on who should take the lead. No effort was made to activate the National Disaster Medical System and only one team was available for immediate medical assistance after the storm. Unfortunately—once you get up to national level during an event like Katrina, communication becomes both vitally important and incredibly difficult. He was criticized for being a step behind most events and it wasn't until 36 hours after landfall that he declared it an incident of national significance. Switching the response from a pull model to a push. On Thursday the 2nd of September, 4 days after the hurricane hit, when conditions at the Superdome were most dire, he was broadcast saying, 'Everybody is confident of the ability to maintain order,' and 'The fact of the matter is the Superdome is secure.' The news channels split the screen with live footage of survivors chanting 'help' and shouting angrily into the cameras. He later admitted he'd had no knowledge of the deteriorating conditions at the Superdome or of the lack of food and water, calling it a 'surprise.' ## FEMA Chertoff blamed his ignorance on insufficient communication from his man on the ground, FEMA Director, Michael Brown. Although Brown also claimed to have been in the dark, not knowing there were evacuees in the Convention Centre until Wednesday the 1st. When being interviewed by CNN he was challenged by Soledad O'Brien: 'How is it possible that we're getting better info than you were getting ... we were showing live pictures of the people outside the Convention Center... I don't understand how FEMA cannot have this information.' And 'FEMA's been on the ground four days, going into the fifth day, why no massive airdrop of food and water? ... in Banda Aceh, Indonesia, they got food drops two days after the tsunami.' FEMA, in their wisdom, did manage to fly in an additional 2,000 firefighters to help in the aftermath. They kept them in a hotel in Atlanta watching training videos on sexual harassment and the history of FEMA for days, as people died. Claiming they'd called them in for community relations work and so there was no hurry to get them on the ground. Now, you might remember that FEMA had pre-deployed supplies before the storm hit, surely slightly redeeming? Unfortunately, these were woefully inadequate, having supplied their usual shipment for hurricane response. Katrina was no usual hurricane and food and water ran out fast. Some were delivered to the wrong places and Alabama got five times the amount of water as harder hit Louisiana. They also had trucks of ice driven seemingly randomly around the country never reaching those in need. Two years later, FEMA threw out their undelivered frozen stockpile totalling $100 million. They did work quickly to set up temporary accommodation for those left homeless though and installed 95,000 mobile homes costing $1.3 billion. However, some of these were left unused as they were placed on floodplains and others poisoned survivors with extensive outgassing of carcinogenic formaldehyde. Only 17% ended up being occupied, taking the total cost per family housed to $125,000–$200,000. Yes, they could've bought them all mortgage and formaldehyde-free homes for that. Beyond their own failures, FEMA seemed intent on sabotaging the efforts of others by creating barricades of bureaucracy. They issued a press release instructing emergency services from outside the area to 'not respond' to calls for help without being lawfully requested by local and state authorities. They seemed unwilling to work with charity organisations and failed to accept or request aid. In one case the Red Cross requested 300,000 meals for the 1st of September. FEMA cancelled the order, then reordered for final delivery on October the 8th, 5 weeks later. They even spent time removing hospital ID bracelets from the evacuating patients, replacing them with FEMA IDs. This led the hospitals to lose track and 3 months after the storm one hospital CEO admitted they still couldn't locate some of their missing patients. The overall feeling was they didn't know what was needed where. They turned away trucks full of water, prevented the coastguard from delivering fuel and didn't even respond to the offer of 50 civilian aircraft or fleets of Greyhound coaches to help evacuate the Superdome. Germany had a chartered plane full of supplies ready to leave for 9 days. Their offer was also ignored. In one case, 200 people were rescued from their homes and taken to an overpass to be collected later. They were forgotten and abandoned to fend for themselves. One survivor, Andre, with his wife and small son were amongst them. Things were desperate and people turned mean. He recalled witnessing an 8-year-old boy fall 50ft from the overpass and sink into the water. No one tried to rescue him and that's when he decided it was time to go. He took an air mattress and went into the fetid water with his family, they survived but are still traumatized by the ordeal and the bodies they saw. FEMA blamed inadequate communication. Phones and radios failed and in some cases, it took six days to supply working satellite phones to all of their employees. But, the real source of the failings had been the budget-cutting and dismantling of the organization by the Bush administration. The Hurricane Pam simulation had shown gaps in the plan, like evacuation, but FEMA had delayed their follow-up workshop until shortly before Katrina as they couldn't find the $15,000 to cover travel expenses. ## President Bush And where was the President while all this was going on? Well, President Bush had been 4 weeks into his 5-week holiday in Texas when the first alert came out. So naturally, he attended a few speeches before returning to Washington the day after Katrina made landfall. On the flight back, they took Air Force One on a flyover of New Orleans to allow him to witness the devastation. It wasn't until this point that President Bush seemed to understand the seriousness of the situation and finally decided to take an interest. He appeared in broadcasts with his sleeves literally rolled up alongside Brown who was advised to do the same, in order to look as if they were working really hard. But, there was no deceiving the public. It'd been clear that federal involvement left decision making up to people without the necessary local knowledge or clear understanding of the situation. Federal departments had stalled the emergency response with politics and bureaucracy and contributed to the deaths of many. Including 44 patients found dead at the Memorial Medical Centre who'd been left in searing heat waiting for evacuation that never came. His administration had weakened FEMA and the Department of Homeland Security was untested with seemingly no idea how to deploy its resources or authority. On the 13th of September Bush admitted responsibility stating 'Katrina exposed serious problems in our response capability at all levels of government… To the extent the federal government didn't fully do its job right, I take responsibility.' ## Key Takeaways - Hurricane Katrina's death toll was exacerbated by the failure of levees, which were poorly constructed and incomplete. - The federal government's response was slow and ineffective due to bureaucratic delays and a lack of preparedness. - Local and state governments, including New Orleans Mayor Ray Nagin and Louisiana Governor Kathleen Blanco, made critical errors in evacuation planning and resource allocation. - The Department of Homeland Security and FEMA were ill-prepared and struggled with communication and coordination during the crisis. - President Bush's delayed response and the administration's weakening of FEMA contributed to the high number of fatalities and prolonged suffering. ## Frequently Asked Questions ### What was the death toll from Hurricane Katrina? 1863 people died in total. ### What was the primary cause of death during Hurricane Katrina? The leading cause of death was drowning, with most victims in their own homes. ### What was the role of the Federal Emergency Management Agency (FEMA) before the hurricane? FEMA activated its Hurricane Liaison team and dispatched resources like water, ice, and food to predicted impact areas. ### What was the initial federal response to Hurricane Katrina? The federal government began close monitoring and generated simulations, but the response was criticized for being slow and ineffective. ### What was the impact of the levee failures during Hurricane Katrina? The levees collapsed due to inadequate construction, allowing floodwater to rush into New Orleans and doubling the area that would have been flooded by overtopping alone. ### What was the role of local government in the response to Hurricane Katrina? Mayor Ray Nagin of New Orleans gave the order for mandatory evacuation just 24 hours before the hurricane hit and failed to provide adequate public transportation for those without cars. ### What was the role of the Department of Homeland Security during Hurricane Katrina? The Department of Homeland Security, led by Michael Chertoff, was criticized for being unprepared and slow to respond, with a focus on terrorism rather than natural disasters. ### What was the role of FEMA during Hurricane Katrina? FEMA was criticized for inadequate communication, mismanagement of resources, and bureaucratic obstacles that hindered the relief effort. ### What was President Bush's response to Hurricane Katrina? President Bush was criticized for his delayed response and lack of involvement initially, but later admitted responsibility for the federal government's failures. ### What was the impact of federalism on the response to Hurricane Katrina? The federal system, which splits responsibility between federal, state, and local governments, caused confusion, slow decision-making, and inaction during the response to Hurricane Katrina. ## Sources - [Original Into the Shadows video: Hurricane Katrina: A Huge Federal Failure](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=0ydxahX6QbQ) - [Hero image source](https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/7/7e/Render_Unto_Superdome_-_New_Orleans_January_2022.jpg) by Infrogmation of New Orleans / openverse, by. ## Related Coverage Simon Whistler https://intotheshadows.pub/article/indentured-chinese-south-africa-gold-mines https://intotheshadows.pub/article/indentured-chinese-south-africa-gold-mines Sun, 28 Jun 2026 00:00:00 GMT Between the 11th of October 1899 and the 31st of May 1902, the British Empire waged a war against the South African Republic and its neighbour, the Orange Free State. According to some sources, the British Empire's goal was to unite the British-ruled Cape and Natal Colonies with the two Boer republics of the Orange Free State and the South African Republic (or Transvaal). The second reason was to bring an end to the 'Outlander' policies of the Boer Republics, which stated that 'foreigners' from North America and European countries weren't allowed to buy property, settle in the Boer Republics, or take part in local elections unless they were 'white', had been residing in the Boer republics for a minimum of 14 years or were younger than 40 years of age. But according to Lord Salisbury, the then UK Prime Minister, they were also concerned with the way in which the Boer Republics treated its black citizens, stating that the war was really fought – "in the interest of [preventing] slavery." And they might have had a point since the South African Republic's constitution proudly claimed that – > "The People are not prepared to allow any equality of the non-white with the white inhabitants, either in Church or State." But the South African Republic's governing body, the Volksraad (or People's Council), was convinced that the British were only interested in taking control of Johannesburg's rich gold mines - especially since the discovery of diamonds in Kimberley in the Orange Free State had led to the annexation of the diamond mines by the British Empire back in 1871, which had resulted in the First Boer War. Then the Second Boer War broke out in October 1899, and in just 7 months, the South African Republic lost control of the fledgling city of Johannesburg and its 55 gold mines. When the war came to an end in May 1902, the mines were reopened, but the British mining companies had trouble finding experienced mine workers to extract the valuable gold ore. The white mine workers had left the city to help rebuild the country, and those who were willing to work in the mines were unskilled and demanded higher wages than the mining companies were willing to pay. Black South Africans were the preferred and cheaper option, but the 120 000 black skilled mineworkers had returned to their villages and families after the war broke out and were reluctant to take up their pickaxes and work for menial wages again. Due to the lack of a skilled workforce, the mines were struggling to live up to their pre-war reputation as the 'world's largest single producer of gold', so Johannesburg's Chamber of Mines ordered that a new supply of skilled labour should be found. Initially, they tried to tempt black labourers from South Africa's neighbouring countries to work in the gold mines, but when they refused, the mining companies turned their attention to other sources of cheap labour – California, British Columbia, the East Indies, and China. ## The Decision to Import Chinese Labour In September 1903, Ross Skinner, a member of the Chamber of Mines' Select Committee, presented a report to Johannesburg's Board of the Chamber of Mines and explained that he'd investigated the 'suitability' of labourers who could be imported from Korea, Japan, and China and that he'd come to the conclusion that Chinese labourers would be the best investment. However, he noted that if the Chamber of Mines did decide to import Chinese indentured labourers, they should consider the fact that the Americans had grown increasingly unhappy with the high number of previously indentured Chinese who had now settled in California, and suggested that the Transvaal government should implement strict laws to control the movement of these Chinese labourers before they were allowed to set foot on South African soil. At the time, groups of indentured Chinese labourers had already been working in several households in the Cape and Natal colonies for over 200 years – mostly as cooks, gardeners, carpenters, and construction workers, but also as cheap labour on British-owned farms and sugar plantations. At the end of the 17th century, at least 100 Chinese indentured workers had been brought over to the Cape Colony, and by the end of the 19th century, there were 77 Chinese living in Natal, 215 living in the Cape Colony, and at least 900 already living in the Transvaal. Initially, they were often victims of the 'Coolie Trade' or human trafficking – with some sources explaining that some of these Chinese indentured workers often ended up settling down in the Colonies and having families in their new countries because returning to Imperial China and its anti-emigration laws would result in their execution. That is until the growing demand for cheap labour in the West had the British and Americans pressuring the Imperial Chinese authorities into agreeing to 'loan' some of their citizens out to the West as indentured labourers. According to a memorandum by John X. Merriman, the British Commissioner of the Ministerial Department of Crown Lands and Public Works in 1874, the goal of importing these Chinese indentured labourers had been to – > "…create and [maintain] a class of cheap labourers, who will thankfully accept the position of [servant], and not be troubled with the inconvenient ambition of bettering their condition." The Chinese were considered to be especially suited to the role of 'servant' because – > "[They are a] industrious, saving, sober, peaceful people; and they succeed in making a livelihood, and even in acquiring what is to them wealth, where an Englishman would starve." ## Anti-Chinese Sentiment in the Colonies That's not to say that these Chinese emigrants were welcomed in their new country, and their cultures and traditions were so unlike the Western traditions of the European settlers in both the Cape Colony and Natal that the latter felt 'threatened' by them. In 1875, a local newspaper, the *Natal Mercury*, described the local Chinese merchants as 'aggressive and acquisitive', with one article from 1881 explaining that – > "Excepting in the most infinitesimal numbers [the Chinese] must act as a drawback to the prosperity of any European colony. The Chinaman is insidiously working his way into Natal, and our police court reports are already beginning to tell of a dozen of the pigtail wearers being fined for gambling on a Sunday morning." By 1893, more than 5 000 Natal residents protested against the growing Asiatic population in Natal, which led to the Natal Government drawing up the Immigration Restriction Act of 1897 which allowed the government to deny Chinese emigrants entry into the colony, with the Cape Colony following suit in 1902. The Boer colonies weren't far behind, and while the Chinese were allowed to live in both the Orange Free State and Transvaal, they were prohibited from becoming citizens, had to register themselves with a local magistrate within 8 days of their arrival in the colony, and weren't allowed to obtain gold prospector licences during the gold rush. Following the end of the Second Boer War in 1902, at least 938 Chinese emigrants returned to their homes in the Transvaal, but under the new British government, they were now subject to discriminatory laws like not being allowed to walk on sidewalks, standing under verandas, take taxis, and they were only allowed to ride in the 3rd class compartments whenever they boarded a train. They also had to fight for their right to continue to own and manage their own businesses, which led to them establishing the Transvaal Chinese Association, or TCA, which helped to 'protect the interests of its members' and 'offered assistance in dealing with official channels and translating documents from English and Chinese.' The new administration was also enforcing immigration laws that stated that Chinese emigrants couldn't enter the country if they couldn't read or write English, weren't allowed to bring their families over, and those who were already living in the Transvaal were still being denied citizenship and had to pay an annual amount of £25 if they didn't want to be deported. ## The Chamber of Mines' 'Experiment' Of course, now the Chamber of Mines wanted to import thousands of indentured Chinese workers into the country, and they faced opposition from the public, local trade unions, and the Chinese merchants who were already living in the city. These Chinese merchants especially did their best to discourage any Chinese citizens who might decide to move to the Transvaal to work in the mines, and they sent letters to Chinese newspapers to highlight the dangers these indentured labourers would face. One such article that was published in the south of China explained that – > "Nowadays the Chinese are poor and it is hard to get a living. On hearing that labourers are required for the gold mine many will avail themselves of the opportunity. If one got into the trap it is as entering into a living hell. Should he escape from being a ghost in the foreign land and finally return as survivor, it would be but a rare case. We, living in Africa ourselves, cannot bear to see the tragedy done to our race..." > "These mines here are of a rocky nature running several hundred feet deep in the ground. Explosives have to be used to split up the rocks and when any explosions take place it sounds as if it were thundering and earthquake. It is not uncommon to see poor [black workers] while working in the cave are thus blown to death. Some losing their arms and feet and some with heads scald(ed) and burnt. The [blacks] are sometimes forced to work in the cave where the water never ceases to run and their feet thus immersed in the water for nights and days. Such hardships are unbearable even by oxen and horses. How is it possible for the Chinese to endure it?" But the new British authorities in the Transvaal needed the gold mines to turn profitable again, so they turned a blind eye and allowed the Chamber of Commerce to do whatever it took to convince the public that they had no choice but to import cheap Chinese labour to work the gold mines. They explained that the importation of cheap labour wasn't intended to be a permanent solution. Instead, it would be an 'experiment', and the Chamber of Mines and the British administration would ensure that it was conducted in the best interest of the Transvaal's white citizens. These Chinese labourers would live in compounds on mine property, their movements would be restricted, they'd only receive minimum wage, and once their three-year contracts were up, they would be sent back to China. If they refused to work, went MIA, tried to find employment elsewhere, or were caught conducting a business, they would be charged with criminal offences and could be imprisoned or deported back to China. The Chamber of Mines also set aside certain positions that would only be filled by skilled, white workers such as plumbers, electricians, mechanics, masons, blacksmiths and bricklayers. They would also appoint Superintendents to oversee the Chinese labourers and to keep track of them. The British administration also established the Foreign Labour Department to deal with the Chinese Government, who had their own requirements regarding how its citizens would be treated. They insisted that agents of the Chinese government should be allowed to conduct inspections of the compound, and explained that the mining authorities would not be allowed to use corporal punishment on its citizens. They also stipulated that a Consul-General should be appointed to oversee the interests of all the Chinese citizens who lived in the Transvaal, and the first Consul-General, Lew Yuk Lin, arrived in Johannesburg on the 14th of May 1904. ## Arrival and Living Conditions Between May 1904 and March 1907, 63 395 Chinese labourers arrived in South Africa. The majority of them came from northern China, and all of them were contracted to work in the mines for three years. Once they arrived in Durban, they underwent a medical examination, after which they were sent to Jacob's Camp, a former British concentration camp located outside of Durban. Once there, their fingerprints were taken, and they were given brass badges which listed their name and the name of their employer. They were then sent by train to the Transvaal, where they would start working in one of the 55 gold mines that stretched from Randfontein in the West Rand, to Springs in the East Rand. The labourers were housed in prison-like compounds, and up to 40 of them had to share a room. According to an article in *The Star* on the 14th of January 1975 – > "The Chinese miners [working at the Simmer and Jack mines] were subjected to grim living conditions if the Simmer and Jack bunk room is anything to go by. The bunks are 61 cm wide and 2,1 m long. They are in rows of 10s with the top layer a little over 91,5 cm above the lower one." Their diet consisted out of a daily allowance of rice, meat, vegetables, tea, nut oil and salt to prepare their food with. They had to share a communal bathroom, and their latrines were located outside to make it easier to clean. They had easy access to both Western and Chinese doctors and medicine but ate, slept, and lived on the compound, and were only allowed to leave the compound if they'd managed to receive a permit that allowed them to do so. Sundays were their days off, and the lucky few could be seen riding around the city on bicycles while they did some shopping or went sightseeing. For those stuck on the compound, the mines arranged sports days between their black and Chinese labourers. The Chinese labourers also entertained themselves by staging elaborate theatre productions, and on Chinese public holidays like Chinese New Year, the Chinese labourers would be allowed to visit other mines so they could attend these productions. They were closely monitored by English-speaking Chinese 'policemen' who were responsible for ensuring that the labourers didn't indulge in un-Christian-like vices like drinking alcohol, smoke opium, or gamble, but these policemen were easily bribed, and the majority of the labourers' free time was spent gambling and drinking to their heart's content. ## Harsh Working Conditions and Abuse But while it sounds like fun and games, their working conditions were harsh. The Chinese labourers were often put to work excavating the richest ore veins, which meant working underground for long hours. Their lack of experience also meant that they were easily injured, and in October 1905, a compound manager, Eugenio Bianchini, explained that – > "It happens sometimes that [the Chinese labourers aren't] physically strong enough to perform satisfactorily the work given to him, but simply because [he] was, irrespective of his ability, allotted to a certain boss, he has to remain with him; and without consideration to his physique he has at times to perform a job which may be perhaps beyond his natural power to do." This led to a number of accidents taking place in the mines, and between 1904 and 1910, 611 Chinese labourers became disabled, and an estimated 3 192 of them died. Some of these deaths were caused by the miners 'jumping into moving cages, drilling into unexploded charges and not knowing how to use explosives. Occupational hazards of mine work included such incidents as the snapping of cage-ropes, which occurred on the Simmer East mine and killed 23 Chinese.' Other causes of death included tuberculosis, Vitamin B1 deficiencies, dysentery, opium poisoning, suicide, and murder. And despite the Chinese government's insistence that its citizens shouldn't be punished using corporal punishment, that is exactly what happened. According to a British newspaper called *Morning Leader*, the Chinese labourers who committed minor offences were often flogged instead of being allowed to stand trial, since it was considered to be too costly and was a method of punishment that the Chinese would easily understand. They further explained that the other methods of punishment included: - Being stripped of their clothes and tied to poles by the long braids or queues that were fashionable at the time, - Having their left hand hoisted up into the air so that they had to stand on tip-toe for hours on end, and - Being tied to a horizontal beam that forced them to squat or bend over. ## Mass Desertion and Violent Response Some of the crimes they were charged with included common assault, forgery, theft, housebreaking, public violence, and murder, but within a year of their arrival, an estimated 21 205 cases of desertion were reported – which was almost half of the entire Chinese labour force at the time. When the Superintendent of the Foreign Labour Department was questioned about this high number of deserters, he attributed it to the Chinese labourers' love of gambling and smoking opium, explaining that they were prone to borrow heavily from each other, and then fled the compound to avoid repaying their debts. But of course, it wasn't as simple as that – > "Some Chinese labourers were so homesick or hated their conditions so much that they fell prey to charlatans in their midst. At one mine a wily labourer set himself up as a 'geographer', selling maps which ostensibly outlined the route back to China, via Tibet." > "There was also the case of a deserter from the Angelo Gold Mine who claimed to want to walk back to China. Arrested and charged with attempting to break into a house in Germiston, he told a court that he had left the mine with the intention of returning to China. He denied trying to enter any house and said he thought that if he followed the railway line he would 'get to China by and bye'. He was sentenced to two months imprisonment." The residents of the Transvaal had already been wary of the idea that tens of thousands of Chinese would be moving to Johannesburg to work on the mines, and when news broke that over twenty thousand of them had escaped within the first year, tensions rose, with newspapers highlighting the so-called 'dangers' these escapees posed to the public. These reports prompted Lord Selborne, the High Commissioner of South Africa, to declare that if the white citizens of the Transvaal were to come across these Chinese deserters, they were allowed to shoot them on sight, and - > "Any white man will be empowered to arrest without warrant any Chinese labourer found outside Witwatersrand district, and to hand him over to nearest Police Station. He will be refunded reasonable expense incurred in doing so." And if that wasn't bad enough, he continued to explain that if you couldn't afford a gun to hunt down these errant Chinese, you just had to apply and the Government and your local magistrate would happily supply you with one. ## International Outcry and Political Fallout Not surprisingly, this little 'experiment' that the Chamber of Mines and the British administration were conducting was going rather badly, and public outcry against their treatment of the Chinese labourers spanned international borders. Back when the decision to import 65 000 Chinese labourers was first made back in 1902, British trade unions protested against the decision by referring to it as amounting to "Chinese Slavery". On the 24th of March 1904, 80 000 people gathered in Hyde Park to protest against the decision to import cheap Chinese labour into South Africa, with the Parliamentary Committee of the Trade Union Congress declaring that – > "…this meeting consisting of all classes of citizens of London, emphatically protests against the action of the Government in granting permission to import into South Africa indentured Chinese labour under conditions of slavery, and calls upon them to protect this new colony from the greed of capitalists and the Empire from degradation." When British newspapers reported on the agreements that had been made between the South African Foreign Labour Department and the Chinese government, the conditions that the Chinese labourers would be forced to live and work in were described as being "unfit for human beings", and commentators explained that it was clear that the mining magnates and British administration in South Africa only saw the Chinese labourers as "mere chattel or animated pickaxes". And when the British general elections took place in January 1906, the British Liberal Party and the Labour Party used the public outcry to their advantage. They pointed out that it had been the governing Conservative Party's decision to agree to the importation of these 65 000 Chinese Labourers, and then highlighted the truly inhumane treatment that the Chinese in the Transvaal were subject to, explaining that they were being treated like slaves and that it was the Liberal and Labour Party's mission to bring an immediate end to the importation of Chinese indentured labourers. They also pointed out that the British public had been against the decision to import Chinese indentured labourers from the beginning by stating that - > "…the working man - and indeed the soldiers who had fought in South Africa [during the Second Boer War] - felt not only threatened but cheated. They had been promised South Africa as a new field for increased British employment, but saw - with the introduction of foreign workers - the percentage of British employed in the mines actually decrease..." ## End of the 'Chinese Experiment' And just like that, the Conservative Party was ousted, and the recruitment of Chinese labour was stopped in December 1906. Back in the Transvaal things weren't going much better. They were granted the right to govern themselves, and in the February 1907 general elections, the Het Volk party campaigned against the importation of Chinese labourers and demanded their repatriation back to China. The white Afrikaners and the British citizens of the Transvaal joined forces and elected the Het Volk party into power, and the decision was made to start the repatriation process as and when the Chinese labourers' contracts expired. Notices were put up all over the mines to inform the Chinese labourers that they had the option to apply for repatriation before their contracts expired – an offer just 830 of them accepted. Of course, you can't please everyone, and some had wished that the Chinese labourers would be allowed to stay – most notably the mining and trade industries, who pointed out that the "Chinese Experiment" had been successful, and that the mines were once again just as productive and profitable as they had been before the war broke out. They also pointed out that they were now losing a skilled workforce, who could be described as being – > "…docile, industrious, and, as the comparative criminal statistics have shown, law-abiding workers." And they weren't the only ones, since thousands of the Chinese labourers submitted requests and petitions, begging the Foreign Labour Department to allow them to stay. At least 118 of them left their compounds to avoid being repatriated and returned to the mines a few weeks later to apply for new jobs in the mines, leading to their capture. In May 1909, the remaining Chinese labourers were warned that if they were caught, they would either be fined or imprisoned for three months. In February 1910, the last ship left for China, and over the next few years, the new Union of South Africa felt the absence of their departure. Out of the 73 gold mines that were producing gold in 1908, just 63 were still operational at the end of 1910. Black labourers who had started to return to the mines in 1906 were now being paid the same wages the Chinese labourers had received – which was less than they'd earned before the war broke out – and many of the control measures that had been put in place to keep the Chinese labourers from 'stealing' the jobs of skilled white workers, continued to be in effect until Apartheid ended in 1994. ## Lasting Legacy Anti-Asiatic legislation was still in effect and continued to impact the 2 300 Chinese who'd already been living in South Africa until at least 1933, and negative opinions regarding the Chinese severely limited the growth of the Chinese community in South Africa for the next century. According to Melanie Yap and Dianne Leong Man, the authors of the book *"Colour, Confusion and Concessions: The History of the Chinese in South Africa"* - > "The mass importation of labour was a short-lived episode in the story of the Chinese in South Africa. They came, they made their presence felt and then they left ... all within the space of six years... That they made an indelible impression is undeniable and stories of their exploits continue to be passed from one generation to the next." ## Key Takeaways - The Second Boer War (1899-1902) was fought to unite British colonies with Boer republics. - Post-war, British mining companies struggled to find skilled labor for gold mines. - The Chamber of Mines imported 63,395 Chinese laborers between 1904 and 1907. - Chinese laborers faced harsh working conditions and restrictive living arrangements. - Public outcry and political pressure led to the end of Chinese labor importation in 1906. ## Frequently Asked Questions ### When did the British Empire wage war against the South African Republic and the Orange Free State? Between the 11th of October 1899 and the 31st of May 1902. ### What was one of the reasons for the British Empire's war against the South African Republic and the Orange Free State? To unite the British-ruled Cape and Natal Colonies with the two Boer republics of the Orange Free State and the South African Republic (or Transvaal). ### What was the 'Outlander' policy of the Boer Republics? A policy that stated that 'foreigners' from North America and European countries weren’t allowed to buy property, settle in the Boer Republics, or take part in local elections unless they were 'white', had been residing in the Boer republics for a minimum of 14 years or were younger than 40 years of age. ### Why did the British mining companies struggle to find workers after the Second Boer War? The white mine workers had left the city to help rebuild the country, and black skilled mineworkers had returned to their villages and were reluctant to take up their pickaxes and work for menial wages again. ### What was the 'Chinese Experiment'? The importation of 65,000 indentured Chinese laborers to work in South Africa's gold mines between 1904 and 1907. ### What were the living conditions like for the Chinese laborers in the mines? The Chinese laborers were housed in prison-like compounds, with up to 40 sharing a room. Their diet consisted of rice, meat, vegetables, tea, nut oil, and salt. They had access to doctors and medicine but were restricted in their movements and had to share communal bathrooms and latrines. ### How many Chinese laborers died between 1904 and 1910? An estimated 3,192 Chinese laborers died due to various causes including accidents, tuberculosis, Vitamin B1 deficiencies, dysentery, opium poisoning, suicide, and murder. ### What was the public and international reaction to the treatment of Chinese laborers? There was significant public outcry and international protest against the inhumane treatment of the Chinese laborers, with comparisons made to slavery. British trade unions and political parties used the issue to gain support, leading to the stoppage of Chinese labor recruitment in December 1906. ### What happened to the Chinese laborers after their contracts expired? The majority of the Chinese laborers were repatriated back to China. Only 830 chose to apply for repatriation before their contracts expired, and many others tried to avoid repatriation by hiding or seeking new employment. ### How did the repatriation of Chinese laborers affect the gold mines? The repatriation led to a decrease in the number of operational gold mines and a loss of skilled labor. Black laborers who returned to the mines were paid lower wages, and many control measures remained in effect until the end of Apartheid in 1994. ## Sources - [Original Into the Shadows video: The Indentured Chinese Who Worked in South Africa's Gold Mines](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=9jiIQ4Nw0FY) - [Hero image source](https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/4/49/Boer_Republics_Flags.png) by M J Hurter / openverse, by-sa. ## Related Coverage Simon Whistler https://intotheshadows.pub/article/inside-the-kingdom-of-fear-saudi-arabia-human-rights-abuses https://intotheshadows.pub/article/inside-the-kingdom-of-fear-saudi-arabia-human-rights-abuses Sun, 28 Jun 2026 00:00:00 GMT For nearly a century, there has been a concerted effort to both define and uphold the rights that should be inherent to every individual on Earth simply by virtue of them being human. The right to life and liberty, to work and be educated, to freedom from slavery and torture: these are just a few examples of the rights that the United Nations define as belonging to everyone—regardless of race, sex, nationality, ethnicity, language, religion, and so on. They are what we refer to as basic human rights. However, that concept, which seems so obvious to us today, is a surprisingly new one. In 1948, as a direct result of the barbarism seen throughout the Second World War, the United Nations established these rights—and more—as part of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, or UDHR. This document was drafted by representatives from countries across the world, including Australia, Chile, Egypt, France, India, Lebanon, and more. It was meant to be a document that could help heal and bring the world together by ensuring that everyone—regardless of who they were—received the most basic protections. However, unfortunately, despite being purposefully written by a group whose sole intention was to help their fellow man, many countries—particularly those whose ideology was considered to be "non-western"—refused to adhere to them. To the leaders of those countries, the UDHR represented unwelcome change, and they feared that such an agreement could interfere with their own nation's personal sovereignty. One of these countries was Saudi Arabia. Their primary reason for rejecting the UDHR was that they believed Islam—not the government—should dictate human rights. As a result of this mindset, the Saudi government has consistently ranked as one of the worst of the worst at guaranteeing even the most basic human rights to its citizens, and in recent years, they have participated in everything from suppression of free speech to torture and murder. ## Basic Freedoms and Corruption Today, Saudi Arabia's government is classified as an absolute monarchy. This means that, unlike the United Kingdom's constitutional monarchy where the king's role is largely ceremonial, Saudi Arabia's leader, Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman Al Saud (Salman Al Su'ud), has absolute power and serves as the country's Monarch and Prime Minister. There is no legitimate representation for the Saudi people, and the country's laws are derived directly from a traditional interpretation of Islam. As a result, religious freedom within the country is virtually nonexistent. Islam is the official religion, and the Quran is designated as the country's official constitution. This means that both Muslims and non-Muslims alike are required, by law, to adhere to Muslim teachings in their everyday lives. Because there are no laws protecting speech, this also means that all public displays of worship or devotion to any other religion is strictly forbidden. These include engaging in public prayers, wearing or displaying religious symbols, and possessing non-Muslim texts. It also forbids the construction of churches, synagogues, or any other buildings where non-Muslim worship occurs. Officially, citizens are permitted to practice other religions inside the privacy of their own homes, but they are not allowed to attempt to share that religion with others by any means. In fact, attempting to convert someone from Islam to another religion is considered apostasy, an extremely serious offense that carries with it an equally serious penalty. Since these laws are obviously not suggestions, the government has historically utilized a religious police force known as the Committee for the Promotion of Virtue and the Prevention of Vice, or CPVPV. In the past, if someone was caught violating a public decency law, this group had the authority to charge them, and penalties for those charges—including apostasy—ranged from exorbitant fines to imprisonment—or even the death penalty. In recent years, as part of a series of reforms designed to better the lives of Saudi citizens known as Vision 2030, the CPVPV was stripped of many of its powers, but societal norms and a corrupt judicial system continue to keep the country rooted in fundamentalism. And, unfortunately, religious violations are not the only thing that can earn you a death sentence—as evidenced by the fact that Saudi Arabia has one of the highest execution rates in the world. They hand out death sentences for what we consider to be nonviolent crimes—such as drug offenses—but also for things that we don't consider to be crimes at all. Adultery is a good example. Blasphemy charges, which are often incurred as a direct result of rejecting or mocking Islam or the prophet Mohammed, along with witchcraft and sorcery can also be considered valid reasons for a court to consider a death sentence. To make matters even worse, capital punishment in Saudi Arabia operates in a way that runs contrary to how most modern countries approach the subject. Instead of a deliberately slow legal process that is designed to allow ample opportunity for appeals and retrials, Saudi death sentences are carried out hastily using archaic methods, such as public beheadings or by firing squads. This is because retrials in Saudi Arabia are rare, as when a sentence is delivered, it is usually final. To give you some idea of just how bad the problem has become, 6 out of the last 8 years have broken the record for the greatest number of annual executions, with an annual average of 129.5 executions per year. That is well above the worldwide average. But it's not just the death penalty, Saudi Arabia's court system as a whole is remarkably corrupt. Court proceedings are rushed and lack meaningful transparency, and punishments are harsh and unregulated. Famously, thieves are often ordered to have one of their hands or feet amputated, and public floggings, whippings, and stoning are sometimes handed out for crimes as minor as alcohol consumption. As a whole, Saudi Arabia's court system seeks to keep order by instilling fear in Saudi citizens and using harsher-than-average punishments to deter criminals. Studies show that this is an ineffective way of reducing crime and recidivism, but very little has been done to correct these abuses. ## Gay Rights Overall, there are few groups within Saudi Arabia that are more oppressed than the LGBT community. In keeping with the country's traditional interpretation of Islam—which forbids homosexuality of any kind—all types of same-sex relationships and sexual activities are criminalized, and there are no legal protections for gay men and women whatsoever. Individuals caught engaging in—or even suspected of engaging in—homosexual activities can face everything from public humiliation to torture. To ensure that these laws are being followed, Saudi authorities frequently monitor online forums and social media to identify and target gay individuals who use the internet as one of their only means to meet and speak with one another privately. Where the law stops, social stigma takes over. The community faces discrimination in nearly every aspect of their lives, including while seeking housing and healthcare, and high rates of vigilantism against them are frequently ignored by authorities. It also goes without saying that, since free speech is nonexistent, any type of advocation or protest in favor of LGBT rights is also strictly prohibited, which means that those seeking change have no realistic way of achieving it. ## Women's Rights In Saudi Arabia, women are often treated as second-class citizens due to the country's "Male Guardianship System," which requires them to seek permission from a male authority figure in their lives—typically a father, husband, or brother—before being allowed to perform certain activities. These include traveling within or outside the country, getting married, or even undergoing certain medical procedures. While in public, women are expected to adhere to a strict dress code, which includes a full body covering that obscures their hair, and they are forbidden from occupying the same public spaces as men who are not in their immediate family. When seeking an education, opportunities for young girls are purposefully limited, and once a woman is ready to enter the workforce—an act that also requires approval from a male guardian—she is likely to find few options. While some women find work in education, healthcare, finance, and even in government roles, there are still powerful societal pressures that encourage them to stay within the home. They are also forbidden from performing manual labor jobs, occupying judicial or religious roles, enlisting in the military, and participating in many artistic fields, such as acting, singing, or dancing in public. In addition to not being allowed to be a judge, women are also heavily discriminated against by judges as the country's legal system usually rules in favor of men when deciding cases of divorce, child custody, inheritance, or anything else that pits men and women against one another. When testifying in court, a woman's testimony almost always carries less weight than a man's, and multiple women are required to testify to the same thing before their concerns are taken seriously. Despite being desperate for change, women—and men alike—are forbidden to speak out or advocate for women's rights, and those that do pursue social change are subject to imprisonment for violating the country's laws regarding "acceptable public behavior." In June 2018, under the Vision 2030 initiative, some changes were made to women's rights in an attempt to modernize certain aspects of Saudi life, including lifting the ban on female drivers. However, women still encounter significant pressure to refrain from fully exercising their newfound freedoms. Male guardians are still required to grant permission for women to obtain a driver's license, and many female drivers face daily verbal and physical harassment from individuals who consider these changes detrimental to the country's moral fabric. ## Migrant Workers As terrible as the situation is for regular citizens, the treatment of migrant workers within the country is even more egregious as those who travel to Saudi Arabia in search of work are not even granted the same few basic protections as Saudi citizens. They are overworked and underpaid, and their employers exploit them in ways that critics of the Saudi government call "modern day slavery." They are beaten, shackled, starved, imprisoned and sometimes abandoned without food, water, transportation, or any other provisions needed to survive in Saudi Arabia's harsh climate. According to the United Nations, as of 2015, there were over 10 million migrant workers living in the country, which is approximately 30% of its 32.7 million population. This is well beyond the world average, but to understand why the country is forced to rely so heavily on foreign workers, we must take a brief look at the country's economic history. This trend of using and exploiting migrant workers began around the late 1930s when Saudi Arabia first discovered vast amounts of oil underneath their land. Seeing as, up until this point, they were one of the poorest and most underdeveloped countries in the world, help was required from more experienced workers to extract this new resource. This influx of workers caused a boom that more than doubled the country's population in just over 50 years. Due to certain cultural stigmas, which cause many Saudis to see manual labor jobs as beneath them, as well as a lackluster education system that focuses on religious teachings over practical skills, many Saudi citizens are still not equipped to perform these jobs, and the country has been forced to continue relying on foreign workers to supplement their own workforce. And today, just as they were in the past, these workers continue to suffer at the hands of their employers. Before traveling to Saudi Arabia, foreign workers are required by law to secure employment from a "sponsor," who will then oversee them as they live and work within the country. Because many foreign workers are poor and cannot finance their own travel arrangements, sponsors also sometimes pay worker's transportation fees upfront, which means they are indebted to their employer before even arriving in the country. As collateral for this investment, many sponsors then require the workers to immediately surrender their visas or passports upon arrival to prevent them from fleeing. This is made possible by a law that requires individuals to present an "exit pass" before leaving the country. This arrangement is terribly problematic because, since the workers are tied so closely to their employers, they cannot easily change jobs or seek out new employment without permission from either the government or their original employer, which facilitates the opportunity for the rampant abuse that occurs. Since there is little recourse for foreign workers, employers will often abuse them both verbally and physically. They are sometimes beaten and locked inside their workplace overnight; pay is withheld for weeks, months, or even years at a time. The workers that are treated most harshly are ones that come from different religious backgrounds or are of a different race. Because many migrant workers are afraid to reach out to the authorities out of fear of retaliation, employers are also able to get away with violating the country's few labor laws, such as the one that forbids workers from laboring outdoors during the hottest part of the day. This is done to prevent heatstroke, something that foreign workers regularly suffer from. Most recently, the migrant worker crisis caught international attention during the 2022 FIFA World Cup, which took place in Qatar. During this time, over 20,000 foreign workers labored together to build the stadium, and reports of overworking, physical abuse and wage theft were rampant. Unfortunately, as we've already discussed, the Saudi court system is corrupt by design, but for migrants, this corruption is exponentially worse. They often face arbitrary arrest and imprisonment for crimes they did not commit and are unable to defend themselves in court due to inadequate legal counsel and an absence of translators. This means that the accused is often unaware of what is happening throughout the proceedings. Then, as if that wasn't bad enough, when convicted, migrants almost always receive longer and harsher sentences for the same crimes when compared to Saudi citizens. These sentences do not exclude the death penalty, and when sentenced to death, executions happen quickly and without notifying the worker's home government. This leaves no time for foreign governments to petition the courts for commutation or clemency. Their families are usually not even aware of their sentence until the execution has already taken place. ## Social Change In recent years, human rights organizations from across the world have continued to lobby the Saudi government for change, but resistance is fierce. To combat outside influences, they have banned all forms of civil rights organizations from establishing themselves within the country due to the belief that they are working to undermine the government's control. Unfortunately, because of this, we don't even know how big Saudi Arabia's problems are. They refuse to track or make public any meaningful data regarding corruption, abuse, or crime, and the only information we have is what manages to slip through the cracks. Although, as part of Vision 2030—and other recent efforts to modernize the country—new legal changes are being enacted to protect certain groups, specifically migrant workers and women. Now, migrants have a greater ability to switch jobs without the permission of their current employers—under certain circumstances—and the exit permit requirement, which forced citizens and non-citizens alike to show documentation before leaving the country, has been lifted. They have also raised the minimum wage as well as increased fines for employers who violate workers' rights or refuse to pay due wages. Whether or not these new laws will usher in a wave of change within the country is yet to be seen, but at the very least it is a step in the right direction. Hopefully, as calls for change continue to spread to even the darkest parts of the world, the Saudi people will finally have their basic rights guaranteed to them for the first time in history. ## Key Takeaways - Saudi Arabia rejects the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, citing Islamic law. - The Saudi government severely restricts religious freedom and punishes apostasy harshly. - LGBT individuals in Saudi Arabia face criminalization, social stigma, and potential torture. - Women in Saudi Arabia require male permission for major life decisions and face legal discrimination. - Migrant workers in Saudi Arabia endure exploitation, abuse, and harsh legal penalties. ## Frequently Asked Questions ### What are basic human rights? Basic human rights include the right to life and liberty, to work and be educated, and freedom from slavery and torture. These rights are defined by the United Nations and are meant to be inherent to every individual. ### When were basic human rights established? Basic human rights were established in 1948 as part of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR) by the United Nations. ### Why did Saudi Arabia reject the UDHR? Saudi Arabia rejected the UDHR because they believed that Islam, not the government, should dictate human rights. ### What is the role of the Crown Prince in Saudi Arabia? The Crown Prince of Saudi Arabia, Mohammed bin Salman, serves as the country's Monarch and Prime Minister with absolute power, and there is no legitimate representation for the Saudi people. ### What is the Committee for the Promotion of Virtue and the Prevention of Vice (CPVPV)? The CPVPV is a religious police force in Saudi Arabia that historically enforced public decency laws, with penalties ranging from fines to imprisonment or the death penalty. ### What are some non-violent crimes that can result in the death penalty in Saudi Arabia? Non-violent crimes that can result in the death penalty in Saudi Arabia include drug offenses and adultery. ### How does Saudi Arabia's court system handle the death penalty? Saudi Arabia's court system carries out death sentences hastily using archaic methods like public beheadings or firing squads, with retrials being rare. ### What is the Male Guardianship System in Saudi Arabia? The Male Guardianship System requires women to seek permission from a male authority figure for activities like traveling, getting married, or undergoing certain medical procedures. ### What changes were made to women's rights under Vision 2030? Under Vision 2030, some changes included lifting the ban on female drivers, but women still face significant pressure and require male guardian permission for a driver's license. ### What is the situation for migrant workers in Saudi Arabia? Migrant workers in Saudi Arabia are overworked, underpaid, and often subjected to abuse, with little legal protection or recourse against their employers. ## Sources - [Original Into the Shadows video: Inside the Kingdom of Fear: The Shocking Truth about Saudi Arabia's Human Rights Abuses](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=XAMkHlT2rLc) - [Hero image source](https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/7/7f/First_Minister_meeting_with_Zara_Mohammed%2C_of_the_Muslim_Council_of_Britain_-_7th_November_2023_-_53316192331.jpg) by Scottish Government / openverse, by. ## Related Coverage Simon Whistler https://intotheshadows.pub/article/inside-the-meeting-that-engineered-the-holocaust https://intotheshadows.pub/article/inside-the-meeting-that-engineered-the-holocaust Sun, 28 Jun 2026 00:00:00 GMT Imagine holding a boardroom meeting to dispassionately discuss the systematic murder of 6.6 million men, women, and children. Each seat at the table has an elegantly written name-card for one of the most notorious war criminals and mass-killers of all time. State briefings and Jewish population statistics are neatly organised in file folders for the convenience of the attendees. Chilled water, vintage wines, and expensive cognac are served in fine crystal glasses. High quality hors d'oeuvres and a sumptuous buffet lunch are provided while much of occupied Europe starves. And notes of the proceedings are dutifully typed up by an alert and impassive secretary. Thirty copies of the meeting notes were circulated to the offices of all the Nazi officials in attendance. The documents were ordered not to be distributed to subordinates and to be burned shortly after the attendees and their superiors had reviewed them. Even the Nazis did not want it to be a matter of historical record that they had discussed mass-murder in such depth and breadth. One copy failed to be destroyed and survived the war. As such, we know what was discussed, by whom, and the eerily bureaucratic way in which these 15 men discussed the total annihilation of a people. In the space of just 90 minutes, the attendees settled their plans for an industrialized slaughter that reduced all the massacres of pre-modern history to pygmy proportions. In fact, 6.6 million people is just the estimated number of Jews who died in the Holocaust. The Nazis intended to kill closer to 11 million. For perspective, that is equivalent to roughly the entire population of North Carolina, or every soul in the city of Paris, or every last man, woman, and child living in the Czech Republic. Chairing the meeting was SS-Obergruppenführer Reinhard Heydrich, nicknamed "the Hangman" and "The Butcher of Prague", and at his side was SS-Obersturmbannführer Adolf Eichmann, the cold and calculating logistician who oversaw the deportation of millions of people to the Nazi death camps. This was the Wannsee Conference of January 20th 1942 — the meeting that set the Final Solution to the so-called "Jewish Question" in motion. ## Forcing Them to Flee When Hitler ascended to power in January 1933, there were approximately 435,000 Jewish people living in Germany, or 0.6% of the population. Many of them had lived there since the Middle Ages. During peacetime, it was impossible to forcibly deport or murder the Jews without a huge international outcry. Therefore, from 1933 to the German invasion of Poland in 1939, Nazi policy was to make life for German Jews so unbearable that they would flee the country. The pressure began almost immediately. In 1933, the Nazis banned Jewish people from working as civil servants, judges, lawyers, schoolteachers, university professors, tax consultants, public notaries, and, oddly enough, musicians, due to what the Nazis believed was the deliberate Jewish promotion of degeneracy to sabotage German morals and culture. The banning of Jewish university professors caused Albert Einstein to move to America. The Nazis also banned Jewish students from attending German universities and severely limited the number of Jewish children allowed in state-run schools. In September 1933, the Jews were banned from owning or working on farms, or participating in the German film, theatre, and radio industries. In October this ban was extended to Jewish newspaper journalists. Jewish doctors meanwhile were banned from participating in the state-run health service. These bans also applied to people who identified as German and Christian but had recent Jewish ancestry. Meanwhile, the Nazi Party had adopted sweeping centralized powers to regulate the economy, and these powers were used as an economic weapon against the Jews. The Nazis could already dictate to all German-owned businesses what their prices should be, what things they were allowed to sell, what production quotas they had to meet, and how many people they hired. The Nazis even restricted how much profit German business owners were allowed to take home. The Nazis could also confiscate a German business with little or no compensation. Most of this was done in accordance with the Nazis' centralized economic planning models, like the Four-Year Plan of 1936 to 1940, but these same regulatory powers were used to put Jewish people out of business. They were not allowed to take government contracts, advertise publicly, sell certain products or in certain markets, and, at the drop of a hat, they could have their businesses confiscated and sold to a so-called "Aryan." These measures threw thousands of formerly prosperous Jews into menial work, unemployment, and poverty. In September and November of 1935, the Nazis introduced the Nuremberg Laws, the most sweeping body of antisemitic legislation of the prewar period. Firstly, the Nuremberg Laws stripped Jewish people of their German citizenship, relegating them to second-class status. This also meant that those Jews who were not born in Germany could be forcibly deported back to their countries of origin. The Jews who could not be deported were declared resident aliens, non-German state subjects, and "enemies of the race-based state." Secondly, the Nuremberg Laws also banned marriages between Jewish and Aryan Germans, along with unmarried sexual contact between them, eventually growing to include hugging and kissing, punishable by a prison term with hard labour. Thirdly, to combat what the Nazis perceived as the sexually predatory nature of Jewish men, the Nuremberg Laws made it specifically illegal for German women under 45 to be employed in a Jewish household. Off the books, Jews who transgressed these laws were often packed off to the earliest German concentration camps. Finally, the Nuremberg Laws defined who counted as Jewish — based on heredity, and irrespective of whether they self-identified as Jewish or practiced Judaism. A German with one Jewish great-grandparent was still considered German. A German with one Jewish grandparent or two great-grandparents was considered "mixed race" but was eligible for German citizenship. A German with 2 Jewish grandparents was also considered "mixed race" and was still allowed to have citizenship unless they practiced Judaism or married a Jew. A German with 3 or 4 Jewish grandparents was a Jew, regardless of whether they or their parents had converted to Christianity. In January 1938, Jewish people were banned from changing their surnames to hide their ethnic origins. Four months later, a similar rule was applied to changing the name of Jewish businesses in order to hide the ethnicity of their owners. Jewish doctors were stripped of their licenses and banned from calling themselves medical doctors. Instead, they had to refer to themselves as "sick-treaters" and most of them were banned from treating anyone who wasn't themselves Jewish. On March 13th 1938, Germany annexed Austria, which was home to roughly 230,000 Jews. All previous laws were now extended to them. The same happened to the 3,000 Jews who lived in the Sudetenland of Czechoslovakia, when the Germans annexed the territory on September 30th. Meanwhile, in April 1938, Jewish people had to register with the government all property they owned that was worth more than $6,000 dollars in modern US currency. Meanwhile, there were public boycotts of Jewish businesses, along with a campaign of violence, harassment, and vandalism. Things culminated on the night of November 9th and 10th 1938, known as Kristallnacht, or "The Night of the Broken Glass." Anti-Jewish riots, encouraged by the state press, erupted across Germany in reaction to a Jewish teenager shooting a German diplomat in Paris. The rioters vandalised and burned 267 synagogues, 7,500 Jewish businesses, and committed violent assaults on Jewish individuals. 100 Jews were killed during the night and 30,000 Jews were arrested by the Nazi government as "instigators" and "aggressors" in the mayhem. Blaming the Jews for the violence, the Nazis imposed what they called an "atonement levy" of 1-billion Reichsmarks on the entire Jewish community, in a form of collective guilt based on race. The atonement levy was to be extracted in four payments of extra taxation and property confiscations. In 1939, the Nazis demanded a fifth one. They also banned Jews from receiving insurance payouts for any properties that had been damaged during the riots. Kristallnacht was followed up a few days later by new laws that closed down the remaining Jewish owned businesses and gave them to Aryans, and prohibited Jewish people from attending movie theatres, stage-plays, and music concerts, and also banned Jews from driving or owning a car. Jews were also not permitted to travel outside their local area without government permission and they had to obey strict curfews. In February 1939, Jews were legally required to surrender all the gold, silver, diamonds, and other gems and precious metals which they owned to the Nazi government. This law included wedding and engagement rings. The campaign of persecution compelled over 200,000 Jews to flee Germany between 1933 and 1939, along with roughly 45,000 Austrian Jews and 700 Sudeten Jews after the German annexations of 1938. This left 230,000 Jews trapped in Germany, 185,000 left in Austria, and 2,300 in the Sudetenland. Most of the refugees fled to the United States, Great Britain, or the British Mandate of Palestine (later becoming Israel in 1948). A minority of the Jewish diaspora headed to other countries in Western Europe and South America, and the Dominions of Canada, Australia, and New Zealand. All the aforementioned countries placed restrictions on the number of Jewish refugees that could migrate there, or else the number of Jews who fled the Third Reich during this time would have been higher. For example, in May 1939, 935 Jewish refugees boarded the M.S. St. Louis, sailing from Hamburg in Germany to Havana, Cuba. All but 28 of them were turned away. The remaining 907 refugees sailed for the United States, where they were intercepted by the Coast Guard, with the White House and even President Franklin D. Roosevelt personally refusing to intervene. The St. Louis then sailed on to Canada, where again they were turned away by the Liberal government of William Lyon Mackenzie-King. The St. Louis then sailed back to Europe and sat in the port of Antwerp, Belgium, while the Western European democratic nations bartered over who should take them. In the end, the UK took 288 Jewish refugees, France took 224, Belgium took 214, and 181 were taken in by the Netherlands. However, when Germany invaded and occupied France, Belgium, and the Netherlands in 1940, 254 of the refugees from the St. Louis who had settled in Western Europe were captured by the Germans and later murdered in the Holocaust. Meanwhile, if you had managed to flee Nazi Germany prior to the outbreak of war, you had to surrender 90% of your wealth in taxes before you were allowed to leave the country. This meant that you'd arrive in your host country on the verge of poverty, essentially having to rebuild your life from scratch. ## Attempts at Mass Expulsion An exception to the 90% taxation rule was applied to the 52,000 Jews who had fled to Palestine. Those people only had an average of 50% of their wealth stolen. The reason for the lower rate was that the Nazi government was laying the ground to forcibly expel the rest of the 420,000 Jews under their control in early 1939 to Palestine. With the 3,000-year-old kingdom of Israel being historically sacred in Judaism, this theoretically provided an extra incentive for Jews to comply with the expulsion order. The German objective, above all else, was not to leave a single Jewish person in the Third Reich. The Nazi philosophy of race-based collectivism considered Jews not only inferior but genetically predisposed toward corrupting the nations in which they lived. As such, the Nazis feared that if any Jews were allowed to remain in the Third Reich, they would try to hatch a Jewish-Internationalist plot similar to the mythical "stab in the back" that the Nazis claimed had forced Germany to lose the First World War. However, the Palestine plan required the approval of the British government who administered the region at the time. And the British did not wish to enrage the local Arab population, and other Muslims in the Middle East, by bringing in such a massive influx of Jewish refugees to lands that the Muslims had also declared sacred ever since the Arab conquest of Palestine from the Byzantine Empire in the 630s. And, of course, when the Germans invaded Poland in September 1939, the British declared war and blockaded Germany, making any sort of overseas expulsion of German Jews impossible. During the war, the Nazis reversed their policy and began negotiations with the Grand Mufti of Jerusalem to extend the Holocaust to the Jews in Palestine, if the Axis Powers managed to conquer the region from the British. Meanwhile, Hitler's ally, Benito Mussolini, proposed that the Jews be resettled in Italian East Africa, among the historical Ethiopian Jewish population. This plan was never implemented due to the war. If it had, it is likely that a large number of the expelled Jewish refugees would have starved to death — an outcome that the Nazis would have been perfectly fine with. Low-level Japanese officials also speculated about using Jewish settlers to economically develop their holdings in Manchuria, but this idea never made it to the level of a policy proposal. Back in 1938, the Nazis had considered whether they could relocate German Jews to the French colony of Madagascar. This was an old idea for a Jewish State that had been entertained by various European officials in the 19th century, when Palestine was still controlled by the Ottoman Empire and thus was not an option. Not that the Germans wanted a free Jewish state in the world — even in Madagascar. When Germany conquered France in June 1940, the Madagascar Expulsion Plan was revived in earnest, with the Nazis imposing the idea on the French collaborationist government at Vichy. Assuming that the British would soon surrender, the Nazis planned to deport hundreds of thousands of Jews to Madagascar, where they would be governed by German SS Officers in a tightly-controlled police state. It did not matter to the Nazis that the food supply in Madagascar could not support even a few thousand more people, and that sending European Jews to Madagascar would most likely have resulted in mass starvation and death. The plan was abandoned when the British Empire did not sue for peace in 1940, declared their intention to fight on alone, and won a decisive victory in the Battle of Britain. Meanwhile, the German occupation of the rest of Czech territory in March 1939, and their wartime invasions of Poland, Denmark, Norway, the Netherlands, Belgium, and France in 1939 and 1940 had resulted in 4.2 million more Jewish people being brought under the control of the Third Reich. 3.3 million of them were from Poland alone. In the summer of 1940, the Germans set about building walled off ghettos in Poland to house the Jews in crowded, starving, and disease-riddled conditions. Thousands died of dysentery and tuberculosis. Some of the Jews in occupied Western Europe were deported to Poland, but many remained where they were, falling under the same oppressive restrictions applied to Jews in Germany. Meanwhile, numerous Nazi-led massacres of Jews in the thousands were taking place all over Europe, most frequently by shooting them into mass graves that the victims had been forced to dig themselves. But the oppressive restrictions, massacres, and the ghettos in Poland were just temporary for the Nazis. Hitler's policy of Lebensraum, or "living space", demanded that Poland and the rest of Eastern Europe not only be fully depopulated of Jews but, eventually, hundreds of millions of Slavs, so that the land could be settled by German farming families. The idea was, within the space of a few generations, the German and Austrian Aryan population would triple from 80 million to 240 million, making the Third Reich the largest industrialised power in the world — even rivalling the United States. After the Germans were defeated in the Battle of Britain in September 1940, Hitler put his British invasion plans on indefinite hiatus and immediately ordered his general staff to begin formulating plans for the invasion of the Soviet Union. The idea was to crush the Soviets in a quick campaign in 1941. Thereafter, the Jews of Europe would be forcibly deported beyond the Urals into Siberia, where they would most likely freeze and starve to death. However, from the perspective of the Nazis, this plan came with two major problems. First, by invading the Soviet Union, Germany would bring a further 3 to 5 million Jews under German occupation — depending on how far east they conquered — in addition to the 154,000 Jews that had been brought under German rule when they invaded Yugoslavia and Greece earlier in 1941. Furthermore, there were 2.1 million more Jews residing in the Axis allied countries of Italy, Hungary, Romania, and Bulgaria. From the Nazi point of view, all of these people had to be purged from Europe. Therefore, on July 31st 1941, Reichsmarshall Hermann Göring ordered SS Deputy Leader Reinhard Heydrich, the ruthless Head of the Reich Security Office, which included the Gestapo, to come up with a "total solution to the Jewish question." The second problem was that the Germans failed to conquer the Soviet Union in the summer and autumn of 1941. It quickly became apparent that the struggle between the Nazis and the Communists was going to stretch into 1942, if not longer. Meanwhile, the Germans had upwards of 11 million Jews in the territories which they occupied, and, with the Wehrmacht stalled at the gates of Moscow, they could not be forcibly deported anywhere. And the British blockade and the poor harvests of 1940 and 1941 left Nazi-occupied Europe with a severe shortage of food. And, ideologically, the Nazis could not bear the idea of keeping 11 million Jews alive on their territory for the duration of the war. It was thus in the autumn and winter of 1941 that the Nazis definitively shifted their ideas from the expulsion of the Jews to certain death in Siberia to the mechanized and industrialized slaughter of the Jews in Nazi-occupied Europe. All that remained was to put this hideous plan into action. ## The Guest List Acting under the authority of Hermann Göring, on November 29th 1941, Reinhard Heydrich, assisted by SS-Obersturmbannführer Adolf Eichmann, sent invitations to 13 Nazi officials whose departments would be indispensable to the execution of the Holocaust. The date of the meeting was set for December 9th. Initially, they were to meet in a Berlin office building, but on December 4th Heydrich changed the meeting location to a lavish villa in Wannsee, a suburb of Berlin. The Wannsee villa was nothing less than a mansion, with multiple bedrooms, drawing rooms, servant's quarters, an industrial-sized kitchen, private gardens, and a substantial endowment of land overlooking a lake in Berlin. It had previously been owned by Friedrich Minoux, a German industrialist and long-time financier of the Nazi Party. Minoux was forced to sell the villa to Heydrich after his imprisonment for fraud in 1941. Thereafter, Heydrich used the Wannsee villa as a base for many SS operations. Heydrich also planned to make the villa his personal residence after the war. On December 5th 1941 there was a Soviet counter-offensive at Moscow, and on the 7th the Japanese attacked Pearl Harbour, and on the 11th Hitler declared war on the United States. Amid the bureaucratic chaos these events created, many of the Nazi officials invited to the meeting were required at their posts, and so the Wannsee conference was postponed until January 1942. Meanwhile, on December 12th Hitler spoke to government officials in Berlin about how the Jewish people were to blame for the war and how that would, as a consequence, bring about their own annihilation. On December 18th Hitler met with Heinrich Himmler, Reichsführer of the SS, at the Wolf's Lair in East Prussia, where they discussed how the Jewish people were to be exterminated prior to the end of the war. On January 8th 1942, Heydrich sent new invitations to his Wannsee villa on January 20th. On that day, the men who gathered around the table were: - **SS-Brigadeführer Josef Bühler**, State Secretary of the Government of Occupied Poland and representative of Hans Frank, the Nazi Governor-General of that region. Bühler assisted in the deportation of Jews to ghettos, where he presided over their administration, including starvation rations and the lack of attention to the spread of deadly diseases. - **SS-Obersturmbannführer Adolf Eichmann**, logistician and specialist in Jewish affairs for the SS, who spoke both a little Hebrew and Yiddish, and before the war had investigated the possibility of the mass expulsion of Germany's Jews to Palestine. After the German invasion of Poland, Eichmann had presided over the deportation of millions of Jews to ghettos and formulated plans for their further deportation to Siberia, once the Soviet Union had been conquered. Eichmann also became an expert at various methods of extermination, investigating mass-murder technologies and evaluating them for their feasibility and efficiency. Eichmann acted as conference organiser and Heydrich's right-hand man at the Wannsee meeting. - **Judge Roland Freisler**, State Secretary at the Ministry of Justice, a key figure in shaping discriminatory laws that persecuted the Jews, including the Nuremberg Laws. In particular, he was the lead advocate for prohibiting marriages between Jews and Aryans and banning any sexual activity between them. Freisler also championed legal changes that allowed juveniles under the age of 18 to be sent to prison or even be sentenced to death. 72 such child-executions took place as a result of Freisler's efforts. At Wannsee, he was there as an expert to advise on the legality of the deportation and mass-murder of the Jews. - **SS-Gruppenführer Otto Hofmann**, Head of the SS Race and Settlement Office, which regulated the marriages of SS men to maintain the racial purity of their offspring, selected Eastern Europeans for slave labour with the aim of working them to death, abducted Polish and Soviet children who were of German descent, and handled the German re-settlement of the Eastern territories that had recently been purged of Slavic inhabitants. - **Dr. Friedrich Kritzinger**, Permanent Secretary at the Reich Chancellery, representing Hans Lammers, who served directly under Adolf Hitler. Kritzinger was a career bureaucrat who served as policymaker for the Nazis from 1938 onward. He helped to enact many anti-Jewish policies, from discrimination to forcible deportation. In 1941, he briefly advocated Jewish sterilization and/or mass-extermination. His suggestions were refused, so that the Chancellery and Hitler himself would not be directly implicated, on record, in the decision to commit genocide. - **SS-Sturmbannführer Rudolf Lange**, Deputy Commander of "SiPo" and the "SD" in the Baltic States and Belarus — a mixture of Gestapo, spies, and criminal police, charged with suppressing resistance and rounding up the Jews. At Wannsee, he was representing his commander, Franz Stahlecker. Lange was also leader of "Einsatzkommando 2," a group charged with the depopulation of Latvia. Lange was direct commander of the branch of SiPo and the SD in Latvia, where in December 1941 he presided over the murder of 25,000 Jews from the ghetto in the capital, Riga. The victims were marched out to the woods, 1,000 people at a time, forced to stand in pits that already contained dead bodies, before they were gunned down by machine gun fire. Then another thousand were brought in. The slaughter lasted 9 days. - **SS-Brigadeführer Martin Luther**, a Nazi diplomat, undersecretary at the Foreign Office, and close associate of both Joachim von Ribbentrop and Heinrich Himmler. As such, Luther had been one of the first to become aware that Nazi policy had shifted in late 1941 from the deportation of Jews to their outright extermination. One of Luther's primary functions as a diplomat was to convince the Axis allies of Italy, Hungary, Romania, Bulgaria, Slovakia, and Vichy France to hand over their Jews to German authorities. - **SS-Oberführer Gerhard Klopfer**, secretary and representative of Martin Bormann, Head of the Nazi Party Chancellery, who was growing increasingly influential with Hitler. Klopfer had overseen the confiscation of Jewish businesses, persecuted mixed marriages between Jews and Aryans, and now handled a raft of appointments in the Nazi Party. Beyond that, Klopfer was Bormann's creature and carried out his will across the Reich. - **Dr. Georg Leibbrandt**, undersecretary and representative for Alfred Rosenberg, Minister for the Eastern Occupied Territories, which consisted of all the territory the Nazis had thus far conquered in the Soviet Union. Leibbrandt was an ethnic German from Ukraine who had become a German citizen and was an expert on Soviet affairs. He was in charge of anti-Communist propaganda and director of the ministry's political department, with the task of convincing Soviet citizens that the Nazis were there to liberate them from Stalin, while at the same time the Einsatzgruppen razed cities to the ground and depopulated the countryside. - **Dr. Alfred Meyer**, Deputy Minister for the Occupied Eastern Territories, in charge of the civil administration, economic planning, infrastructure development, and the rounding up and exploitation of Jewish slave labour in the Soviet Union. It is unknown how many thousands of Jews were worked and starved to death under his tenure. He was also a fanatical Regional Party Leader for the Nazis in Westphalia. - **SS-Gruppenführer Heinrich Müller**, Chief of the Gestapo, the man who had ordered the arrest of 30,000 Jews during Kristallnacht, and who oversaw the suppression of dissent and resistance movements in the Third Reich. He also handled the capture of European Jews and their deportation. Müller was a pure thug through and through — a sadistic henchman for his superiors, Himmler and Heydrich. Thus far in his career, Müller had presided over hundreds of thousands of midnight arrests, the torture of prisoners, and summary executions. - **SS-Oberführer Erich Neumann**, State Secretary for the Office of the Four-Year Plan, representing the Ministry of Finance, Ministry of Labour, and Ministry of Supply. Neumann oversaw the logistics of slave labour in Nazi Germany and was eager to avoid Jewish slaves who were contributing to wartime production from being prematurely deported and murdered. - **SS-Oberführer Karl Eberhard Schöngarth**, Heydrich's creature, who had been sent out to Poland to command the SiPo and SD. His task was the suppression of Polish resistance and the capture and deportation of the Jews. Between July and September 1941, Schöngarth had ordered the execution of 10,000 Polish Jews and their burial in mass graves. - **SS-Brigadeführer Wilhelm Stuckart**, State Secretary of the Interior Ministry and representative of Wilhelm Frick. Stuckart was a legal theorist who pioneered the theory of race-based collectivism. He was co-creator of the Nuremberg Laws and was chiefly responsible for codifying who got classified as genetically Jewish. In 1939, Stuckart was instrumental in shaping the Nazi policy of euthanizing children with disabilities, to which his own infant son, born with Down's Syndrome, fell victim in 1941. As for Reinhard Heydrich himself, he was described by Hitler as "a man with an iron heart." Heydrich was second in the SS only to Himmler. Heydrich was the architect of the SD intelligence service, he was one of the engineers of Kristallnacht, and was chief designer of the Einsatzgruppen, the military reserve units that operated behind the lines and ruthlessly depopulated Eastern Europe, killing millions of Slavs. He was also appointed Reich Protector of Bohemia and Moravia, where he unleashed a terror campaign that claimed the lives of tens of thousands of Czechs, and delivered hundreds of thousands more into slavery. Finally, Heydrich was the principal architect of the industrialised methods by which the Holocaust itself was to be carried out. Before Wannsee, over 500,000 Jews in Eastern Europe had already been killed in ad hoc massacres or via disease or overwork. Now the pace was about to accelerate. At the time of the Wannsee Conference in January 1942, Heydrich was only 37 years old. ## Euphemisms for Genocide The conference kicked off with an announcement by Heydrich that Reichsmarshall Hermann Göring had charged him with the task of enacting the Final Solution, and to bring all the other government departments, represented by those around the table, up to speed and into line. The 15 men there that day were mostly the "number-two's" of even more notorious Nazis, partially because their superiors had many demands on their time, and partially to give their bosses plausible deniability should the details of the Final Solution ever get leaked to enemy countries. But, rest assured, there is enough documentary and substantiating evidence to prove that the entire Nazi executive, from Hitler downward, were aware of the Holocaust and ordered its perpetration. Genocide was not just some initiative randomly taken by some Nazi lapdogs without the knowledge of their masters. Heydrich then announced that the Final Solution would be carried out under the absolute authority of Heinrich Himmler and himself. This may have ruffled a few feathers, since the men around the table could be jealous of their authority and departmental purview. But if it angered them, they did not show it. At this point in the history of the Nazi regime, one thing had become clear — you did not want to mess with the SS. To do so would likely result in your imprisonment, torture, and death. Then Heydrich summarised the progress the Nazis had made in forcing the Jews to emigrate, either by intimidation or by coerced deportation. Heydrich pointed out that these methods had been undertaken to maintain a thin veneer of legality during peacetime, but said that, "The disadvantages engendered by such is clear to all authorities. But in the absence of other possible solutions, they had to be accepted for the time being." The biggest problem, from the Nazi point of view, was that emigration had not gotten rid of the Jews fast enough. And the war had shut down that scheme. Also, with every new territory the Nazis conquered, the number of Jews under their control had increased exponentially. They didn't just have 420,000 German-speaking Jews like they did at the beginning of 1939. They had millions. As such, Heydrich announced, "Emigration has now been replaced by evacuation of the Jews to the East, as a further possible solution, with the appropriate prior authorization by the Führer." At the meeting, and in hundreds of subsequent Nazi documents and communications thereafter, it was clear that "evacuation to the East" was a euphemism for murdering the Jews somewhere in Eastern Europe. And Heydrich did not mean some sort of forced deportation and resettlement in Siberia once the Soviet Union had surrendered. Well before the Wannsee Conference, Himmler and Heydrich had already decided the place for most of the exterminations would be in Poland. To that end, the first death camp at Chełmno had already become operational on December 8th 1941. Between 152,000 and 350,000 people were murdered there. Auschwitz-Birkenau had been operational since May 1940 to house Polish political prisoners. It was expanded in 1941. In February 1942, only a few weeks after the Wannsee conference, the showers became operational to mass-murder Jews. In total, 960,000 Jews would die at Auschwitz, with 865,000 of them — or 90% — being gassed upon arrival. Bełżec became operational the following month, in March 1942, and 500,000 Jews would die there. Sobibór started up two months later, in May, killing a further 250,000 people. Two months after that, in July, Treblinka started up, and 900,000 Jews would be killed there. And, finally, in October 1942, Majdanek was opened as an auxiliary to the other death camps. Nevertheless, 78,000 people would be murdered there. We list the operational dates of these extermination camps and their death tolls so that the reader is under no illusion what "evacuation to the East" actually meant. In addition to this, a further 150,000 Jews died in other concentration camps. And approximately 220,000 Jews were shot and buried in mass graves in Poland, 500,000 were shot in the Soviet Union, and 150,000 were shot elsewhere in German-occupied Europe. At least 800,000 Jews died of starvation and diseases like typhus in the ghettos, and at least 500,000 died while working as slave labour or being sent on forced death marches. Finally, there were the so-called "gas wagons," an inexpensive method of mass-murder, whereby the victims were coerced into the back of a vehicle with the exhaust redirected into the chamber so they died of carbon monoxide poisoning. One vehicle could murder 60 people an hour, or up to 1,440 people per 24 hours of operation for a single truck or van. 20 gas wagons were commissioned by the SS for use at Chełmno in 1941. Hundreds became operational at ad hoc sites across the Soviet Union from 1942 to 1944, killing approximately 800,000 Jews. The 15 Nazis around the table then reviewed the population estimates for Jews remaining in Europe. The estimates were not just for countries the Germans had already occupied, but included countries they had yet to conquer, like Britain, and also neutral countries like Ireland, Sweden, Switzerland, and Turkey. Heydrich pointed out that some of these countries only counted Jews by religious observance, so they would need to dig a little deeper to find the so-called "genetic Jew." Discussion then turned to how some of the Jews would be worked to death by building roads in the vast and underdeveloped Soviet Union. Heydrich observed that "a large proportion will no doubt drop out via natural reduction." Heydrich then pointed out the slave labour that survived the ordeal would have to be killed outright because those Jews, "will without doubt represent the most resilient group, consisting of a natural selection that could become the germ-cell of a new Jewish revival." Heydrich then declared that the Jews remaining in Germany and Austria would be killed first, along with those in the Protectorate of Bohemia and Moravia — which had become Heydrich's personal fiefdom. The remaining regions would then be emptied according to logistical priority and urgency. The conversation then turned to German Jews over 65 years old, and those Jews who had been severely wounded fighting for Germany in the First World War, or won the Iron Cross, First Class. It was decided they would be sent to an old-age ghetto, possibly Theresienstadt in Czechoslovakia, where they would be allowed to die of natural causes. Perhaps from old age, but not exclusive of eventual starvation or disease. Those Jews over 65 years old who were not from Germany would be exterminated in the same way as their younger counterparts. Heydrich then opined that exterminating Jews should not be difficult in Slovakia and Croatia, where the local authorities had already started these actions with great fervour. Indeed, 83% of Jews in Slovakia and 77% in Croatia would be murdered during the war. Heydrich then spoke about applying pressure to Hungary, Romania, Italy, and Vichy France to turn over their Jews. The problem was ideological. These Fascist governments did not share National Socialist ideas concerning racial collectivism, with its bizarre corruption of Darwinist theory, and tended to focus more on cultural nationalism. Indeed, for example, 10,000 Jews had been members of the Italian Fascist Party. And so, Heydrich knew these Axis allies would require German coercion. In the event, 68% of Hungarian Jews, 34% of Romanian Jews, 22% of French Jews, and 13% of Italian Jews died during the Holocaust. At this point, Martin Luther from the Foreign Office said that the Scandinavian countries would resist deportation of the Jews, so it should be postponed. Conversely, Luther said, he foresaw no such resistance in Western and Southeastern Europe. Otto Hofmann from the Race and Settlement Office said he'd like some representation when the SS approached the government of Hungary. Heydrich agreed to this, provided Hofmann's representative served under Heydrich's total authority while the representative was there. Then the discussion turned to who exactly would qualify as a genetic Jew and thus be sent East for extermination. Under the Nuremberg Laws, German-Jewish mixed-race individuals could still qualify for German citizenship. At Wannsee, much of this was thrown out. It was decided that mixed-race individuals who had previously qualified for citizenship, only having one Jewish parent, two grandparents, or over 3 Jewish great-grandparents, would be considered as Jews and killed. The exception to this new rule would be if they were married to a full-blooded German and there were children. Or in the rare circumstances where the person was given an exemption from deportation by the Nazi government. In both of these exceptions, the mixed-race individual would be chemically castrated with an injection of acid into their genitals or by exposure to high doses of radiation, preventing them from having any more children. If they refused to be sterilized, they would be evacuated East to die in a concentration camp. Those German-Jewish individuals with only 1 Jewish grandparent would not be killed. The exceptions to this rule were if they were born out of wedlock, if they looked Jewish, or if they acted Jewish. Then they would be killed. This rather subjective evaluation would be made by SS authorities on the spot. Heydrich then proposed Jews married to full-blooded Germans prior to 1935 should have their marriages dissolved and the Jewish spouse killed in the East. Unless the deportation would cause a public uproar, in which case the Jew would be sent to die discretely in an old-age ghetto. Any children from the marriage, if they were deemed Jewish, would also be killed or else sent to an old-age ghetto. Otto Hofmann then piped up and said it was vital that any mixed-race person who was allowed to live must be sterilized, and, given the choice between sterilization and "evacuation", mixed-race people would invariably choose to be sterilized. Dr. Wilhelm Stuckart, co-author of the Nuremberg Laws, then complained that all of these subtle distinctions and the dissolution of marriages would require endless red-tape. He advocated for compulsory sterilization of all mixed-race people, and he wanted mixed-race marriages dissolved on the spot, without unnecessary paperwork. Erich Neumann, Office of the Four-Year Plan, expressed his concerns that killing Jews currently performing slave labour in industries vital to the war effort could not be replaced by Germans now fighting at the front. And so, those Jews should be spared death, "for the present." Heydrich assured Neumann that these Jewish slaves would be exempted under the current plan. Dr. Bühler, representing the General-Government of Occupied Poland, then issued a warning that diseases among Jews in Polish ghettos were reaching epidemic levels, that Jews were causing disorder to Poland's economy, and that the majority of Jews in Poland were unfit for work. Therefore, Bühler urged that the Polish Jews be killed first. In the event, 90% of Polish Jews were murdered in the Holocaust. Both Bühler and his colleague, Dr. Meyer, Deputy Minister of Occupied Poland, advised that preparations for the Final Solution be made discretely to avoid alarming the Polish population. Heydrich then closed the meeting by asking for the assent and support of everyone present for what had been discussed. It was duly given. And thus, after 90 minutes, 15 men signed the death warrant of over 6 million people, including children. Heydrich later told Eichmann that he was pleased these men not only supported the proposed solution, but seemed to agree with enthusiasm. Cognac brandy was then served as a digestif to the lavish business lunch of sweet meats and freshly hunted game, paired with exquisite German and French wine, which they had enjoyed. As the men became intoxicated, their speech became less guarded and euphemistic. As Eichmann later testified, the men were "discussing the subject quite bluntly, quite differently from the language which I had to use later in the record. During the conversation they minced no words at all. They spoke of methods of killing, of liquidation, of extermination." ## Justice Delivered, Delayed, and Denied On May 27th 1942, Reinhard Heydrich was attacked by two British-trained Czech resistance fighters and mortally wounded by a shrapnel bomb. A few days later, on June 4th, he died of sepsis in hospital. Judge Roland Freisler was killed in a US air raid on February 3rd 1945, when a bomb collapsed his entire courtroom, crushing him under the rubble. SS-Major Rudolf Lange, mass-murderer of Latvian Jews, disappeared on February 23rd 1945. Alfred Meyer, Deputy Minister for the Eastern Occupied Territories, committed suicide in Germany on April 11th 1945. Heinrich Müller, Chief of the Gestapo, disappeared in Berlin on May 1st 1945. German diplomat Martin Luther was sent to a German concentration camp in 1944 after a failed coup to replace von Ribbentrop as Foreign Minister. Luther was freed as an assumed prisoner of war by Soviet troops in spring 1945, but he died of a heart attack shortly thereafter on May 13th. Luther did not destroy his copy of the notes from the Wannsee Conference, and it was found in 1947 in the archives of the Foreign Ministry by Robert Kempner, the US Prosecutor at the Nuremberg Trials. SS-Colonel Karl Schöngarth, murderer of tens of thousands of Polish Jews, was captured after the war and tried by a British military tribunal in February 1946 for the war crimes he committed in the Netherlands. His crimes in Poland were not mentioned. He was hanged on May 16th 1946. Dr. Friedrich Kritzinger, policymaker at the Reich Chancellery under Lammers and Hitler, was arrested after the war and stood as a witness against other Nazis at the Nuremberg trials. Kritzinger claimed that he was ashamed of the Final Solution which he had helped to perpetrate. Kritzinger was released without charge in April 1946, then rearrested again in December, before being released again due to poor health. He died of natural causes on April 25th 1947. Josef Bühler, secretary of state for Occupied Poland, who had urged that Polish Jews be killed first, was a witness at the Nuremberg Trials, testifying on behalf of his boss, Hans Frank. Then Bühler was extradited to Poland where he was tried for crimes against humanity. He was convicted and hanged on August 22nd 1948. Erich Neumann, Office of the Four-Year Plan, who had been concerned that his Jewish slave labour would be killed too soon, was arrested after the war, but was released due to poor health in 1948. He died of natural causes on March 23rd 1951. Wilhelm Stuckart, co-author of the Nuremberg Laws, was arrested after the war in 1948 for crimes against humanity and complicity in the Holocaust. He claimed that his insistence at Wannsee on sterilizing all mixed-race Germans was to prevent their murder. Stuckart was sentenced to "time served" and released in April 1949. He went on to enjoy a prosperous career as a civil servant. He was tried again in civil court for complicity in the Holocaust, was convicted, and was fined 500 marks. Stuckart was killed on November 15th 1953 in a car accident, though some have speculated he was assassinated, and the accident was staged. After Reinhard Heydrich's death in 1942, Adolf Eichmann presided over the logistics of the Holocaust as the main point of contact between all the departments involved. Eichmann was arrested as an SS-officer after the war, but shielded his true identity from the Americans by using false identity papers. Eichmann escaped from his prison work detail and made his way to Argentina in 1950 where he eventually found work as a department head at Mercedes-Benz. Eichmann was captured by Mossad agents in 1960 and taken to Israel, where he stood trial, was convicted, and was hanged June 1st 1962. Georg Leibbrandt, Undersecretary for the Ministry of the Eastern Occupied Territories, was arrested after the war and put on trial in 1950 for crimes against humanity. The case against him was dropped on August 10th 1950. He lived the rest of his life working as a scholar in West Germany and America, until he was banned from the United States in 1979 due to his role in the Holocaust. Leibbrandt died at 82 years old in West Germany on June 16th 1982. Otto Hofmann, Head of the SS Race and Settlement Office, who coordinated Eastern European slave labour and the settlement of depopulated Slavic regions by Germans, was arrested after the war. He was put on trial at Nuremberg in 1948 and sentenced to 25 years in prison. In 1951, this sentence was reduced to 15 years. This sentence was reduced still further, and Hofmann was released in 1954 after serving less than 6 years of his sentence. He went on to live a quiet life as a clerk in West Germany, dying at the age of 86 on December 31st 1982. SS-Colonel Gerhard Klopfer, secretary to Martin Bormann at the Nazi Party Chancellery, was captured after the war and charged with war crimes. Klopfer was later released without trial. He spent the rest of his life working as a civil servant and lawyer in West Germany, dying at the age of 81 on January 29th 1987. Such was the justice meted out to the 15 men who signed off on the Holocaust at the Wannsee Conference. We can only end an article like this with two words. Never Forget. ## Key Takeaways - The Wannsee Conference in 1942 was a meticulously planned meeting where Nazi officials discussed the systematic murder of 6.6 million Jews. - Nazi officials used bureaucratic language and euphemisms to discuss the 'Final Solution' to the 'Jewish Question,' planning the industrialized slaughter of Jews. - The conference attendees agreed to prioritize the extermination of Jews in Germany, Austria, and the Protectorate of Bohemia and Moravia first. - The Nazis had previously attempted to expel Jews through various means, including forced emigration and resettlement plans, but shifted to extermination due to war constraints. - Post-war justice for the attendees of the Wannsee Conference varied, with some facing trials and executions, while others escaped punishment or died under mysterious circumstances. ## Frequently Asked Questions ### What was the Wannsee Conference? The Wannsee Conference was a meeting held on January 20th, 1942, where Nazi officials discussed and planned the Final Solution to the so-called 'Jewish Question,' which resulted in the systematic murder of 6.6 million Jews. ### Who chaired the Wannsee Conference? SS-Obergruppenfuhrer Reinhard Heydrich chaired the Wannsee Conference. ### What was the purpose of the Wannsee Conference? The purpose of the Wannsee Conference was to coordinate the efforts of various Nazi departments in the implementation of the Final Solution, which aimed to exterminate the Jewish population in Europe. ### What was the estimated number of Jews the Nazis intended to kill? The Nazis intended to kill approximately 11 million Jews, which is roughly equivalent to the entire population of North Carolina or the city of Paris. ### What was the initial Nazi policy towards Jews before the Wannsee Conference? Before the Wannsee Conference, the Nazi policy was to make life unbearable for Jews in Germany so that they would flee the country. This included banning Jews from various professions, confiscating their businesses, and imposing restrictive laws. ### What was the significance of Kristallnacht? Kristallnacht, or the 'Night of the Broken Glass,' was a pogrom against Jews in Germany on November 9th and 10th, 1938. It resulted in the destruction of Jewish property, violence against individuals, and the imposition of a collective fine on the Jewish community. ### What was the Madagascar Plan? The Madagascar Plan was a Nazi proposal to deport European Jews to the French colony of Madagascar. The plan was abandoned when the British Empire did not surrender in 1940. ### What was the role of Adolf Eichmann at the Wannsee Conference? Adolf Eichmann served as the logistician and specialist in Jewish affairs for the SS. He acted as the conference organizer and Heydrich's right-hand man at the Wannsee meeting. ### What happened to the notes from the Wannsee Conference? 30 copies of the meeting notes were circulated to the offices of all the Nazi officials in attendance. The documents were ordered to be burned shortly after the attendees and their superiors had reviewed them. One copy survived the war and provides details of the proceedings. ### What was the outcome of the Wannsee Conference? The outcome of the Wannsee Conference was the formalization and coordination of the Final Solution, leading to the industrialized slaughter of Jews in Nazi-occupied Europe. The attendees agreed to support the plan and signed off on the genocide of over 6 million people. ## Sources - [Original Into the Shadows video: Inside the Meeting that Engineered the Holocaust](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Hyz-drMwzDA) - [Hero image source](https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/d/d9/Jan_Karski_and_Pola_Nirenska_section_40_-_Mt_Olivet_-_Washington_DC_-_2014.jpg) by Tim Evanson / openverse, by-sa. ## Related Coverage Simon Whistler https://intotheshadows.pub/article/khmer-rouge-cambodian-genocide https://intotheshadows.pub/article/khmer-rouge-cambodian-genocide Sun, 28 Jun 2026 00:00:00 GMT The ideology of communism left great scars on the parts of the world where it came into power. Russia, as the Soviet Union, suffered famines as agricultural systems collapsed. Political repression became the standard, with millions being sent off to the Soviet work camps, known as the gulags. After World War II, this repression was extended to Eastern Europe, creating the so-called Iron Curtain, splitting the world between east and west. But horrible as the Soviet Union was to political dissidents, it was relatively moderate when compared to what happened in another part of the world, in the small country of Cambodia. There are internet debates, and indeed even real-life debates, over whether communism is inherently an "evil" ideology, but today, the story we tell is unquestionably communism at its worst. This is the story of the Khmer Rouge, and one of the bloodiest genocides in human history. ## The Cold War The country of Cambodia is located in Southeast Asia, nestled between Vietnam, Laos, and Thailand. It has a long history, being the center of the Khmer Empire for over 600 years, but the story of modern Cambodia begins with its becoming a French protectorate in 1863. The French did some good, such as abolishing slavery, and a lot of bad, such as stealing cultural artifacts of the Khmer Empire and exploiting the country's resources, such as rubber, as well as putting down any revolts from people who disagreed. Colonialism came and went, and Cambodia gained formal independence in 1953. The government was established as a monarchy, as it had been before the French arrived, under the monarch Norodom Sihanouk, a major figure in the times that follow. From there, Cambodia largely minded its own business, adopting a neutral stance in the ongoing Cold War. But one issue would prove to be impossible to ignore – Vietnam. Cambodia and Vietnam have a long and, sometimes, troubled relationship. To start with, there were territorial disputes. The Mekong Delta, today the southernmost part of Vietnam, was declared part of Vietnam by the French following their withdrawal. This was disappointing to Cambodia, as many ethnic Khmers lived in the area, giving Cambodia some claim to it. Nevertheless, it was a relatively minor issue, and King Sihanouk accepted the decision in favor of maintaining good relations with his neighbor. From there, King Sihanouk abdicated in 1955, giving the throne to his father and instead running for prime minister. He won, and when his father died in 1960, he took the title of Prince. But it was in the 1960s that things began to fall apart, both from within and without. The most salient problem was the Vietnam War, raging on Cambodia's border. Communist North Vietnam was attempting to take back anti-communist South Vietnam, which was supported by America, and North Vietnamese fighters were using the Ho Chi Minh Trail to supply their operations in the south. That trail ran partly through Cambodia. Everyone knew this, and the United States started pressuring the Cambodian government to do something about it. Sihanouk, still the prime minister, wanted to find some way to stay out of the conflict, and tried to play both sides. Unfortunately, he wasn't savvy enough to make it work, and instead only alienated everybody. He cut diplomatic relations with the United States in 1965 and instead sought economic aid from China and the Soviet Union. He declined to oust the Vietcong from his territory, but gave the US permission to perform air strikes on Cambodian soil, so long as no Cambodians were killed. However, that didn't go over well, forcing him to publicly retract the statement. Figures in both the United States and Sihanouk's own government started to see him as an unreliable partner. The other problems facing Sihanouk were internal in nature. He led a fractious country, with various ethnic minorities and political dissidents. Sihanouk, despite being an elected prime minister, was by no means a democrat. After winning the elections of 1955, he turned the Cambodian Republic into a one-party state, demanded fealty towards him personally, and suppressed any dissenting factions. One of those factions was the left-wing Worker's Party of Kampuchea, led by a man named Saloth Sar, better known by his revolutionary name of Pol Pot. Since 1962, Pol Pot and his party had been organizing a low-level insurgency in the jungle-dense northeast of the country, home to disaffected minority groups that had been wronged by the central government. Unbeknownst to Sihanouk, they were being supported by the North Vietnamese and Mao Zedong's China; Pol Pot had visited both Hanoi and Beijing, where he allegedly received training in ideology, military, and party purges. But again, Sihanouk didn't know any of this. He had friendly relations with both Vietnam and China, and had no reason to think they were working against him. Sihanouk ridiculed this small movement in the rural northeast, calling them "Khmers rouges", adopted into English as "Khmer Rouge". Despite Sihanouk's dismissal, the movement grew stronger as politics deteriorated, the war in Vietnam spilled over, and arms poured in from China. Then, in 1968, Pol Pot started his war, launching attacks on army posts and police stations to seize weaponry. Pol Pot's army numbered only around 5,000 soldiers, and as such the war was minor in scope, not really a threat to the central government. But that would soon change, starting with an election in the United States. ## Rolling Thunder Richard Nixon was elected president of the United States in 1968. Where his predecessor, Lyndon B. Johnson, was averse to expanding the war across the Cambodian border, Nixon had no such qualms. Along with his secretary of state, Henry Kissinger, Nixon authorized the use of B-52 bombers on Viet Cong bases in eastern Cambodia. For the next five years, America would do to Cambodia what it had been doing to North Vietnam, dropping thousands of bombs over the country, in villages and even cities, in an attempt to defeat the communist guerillas there. Sihanouk and the government protested forcefully against American bombing, but Nixon didn't listen, using Sihanouk's earlier statements authorizing the bombing runs as pretext. Anywhere from 30,000 to 150,000 Cambodians were killed, the vast majority of them civilians. American bombs completely destabilized the already fragile balance that Cambodia was in. Refugees fled westward; tens of thousands of disaffected people were pushed into the arms of Pol Pot's Khmer Rouge. Sihanouk's inability to get America to listen further disillusioned members of his government, and it was decided that he had to go. So, when Sihanouk left the country on a diplomatic trip in 1970, there was a coup, possibly, though questionably, supported by the United States. A member of Sihanouk's government, a man named Lon Nol, was brought into power, and it's difficult to overstate just how bad of a choice that was. Lon Nol had been in and out of Sihanouk's good graces before, and he was most well known for violently putting down a revolt in 1967. With a name synonymous with bloodshed, Lon Nol's becoming leader turned many in the country against the government. Lon Nol further weakened his position by making an impossible demand: the Viet Cong had to leave Cambodia within three days, or face a military response. The Viet Cong, heavily dependent on their bases in the country, obviously did not listen to this, and suddenly there was real fear that the Vietnam War would expand to Cambodia. Paranoia flourished, and in this environment, violence broke out against Cambodia's sizeable ethnic Vietnamese population. Lon Nol's government supported this violence, to the harsh objections of both Vietnams. Three months after the coup, North Vietnam would invade Cambodia in response, seizing the northeastern part of the country. Lastly, there was Sihanouk. Now an exile, he went to Beijing to meet with Mao Zedong, who pushed Sihanouk to make an alliance with the Khmer Rouge. Sihanouk, determined to get revenge on the government that had betrayed him, did so, declaring that Lon Nol's government was dissolved, and that the Khmer Rouge was now part of the legitimate government. Sihanouk had done this before, counterbalancing right-wing factions with left-wing ones, just as he had tried to do with his foreign policy. Now, he threw his lot in entirely with Mao Zedong and Pol Pot. With that done, North Vietnam handed over the territories it had captured to the Khmer Rouge. They also started training their troops and supplying them arms. In one fell swoop, Pol Pot went from being a lowly insurgent to leading an army tens of thousands strong, controlling half of Cambodia's population, and being supported by North Vietnam, China, and the former prime minister. He probably couldn't believe his luck. America provided support to Lon Nol's government against the communist alliance, sending troops over the border and using air strikes the way it had before. But it was no use. By 1972, America wasn't even fighting in Vietnam anymore, and by 1973 the bombing runs stopped, leaving the Cambodian Republic to fend for itself. Cambodia's armed forces suffered much the same problems as South Vietnam's: corruption, low morale, high rates of desertion, and war crimes committed on suspected communists. Lon Nol bungled his way through politics, rigging an election to remain prime minister and demanding personal loyalty much like Sihanouk had. As such, they were ineffective against the Vietnamese-trained Khmer Rouge. During this time, ominous reports started surfacing in areas under Khmer Rouge control – stories of forced relocations of villages or summary executions, for things as simple as asking questions. The reports grew louder following North Vietnam's withdrawal from Cambodia, to focus on conquering South Vietnam. The next two years would see the Khmer Rouge besiege the capital, Phnom Penh, which was filled with starving, desperate refugees – from a population of 600,000 at the start of the war, to 2 million in its final days. By January of 1975, it was clear the city would fall. America evacuated its embassy by helicopter in April, a feat it would perform again in Saigon the same month. Lon Nol fled the country, leaving his successor to negotiate the surrender of the capital. The Civil War was over, and as many as 300,000 Cambodian civilians were dead. But no one could've imagined just how quaint that number would seem in hindsight. ## Year Zero After the fall of Phnom Penh, the Khmer Rouge evacuated every person in the city, claiming that there was an American bombing raid coming. This was not true, but nonetheless, 2.5 million people, including hospital patients, were taken from the city and marched into the countryside. 20,000 people died on the march. The reasons for emptying Phnom Penh were both ideological and practical. Phnom Penh, as the capital of the old government, was a symbol of the system that the Khmer Rouge wanted to destroy. It was also the seat of power for many old government officials, as well as the center for alleged American intelligence networks. But it was largely ideology that drove the decisions of the new government. Pol Pot believed in a kind of self-sufficient agrarian socialism, in the same style as his sponsor, Mao Zedong, and he was hell-bent on making it happen, no matter the cost. To that end, one of the first things that the Khmer Rouge did was empty the cities of Cambodia, sending the urban population into the countryside to work on collective farms. When they reached these farms, individuals were told to write a short essay about themselves – their life, what they believed, and what they had done before the Khmer Rouge came to power. A tiny minority with technical skills were sent back to the cities for industrial work. Those who were considered "elites" or who had been involved in the previous government were often immediately killed or sent to labor camps. The rest remained on the farms. On these farms, Cambodian citizens were expected to work in rice fields, without pay. That was because there was no pay to give them – the government had abolished currencies, believing they would lead to corruption. Workers were given clothes, rations, housing, and that was that. Based on this, some have characterized the Khmer Rouge's government as a slave state. But even forced labor like this seems moderate, compared to everything else. Khmer Rouge militias operated with impunity, regularly killing people who were, by their judgement, "bad elements". When people were killed, they were often buried by the rice fields, using their bodies as fertilizer. A common statement said to those executed was, "To keep you is no profit, to destroy you is no loss." People were killed for appearing intellectual, which could be something as trivial as wearing glasses. The government also targeted ethnic minorities, including Chinese and Vietnamese who had remained following the Civil War. When it wasn't the soldiers killing people, it was the forced labor causing exhaustion, the inevitable starvation that came with forcing inexperienced city dwellers to start farming, and the proliferation of diseases due to a lack of medicine. The government had banned the import of Western goods to promote self-sufficiency. In 1976, Pol Pot declared the establishment of the Democratic Republic of Kampuchea, with Sihanouk as its head of state. But Sihanouk was aware of what was happening in the countryside, and was increasingly uncomfortable with it. He resigned, and was subsequently placed under house arrest. He would remain there for the rest of the Khmer Rouge's time in power, which would not be very long. But a lot can happen in three years. The government empowered the party's secret police, the "Santebal", to start rounding up suspected counterrevolutionaries. People were arrested on the merest suspicion of dissent, and entire families were imprisoned along with the suspects. Most of the time, prisoners were not told why they were there, and were punished for asking. The government also began building a network of prisons and labor camps to house them, the most infamous of which was S-21, or Tuol Sleng. A former high school, Tuol Sleng is today a museum, dedicated to the memory of the atrocities committed there. As many as twenty thousand people passed through S-21. Of that number, only twelve are known to have survived, seven adults and five children. They described their experiences, in addition to the massive amounts of evidence uncovered at the prison. And you must be warned, the picture they paint is not pretty. Prisoners were kept in classrooms converted into large cells, shackled to the floors and forbidden to talk to each other. The conditions were unhygienic; disease and parasites such as mosquitos and lice were rampant. Each inmate received miniscule amounts of food, consisting of rice and water, and next to no medical attention when they caught disease. Many were sleep deprived, which was often done by guards as a part of interrogations. And the interrogations made this look mild. Every prisoner was routinely tortured, using beatings, electric shocks, hot metal rods, and stress positions. They were cut with knives and had fingernails pulled out. Alcohol was thrown on their wounds. They had plastic bags pulled over their heads, waterboarded, or held underwater for long periods of time. Some doctors in the prison's medical unit performed medical torture, removing internal organs without anesthetic. The notional purpose was to extract confessions, and names of other "enemies of the people". When confessions were given, the prisoner was sent to the "Killing Fields", a term coined by Dith Pran, a Cambodian journalist who escaped the regime. The Killing Fields were not one place, but a system of 20,000 mass graves throughout the country. These were where the vast majority of the regime's victims died, executed after being sent there from the prisons or the collective farms. Prisoners were often killed with metal tools, including axes, scythes, or even hammers and nails. Bullets were too expensive. Not even children were spared the brutality. Young teenagers, and even some under age ten, were often recruited to aid in the regime's actions, either carrying out executions or serving as child soldiers. Inside the prisons, children and babies were not normally kept as prisoners; instead, they were brought outside, where they were held by the legs and swung against the sides of trees until they were dead. Medical staff used children as assistants, having them perform operations on non-consenting patients. This went on for four long years, until external forces would put an end to it. Pol Pot had distanced himself from his erstwhile allies, the Vietnamese, ever since coming to power. Their governments had been chaotically hostile to each other ever since, with Cambodian forces intermittently launching attacks over the border. Pol Pot himself was also acting erratically, calling for friendship one day and accusing the Vietnamese of secret plans for expansionism the next. Vietnam proposed multiple times for the two countries to talk it out, but Pol Pot refused every time. So, Vietnam made the decision to remove him by force, and launched a full invasion on Christmas Day, 1978. The invasion was incredibly one-sided, as the better-equipped and well-experienced Vietnamese army overran the Cambodian forces in just two weeks. On January 7th, 1979, the Vietnamese army entered Phnom Penh and declared the Khmer Rouge government to be dissolved, establishing a puppet regime and bringing the murderous time of the last four years to a close. The death toll of the Cambodian Genocide is estimated to be anywhere from 1.5 to 2 million people, around one quarter of Cambodia's population at the time. Some estimates go as high as 3 million, although those are generally considered exaggerations. Of those that died, approximately 1.3 to 1.4 million were murdered, their bodies dumped in mass graves in the killing fields. Some Cambodians were lucky, and managed to escape over the borders of Thailand or Vietnam, but generations of people have never returned. ## Four Long Years The severity of the atrocities took time to settle in. The Khmer Rouge actually maintained their seat in the United Nations long after being deposed, mainly due to the new government being under Vietnamese management, and for Sihanouk's advocacy for it not to be recognized. China, which had maintained support for the Khmer Rouge the entire time, actually invaded Vietnam over Vietnam's invasion of Cambodia, but Vietnam bloodied their nose and China simply left, claiming they had made their point. Nevertheless, there was disagreement. Many left-leaning Western academics, such as Noam Chomsky, initially downplayed the atrocities committed in Cambodia, calling them anti-communist propaganda by hawkish conservatives who were trying to save face over the failure in Vietnam, or to justify America's attempts to contain communism. The outright denial ceased when the mass graves were discovered, but the point to be made was that America was the catalyst for any bloodshed. The reality is more complex than that. It is true that it was America's bombing campaigns that pushed the country over the edge, but it is also true that the country was sitting on a knife's edge to begin with. It was the breakdown in peaceful society, plus the political machinations of self-interested leaders, that paved the way for one of the most brutal regimes in human history to take power. Following the end of the Khmer Rouge, the government and Pol Pot retreated to the jungles in the west of the country, continuing an insurgency against Vietnam. Some factions of the Khmer Rouge were even trained in Thailand by the British Special Air Service, which just goes to show how completely unprincipled the Vietnam War actually was. Peace talks began in 1989, and a treaty was signed in 1991. In 1993, the monarchy was restored, with who else but Sihanouk as king. But Pol Pot refused to stop fighting, splitting with Sihanouk and resuming the insurgency that he had begun thirty years earlier. Around this time, several leaders in the Khmer Rouge had had enough, and Pol Pot was betrayed and imprisoned by his own men, before he died in April of 1998. Within a year, the group's major members had mostly surrendered, and by the turn of the century, the Khmer Rouge had effectively dissolved. The legacy of the Khmer Rouge is one of shocking, unrelenting violence. Today, several major perpetrators of the genocide have either been convicted of crimes against humanity, or died in custody while waiting to be convicted. The head of Tuol Sleng died in prison while serving a life sentence, a better fate than most of his victims received. Most Cambodians are today too young to remember the genocide of the 1970s, and are more focused on current problems. Cambodia still isn't very democratic, and it suffers from poverty, plus the occasional controversy surrounding a cultural artifact. But to the few still old enough to remember, those must be problems that are nice to have. ## Key Takeaways - The Khmer Rouge regime in Cambodia, led by Pol Pot, resulted in one of the bloodiest genocides in history, with an estimated 1.5 to 2 million deaths. - The U.S. bombing campaigns in Cambodia during the Vietnam War destabilized the country, pushing many into the arms of the Khmer Rouge. - Pol Pot's ideology aimed for a self-sufficient agrarian socialism, leading to forced labor, executions, and the targeting of intellectuals and ethnic minorities. - The Khmer Rouge's brutal regime was ended by a Vietnamese invasion in 1979, but the legacy of violence and atrocities persists in Cambodia's memory. - The international community's response to the Khmer Rouge's atrocities was delayed, with some initially downplaying the severity of the genocide. ## Frequently Asked Questions ### What was the Khmer Rouge? The Khmer Rouge was a communist party led by Pol Pot that took control of Cambodia in 1975 and carried out one of the bloodiest genocides in human history. ### How did the Khmer Rouge come to power? The Khmer Rouge came to power after a civil war in Cambodia, which was exacerbated by American bombing campaigns and the support of North Vietnam and China. ### What was the ideology of the Khmer Rouge? The Khmer Rouge believed in a self-sufficient agrarian socialism, similar to Mao Zedong's ideology, and sought to create a classless society by eliminating intellectuals, city dwellers, and other perceived enemies. ### What happened to the people of Phnom Penh after the Khmer Rouge took control? After the fall of Phnom Penh, the Khmer Rouge evacuated all 2.5 million residents, claiming an American bombing raid was imminent. They were marched into the countryside to work on collective farms, leading to widespread suffering and death. ### What were the Killing Fields? The Killing Fields were a system of 20,000 mass graves throughout Cambodia where the Khmer Rouge executed most of their victims. Prisoners were often killed with metal tools due to the expense of bullets. ### How did the Khmer Rouge regime end? The Khmer Rouge regime ended in 1979 when Vietnam invaded Cambodia, overthrew the Khmer Rouge, and established a puppet regime. ### What was the estimated death toll of the Cambodian Genocide? The estimated death toll of the Cambodian Genocide is between 1.5 to 2 million people, approximately one quarter of Cambodia's population at the time. ### What was the role of the United States in the rise of the Khmer Rouge? The United States' bombing campaigns in Cambodia destabilized the country and pushed many people into the arms of the Khmer Rouge. However, the political machinations of self-interested leaders also played a significant role in the rise of the Khmer Rouge. ### What happened to Pol Pot after the fall of the Khmer Rouge? Pol Pot retreated to the jungles and continued an insurgency against Vietnam. He was later betrayed and imprisoned by his own men and died in April 1998. ### What was the legacy of the Khmer Rouge? The legacy of the Khmer Rouge is one of shocking, unrelenting violence. Several major perpetrators of the genocide have been convicted of crimes against humanity or died in custody. ## Sources - [Original Into the Shadows video: The Khmer Rouge and the Cambodian Genocide](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=pU1nwCKZLLQ) - [Hero image source](https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/4/49/Memorial_Monument_-_Kratie_province_-_Cambodia.jpeg) by Photasia from Bangkok, Thailand / openverse, by. ## Related Coverage Simon Whistler https://intotheshadows.pub/article/kristallnacht-the-beginning-of-the-end https://intotheshadows.pub/article/kristallnacht-the-beginning-of-the-end Sun, 28 Jun 2026 00:00:00 GMT ## The Night of Broken Glass In the dark hours of 9th November 1938, a shiver ran through the spine of the German Reich. The streets of cities like Berlin, Frankfurt, and Munich echoed with the sounds of breaking glass as Jewish-owned stores, buildings, and synagogues were deliberately vandalised or set aflame—a grim omen of the systematic destruction and brutal antisemitism that would soon engulf the continent. What has come to be known as Kristallnacht, the Night of Broken Glass, marked a terrifying and deadly new phase of the Nazi persecution of the Jews. A night when thugs rampaged with impunity as the police stood by and watched it all happen. The exact numbers aren't precise, but more than 90 Jews died that night. Over 7,000 Jewish businesses were damaged or destroyed, and 30,000 Jewish men were arrested and incarcerated in concentration camps. This was no act of random violence; it was orchestrated from the very top. While the infringement on Jewish rights had been slowly advancing for years, Kristallnacht was on an entirely different level. What had been open antisemitism and segregation turned into violence and murder that would tragically foreshadow the horrors of the Holocaust. ## Germany 1938 Kristallnacht did not come out of the blue; it was the culmination of years of escalating persecution under Adolf Hitler's regime. Since coming to power in 1933, the Nazis had steadily imposed restrictions on Jews, stripping them of their rights, their businesses, and their dignity. These laws culminated in the Nuremberg Laws of 1935, which stripped Jews of German citizenship and prohibited them from marrying or engaging in sexual relations with persons of "German or related blood." Anti-Jewish propaganda permeated German society, fueled by state-controlled media that depicted Jews as subhumans and enemies of the state. But until Kristallnacht, the violence had been relatively isolated and primarily bureaucratic. However, by the late 1930s, violent assaults, arbitrary arrests, and the confiscation of property became routine. Jews were increasingly isolated economically and socially, barred from public spaces, restricted in their professions, and subjected to sporadic yet terrifying acts of violence from both the Sturmabteilung (SA) and the general populace. ## Herschel Grynszpan It was clear that this simmering cauldron of hatred would boil over at some point. The Nazis were itching for an excuse to take greater action against the Jews. That excuse came on 7th November 1938 in Paris when Herschel Grynszpan, a German-born to Polish-Jewish parents, murdered German diplomat Ernst vom Rath. Born in Hanover, Germany, in 1921 to Polish-Jewish parents, Grynszpan experienced firsthand the growing hostility towards Jews in Nazi Germany. His situation worsened dramatically following the Polish government's 1938 decree that the consulate must validate all passports of Polish citizens living abroad—an attempt to prevent the mass return of Jews to Poland. In October 1938, the Nazi government expelled approximately 17,000 Jews of Polish citizenship from Germany in a brutal operation. Grynszpan's parents and siblings were among those forced into the no-man's land at the border between Poland and Germany, where they were stranded without shelter or sustenance. The news of his family's dire circumstances and the humiliating conditions they endured profoundly affected Grynszpan. Feeling desperate and powerless, he decided to act against the Nazi regime, which he held responsible for his family's suffering. ## The Assassination of Ernst vom Rath On November 7, 1938, Grynszpan purchased a revolver and a box of bullets, then went to the German Embassy in Paris. He asked to speak with an embassy official and was eventually taken to the office of Ernst vom Rath, a 29-year-old diplomat. After a brief exchange, Grynszpan shot vom Rath several times, critically wounding him. The young man surrendered immediately to the French police, allegedly declaring, "In the name of 17,000 persecuted Jews, I had to do it. My people are being destroyed. I had to protest in a way that would make the whole world listen." Vom Rath died from his injuries two days later, on 9th November. The assassination provided Joseph Goebbels, Hitler's Chief Propagandist—who at the time was somewhat shame-faced after details of an affair had emerged along with the ineffectiveness of his propaganda campaign during the Sudeten crisis—with the perfect pretext needed to launch a state-sanctioned wave of violent pogroms against the Jewish community. The death was portrayed by Nazi officials not as the act of a desperate individual protesting against an oppressive regime but as evidence of a vast Jewish conspiracy against the German people. ## The Night of Broken Glass The assassination triggered immediate reactions throughout Nazi Germany. On the evening of 9th November, as vom Rath's death was announced, Goebbels and other top Nazi leaders, who were assembled for the annual commemoration of the 1923 Beer Hall Putsch in Munich, agreed to initiate a nationwide pogrom—a violent riot incited with the aim of massacring or expelling an ethnic or religious group, particularly Jews. SA paramilitary forces and Hitler Youth were mobilised, along with other Nazi sympathisers, to attack Jewish businesses, homes, and synagogues. They wanted to present it as a "spontaneous" public outcry against Jews, but it was anything but. Kristallnacht was executed with chilling efficiency and brutality. Across Germany and annexed Austria, synchronised attacks were launched against Jewish communities. The SA, often wearing civilian clothes to give the appearance of spontaneous public action, led these attacks. They were joined by numerous civilians, who either participated in the violence or looted Jewish property amidst the chaos. One of the primary targets during Kristallnacht were synagogues, symbols of Jewish community and faith. Over 1,400 synagogues were set on fire, and many were completely destroyed. Firefighters were present but had orders to only prevent the flames from spreading to adjacent Aryan-owned buildings. Sacred Torah scrolls and religious artefacts were desecrated, and entire congregations saw their places of worship reduced to rubble. Jewish-owned shops and department stores had their windows smashed and contents destroyed or stolen, an image that contributed to the name "Night of Broken Glass." Approximately 7,500 Jewish businesses were damaged or destroyed during the pogrom, while residential homes were not spared, with SA troops breaking into houses, vandalising and terrorising the inhabitants. The violence of Kristallnacht was ferocious and unprecedented and included physical assaults on Jewish individuals. At least 91 Jews were killed during the attacks, and many more were injured. In the immediate aftermath, about 30,000 Jewish men were arrested and sent to concentration camps, mainly Dachau, Buchenwald, and Sachsenhausen, where hundreds more died in the following weeks due to the harsh conditions. ## Berlin In Berlin, the heart of the Nazi regime, the Jewish community experienced catastrophic losses. One of the most prominent victims was Martin Friedländer, a Jewish shop owner whose store was located in the bustling commercial district. His establishment, known for its fine fabrics, was utterly destroyed. SA men smashed the windows and looted valuable merchandise, leaving nothing but shattered glass and debris. Martin was later dragged out of his home, beaten in the street, and taken to Sachsenhausen concentration camp, where he endured months of harsh treatment. Nearby, the Fasanenstrasse Synagogue, a cultural and spiritual hub for Jews in Berlin, was set on fire. Eyewitnesses recounted the blaze that illuminated the night sky, a beacon of the terror unfolding. ## Frankfurt In Frankfurt, the Klein family cowered in their home as the thugs pounded on the front door. The family patriarch, Samuel Klein, was a respected doctor who served both Jewish and non-Jewish patients. On the night of Kristallnacht, his apartment and practice were ransacked, and he was dragged from his home in front of his wife and children and severely beaten. His oldest son, Michael, attempted to intervene and was also savagely beaten. The large and ornate Börneplatz Synagogue, a centre of learning and community activities in Frankfurt since 1882, was set alight and destroyed. ## Vienna Vienna's Jewish community, one of the oldest and most vibrant in Europe, was devastated during Kristallnacht. Leopoldstadt, a district known as a predominantly Jewish part of Vienna, saw widespread destruction. One notable victim was Jakob Zimmet, an elderly tailor who had lived in Vienna all his life. His small shop and the apartment above, where he lived with his family, were ravaged as the mob stormed through the area. Jakob was later arrested and sent to Dachau concentration camp, where he died several months later. The Stadttempel, the main synagogue in Vienna, was targeted but survived due to its location in a residential building that prevented the arsonists from setting it on fire without endangering the entire block. However, all other synagogues in Vienna were burned to the ground, a total of 42, in a systematic effort to obliterate Jewish religious life. ## Munich In Munich, the historical and ideological birthplace of the Nazi Party, the pogrom was particularly intense. The Ohel Jakob synagogue was destroyed completely. Julius Rosenbaum, a Jewish veteran of World War I, owned a small bookstore nearby, a popular meeting spot for Munich's Jewish and non-Jewish intellectuals. His store was ransacked, and all the books were thrown into the streets and set aflame. Julius was severely beaten in front of his neighbours and taken away. He was later released but died shortly after due to injuries sustained during the attack. For those who remained, it was a clear and terrifying indication of their increasing dangers. ## Aftermath The aftermath of Kristallnacht was a society irreversibly altered. The event deeply ingrained fear and hopelessness into the Jewish community and marked a significant escalation towards the Holocaust. In response to international outrage, the Nazis employed propaganda to blame the Jews for the violence. As the debris of Kristallnacht was cleared, the broken glass became a symbol of the shattered lives and communities that would never be whole again. Communities that had lived side by side for generations were now irreversibly splintered. The pogrom left deep scars not only on the streets and buildings but in the hearts and minds of all who witnessed it, participated in it, or were victimised by it. The Nazi government soon imposed further punitive measures against the Jewish community. Rather than receiving sympathy or protection from the state, Jews were blamed for the destruction. Hermann Göring, a leading Nazi official, convened a meeting a few days after the pogrom where it was decided that the Jewish community would be fined one billion Reichsmarks as a collective penalty. This fine was ostensibly to pay for the damages of Kristallnacht, although the actual intent was to cripple the Jewish population further economically. Additionally, the Nazis accelerated the Aryanization of Jewish businesses. This policy forced Jewish business owners to sell their establishments to non-Jewish Germans at a fraction of their actual value, effectively transferring economic resources from Jewish to Aryan hands. Many Jews lost their livelihoods with little compensation, pushing them further into poverty and despair. Shortly after the pogrom, the regime enacted a series of laws that increased the isolation of Jews. The Reich Ministry of the Interior imposed restrictions on the freedom of movement of Jews, banned them from entering cinemas, museums, and other cultural venues, and restricted their access to public areas such as parks and recreational facilities. In December 1938, the Law on Tenancies with Jews came into effect, which facilitated the eviction of Jews from their homes. Jews were pushed into segregated living, often in cramped and poor conditions, and non-Jews took over their properties. This further degradation of living conditions was a clear step towards the physical removal of Jews from German society. ## Emigration or the Camps One of the Nazi regime's initial goals following Kristallnacht was to promote the emigration of Jews from the Reich. The violence and subsequent oppressive measures made clear that Jews had no future in Germany. Many Jews sought to leave, although emigration became increasingly difficult as many countries tightened their immigration policies. President Franklin D. Roosevelt set up the Intergovernmental Committee on Refugees in response to the refugee crisis, but the international response was tepid—to say the least—and offered little real sanctuary to the vast numbers of Jews seeking to escape Nazi persecution. The Evian Conference, held a few months before Kristallnacht, had already demonstrated the reluctance of many countries to accept Jewish refugees. Kristallnacht can be seen as a turning point towards the "Final Solution," the systematic genocide of the Jews that would be formalised at the Wannsee Conference in January 1942. The pogrom demonstrated that the Nazi regime could commit mass acts of violence against Jews with little opposition from the German public. It also served as a grim rehearsal for the state-organised mass deportations and killings that would follow. In 1939, the Reich Security Main Office (RSHA) was established to coordinate the persecution of Jews and other enemies of the state. This body played a crucial role in organising the deportation of Jews to ghettos and eventually to extermination camps. The establishment of the RSHA marked the transition from sporadic and localised persecution of Jews to their systematic and bureaucratic murder. ## The Final Solution As much as most Jews would have loved nothing more than to emigrate to safer countries, for the overwhelming majority, that's not what happened. The outbreak of war in 1939 gave the Nazis carte blanche to deal with their "Jewish Question" in any way they saw fit. As Nazi land began to grow, deportation orders came into effect, and Jews across the expanding German Reich found themselves herded into cattle trucks and sent either first to desperately awful ghettos and then the concentration camps or directly to the camps that many of them never left. The Final Solution was horror on an unimaginable scale, but the boldness, hatred, and organizational streamlining really began on a cold November night in 1938—on the Night of the Broken Glass. ## Key Takeaways - Kristallnacht marked a deadly escalation in Nazi persecution of Jews, with over 90 deaths. - The pogrom was orchestrated by top Nazi leaders, targeting Jewish businesses, homes, and synagogues. - Over 7,000 Jewish businesses were damaged or destroyed, and 30,000 Jewish men were arrested. - Kristallnacht was a turning point towards the Holocaust, demonstrating the regime's capacity for mass violence. - The event led to increased isolation and economic exploitation of Jews in Germany. ## Frequently Asked Questions ### What is Kristallnacht? Kristallnacht, or the Night of Broken Glass, was a night of violent anti-Jewish pogroms that took place on 9th November 1938 in Nazi Germany and parts of Austria. During this night, Jewish-owned stores, buildings, and synagogues were vandalized or set on fire, resulting in widespread destruction and loss of life. ### How many people died during Kristallnacht? More than 90 Jews died during Kristallnacht. ### What triggered Kristallnacht? Kristallnacht was triggered by the assassination of German diplomat Ernst vom Rath by Herschel Grynszpan, a German-born Polish-Jewish teenager, on 7th November 1938. Grynszpan's act was a protest against the Nazi regime's persecution of Jews, particularly the expulsion of his family from Germany. ### How did the Nazi regime respond to Kristallnacht? The Nazi regime used Kristallnacht as a pretext to launch a state-sanctioned wave of violent pogroms against the Jewish community. They portrayed the assassination of Ernst vom Rath as evidence of a vast Jewish conspiracy against the German people and orchestrated the attacks to appear as spontaneous public outcry. ### What were the consequences of Kristallnacht for the Jewish community? The consequences of Kristallnacht were severe for the Jewish community. Over 7,000 Jewish businesses were damaged or destroyed, and approximately 30,000 Jewish men were arrested and sent to concentration camps. The event also marked a significant escalation towards the Holocaust, with the Nazi regime imposing further punitive measures and accelerating the Aryanization of Jewish businesses. ### What was the international response to Kristallnacht? The international response to Kristallnacht was tepid. While there was some outrage, many countries were reluctant to accept Jewish refugees, as demonstrated by the Evian Conference held a few months before Kristallnacht. President Franklin D. Roosevelt set up the Intergovernmental Committee on Refugees, but it offered little real sanctuary to the vast numbers of Jews seeking to escape Nazi persecution. ### How did Kristallnacht impact the Nazi regime's policies towards Jews? Kristallnacht served as a turning point towards the 'Final Solution,' the systematic genocide of the Jews. It demonstrated that the Nazi regime could commit mass acts of violence against Jews with little opposition from the German public and served as a grim rehearsal for the state-organized mass deportations and killings that would follow. ### What was the role of the SA in Kristallnacht? The SA (Sturmabteilung) paramilitary forces played a significant role in Kristallnacht. They were mobilized along with Hitler Youth and other Nazi sympathizers to attack Jewish businesses, homes, and synagogues. The SA often wore civilian clothes to give the appearance of spontaneous public action. ### What was the significance of the Nuremberg Laws in the lead-up to Kristallnacht? The Nuremberg Laws of 1935 were a set of anti-Jewish laws that stripped Jews of German citizenship and prohibited them from marrying or engaging in sexual relations with persons of 'German or related blood.' These laws were part of the escalating persecution of Jews under Adolf Hitler's regime and contributed to the climate of hatred that culminated in Kristallnacht. ### What was the impact of Kristallnacht on Jewish emigration? Following Kristallnacht, the Nazi regime promoted the emigration of Jews from the Reich. The violence and subsequent oppressive measures made it clear that Jews had no future in Germany. However, emigration became increasingly difficult as many countries tightened their immigration policies. ## Sources - [Original Into the Shadows video: Kristallnacht: The Beginning of the End](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=oMK4Nry2QXo) - [Hero image source](https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/3/32/URN_NBN_no-nb_digifoto_20241106_00001_blds_11272_Gulbrand_Lunde_Quisling_utstilling_Skansen_Oslo_6-28_September_1941_WW2_German-occupied_Norway_Nasjonal_Samling_NS_Nazi_party_national_propaganda_exhibition_Harald_Damsleth_%28Stage_PD%29.jpg) by Johannes Stage (1889–1962), Norwegian photographer / openverse, by-sa. ## Related Coverage Simon Whistler https://intotheshadows.pub/article/krokodil-the-flesh-eating-drug https://intotheshadows.pub/article/krokodil-the-flesh-eating-drug Sun, 28 Jun 2026 00:00:00 GMT As advances in medical science are made, there are bound to be a few missteps, especially when it comes to prescription drugs. While drugs undergo a rigorous testing process, these tests remain limited in a few ways. First, long term effects are often unable to be determined as it is unlikely that a pharmaceutical company would be willing to endure decades of clinical trials per drug. Second, initial testing is mostly done under controlled settings. The result of these limitations is that sometimes a drug slips through that should not have. Well over 100 medications have been withdrawn from use for causing problems such as addiction and withdrawal, organ failure, toxicity, or even death. One such drug was desomorphine, a semi-synthetic opioid that was first discovered in Germany in 1920, but not commercialized until the 1930s by a pharmaceutical company in Switzerland. Desomorphine was designed as an alternative to morphine. It was more potent and faster acting, and was also mostly free of the nausea associated with morphine. The only immediately apparent downside was that the pain relief did not last as long, so more doses would need to be administered. At first it seemed like this could be a great replacement for morphine in medicinal pain relief, but it didn't take long for the serious side effects to kick in. Negative side effects such as low blood pressure, urinary retention, and severe breathing problems were occurring at an extremely high rate. The medication had only made it as far as Switzerland and Russia before being shelved completely in 1981. Commercially manufactured desomorphine may have gone away, but unfortunately the existence of the chemical compound was already known. ## Origins of Krokodil Russia's illicit opioid scene was largely dominated by heroin imported from Afghanistan. There was a severe drop in the amount of heroin being exported to Russia between 2002 and 2003, likely related to the United States invasion of Afghanistan. With the decrease of actual heroin on the streets, Russian drug users began turning to homemade options for their opioid usage instead. The first reports of homemade desomorphine came out of Siberia in 2002, where the homemade version had acquired the colourful name of krokodil. The most widely accepted origin for this name comes from the effects seen at the injection site of the drug. The injection site is often covered in sores, gangrene, and necrosis that take on the visual appearance of a crocodile's scales. The necrosis can become so severe that the skin and flesh will fall off revealing exposed bone, which gives krokodil its other nickname: the flesh eating drug. These symptoms sound nothing like that of the medicinal grade desomorphine, which was already dangerous enough, but it is the homemade nature of krokodil that makes it much more deadly than the purer, medicinal version. While most countries required a prescription for medications containing codeine, in Russia codeine was available over the counter until 2012 when it was made prescription only in response to the high usage of krokodil among its citizens. These codeine tablets were the key ingredient in manufacturing homemade desomorphine, which was incredibly cheap and easy to do. It was so easy that the process could be done in under an hour. The other ingredients used in the manufacturing of krokodil were also cheap and readily available. Ingredients like paint thinner, gasoline, iodine, and red phosphorous from match tips were used to perform the chemical reactions. Not only do these reactants contain dangerous and toxic impurities, but the byproducts of the chemical reactions do as well. It also caused krokodil to have a pH of 3, something roughly as acidic as orange juice or vinegar. Drinking orange juice is obviously fine as your stomach is well equipped to deal with acid, but injecting something of that pH into your body completely unfiltered is much more dangerous. Removing all of the impurities from the resulting solution would take time and thus increase prices, and most people manufacturing krokodil were unlikely to have the knowledge or skills required to do so anyway. They were aware of the issues with the substance's pH, so to try to decrease the acidity they would often add things like cigarette ash or bicarbonate salt to the formula. While those are both alkaline, neither is strong enough to raise the pH above 3 so the manufacturers were just needlessly adding more impurities into the formula. With how quickly the effects of krokodil wear off, many addicts also take to cooking it themselves because of how easy the process is. Given the increased sense of urgency in a person trying to avoid withdrawal, taking time to remove toxic impurities becomes even less of a priority. Studies of krokodil samples purchased on the streets of Russia showed that, at best, they were only 75% desomorphine with some samples containing only trace amounts of the synthetic drug. The other 25% or more that the users were injecting themselves with was nothing but a cocktail of various toxins with severe effects on the body. These effects were not limited to just the injection site, either. Not only could the obvious effects to the skin occur on parts of the body far away from the injection, but krokodil can also cause damage to the entire system of blood vessels, muscle damage, bone damage, and multiple organ failure. ## Two Years to Live All opioids are obviously dangerous and lead to dramatically shortened life spans, but the average life span of a person after taking their first dose of krokodil is only two years. There are a number of factors contributing to this beyond just the toxic impurities from shoddy manufacturing. The overwhelming majority of krokodil addicts in Russia identified themselves as having been former heroin addicts. When the supply of Afghan heroin dried up, prices for genuine heroin increased dramatically while krokodil was available for dramatically cheaper. This made it an extremely attractive alternative for addicts trying to avoid becoming dope sick. A big problem with this is both the increased potency and shorter lasting effects of krokodil. Addicts tend to know their dosage pretty well. When introduced to a replacement drug like krokodil, they would be inclined to start with their normal dose, despite the fact that krokodil is 4-5 times more potent than heroin. It's similar to what is causing so many deaths from fentanyl, which is up to 50 times more potent than heroin, although in the case of fentanyl the problem is made even worse as many users aren't even aware that's the drug they have been given instead of heroin. Though krokodil users seem to be aware of what they're taking, they may not be aware of the increased potency. Even if they are, the shorter duration means they will need to take krokodil more often to avoid withdrawal. Higher potency plus more frequent injections is a guaranteed recipe for an increase in levels of addiction. And when the addiction is to a substance that is at least 25% paint thinner and gasoline, it's also a guaranteed recipe for death. The high levels of iodine can cause thyroid disorders. The heavy metals cause damage to the central nervous system and can impede speech and motor skills. The contaminated red phosphorous can cause damage to cartilage and bones. And of course, there's the necrosis where the drug was injected. What makes this particularly deadly is that those in active addiction are often hesitant to seek medical attention until things are extremely serious. In the case of krokodil, by the time things are serious it is usually already in the late stages of tissue damage and will almost certainly end with severe mutilation, amputation, or even death. ## Spread of the Drug Production of krokodil began in Russia in response to a shortage of heroin and because of the easy availability of over the counter codeine. In the 20 years since its production began, it fortunately hasn't spread too far. The majority of krokodil users are in Russia and Ukraine, though it has been making its way west across Europe. Countries like Kazakhstan, the Czech Republic, Germany, Georgia, and France have reported the use of krokodil and the associated injuries that result. To date there have not been any confirmed cases of krokodil use making it to North America. There are several reports of people admitted to the hospital who claimed to have been using krokodil, but their injuries have been more consistent with heroin use so it is unknown whether or not the deadly drug has made landfall in North America yet. Worldwide it is estimated that there are between 100,000 and 200,000 krokodil users. One of the biggest hurdles to eliminating its use entirely is that Russia, the main source of krokodil, has banned opioid substitution treatment. Though harm reduction approaches may not be a perfect solution, and they remain controversial in many parts of the world, the extremely addictive and deadly nature of krokodil is going to require attention sooner rather than later. ## Key Takeaways - Desomorphine, known as krokodil, was developed as a morphine alternative but was shelved due to severe side effects. - Krokodil emerged in Russia due to heroin shortages and the availability of over-the-counter codeine. - Homemade krokodil is highly toxic, containing impurities like paint thinner and gasoline, leading to severe health issues. - Krokodil users typically have a lifespan of only two years due to its potency and toxic ingredients. - The spread of krokodil is primarily in Russia and Ukraine, with limited reports in other European countries. ## Frequently Asked Questions ### What is krokodil? Krokodil is a homemade version of desomorphine, a semi-synthetic opioid. It is known for causing severe skin damage, gangrene, and necrosis at the injection site, resembling crocodile scales. ### How did krokodil originate? Krokodil originated in Russia around 2002 due to a shortage of heroin. It was made from over-the-counter codeine tablets and other readily available ingredients like paint thinner and gasoline. ### What are the main ingredients used to make krokodil? The main ingredients used to make krokodil include codeine tablets, paint thinner, gasoline, iodine, and red phosphorous from match tips. ### Why is krokodil more dangerous than medicinal desomorphine? Krokodil is more dangerous due to the toxic impurities from its homemade production process, which includes ingredients like paint thinner and gasoline. These impurities can cause severe health issues and even death. ### What are the health effects of krokodil? Krokodil can cause severe skin damage, gangrene, necrosis, damage to blood vessels, muscle damage, bone damage, multiple organ failure, thyroid disorders, and damage to the central nervous system. ### How long does the average krokodil user live after starting the drug? The average lifespan of a person after taking their first dose of krokodil is only two years due to the severe health effects and high levels of toxicity. ### Where is krokodil primarily used? Krokodil is primarily used in Russia and Ukraine, but it has also been reported in countries like Kazakhstan, the Czech Republic, Germany, Georgia, and France. ### Has krokodil been reported in North America? There have been no confirmed cases of krokodil use in North America, although there have been reports of people claiming to use it. ### Why is it difficult to eliminate the use of krokodil? One of the main hurdles is that Russia, the primary source of krokodil, has banned opioid substitution treatment, making it challenging to address the addiction and its deadly consequences. ### What is the estimated number of krokodil users worldwide? It is estimated that there are between 100,000 and 200,000 krokodil users worldwide. ## Sources - [Original Into the Shadows video: Krokodil - The Flesh Eating Drug](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=UjHfsps1_es) - [Hero image source](https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/2/2f/Secondary_Screwworm_-_Cochliomyia_macellaria%2C_Meadowwood_Farm_SRMA%2C_Mason_Neck%2C_Virginia_-_8189649853.jpg) by Judy Gallagher / openverse, by. ## Related Coverage Simon Whistler https://intotheshadows.pub/article/laogai-system-mao-forced-labour-camps https://intotheshadows.pub/article/laogai-system-mao-forced-labour-camps Sun, 28 Jun 2026 00:00:00 GMT In 1958, Liu Xinhu was just 13 years old. His only crime was being the eldest son in a family categorised as 'counter-revolutionary' by the Communist Chinese Party in charge. Barely a teenager, Liu was found guilty and sentenced to live at the same farm as his father. But this was not just any ordinary farm. It was one of hundreds of forced labour camps where Mao's regime incarcerated millions upon millions of political prisoners, on the basis of the flimsiest of charges, sometimes on a whim. There, Liu Xinhu endured eight years of malnourishment, disease, back-breaking labour, innumerable beatings and torments. He was forced to admit to his guilt as an enemy of the communist greater good, to be despised, reviled, annihilated. During those eight years, the boy was able to see his father only once—when his dad was already dead. And his ordeal was not over upon his 'official' release. For a further eight years he was forced to continue working at the farm. In 1974, Liu was once again labelled a 'counter-revolutionary element' and sentenced to another nine years of detention. And he could count himself among the lucky ones, one of the few who survived to tell the tale. This was the horror of Mao Zedong's Laogai system: Communist China's hellish forced labour camps. ## Mao's GULags The term 'Laogai' is an abbreviation for *Laodong Gaizao*, which could be translated as 'reform through labour', and refers to a criminal justice system first instituted by the ruling Communist Chinese Party, or CCP. The Laogai system comprised an extensive system of detention centres, penal labour camps, farms, mines and factories on mainland China, for a total of up to 1,100 facilities. The Laogai system should not be confused with the 'Laojiao', or re-education through labour. The purpose of the Laojiao—also founded on forced labour—was to re-educate minor penal offenders into becoming law-abiding citizens. Today, we shall focus only on the Laogai camps, which housed instead a population of more serious criminal offenders and political prisoners—much like the corresponding GULag system in the Soviet Union. As we shall see, both systems had much in common: the purpose to eradicate or re-educate enemies of communist ideology; or exploiting what was essentially slave labour to further the regimes in charge. The history, structure and overall toll of misery exacted by the GULags has been well documented for decades, thanks to declassification of records following the fall of the Soviet Union, and especially thanks to the publication of survivor's memoirs. Chief amongst them 'The GULag Archipelago', written by Nobel Prize laureate Alexander Solzhenitsyn. On the other hand, the Laogai system is less documented and less well known. This is mainly due to the fact that the CCP, still in power in Beijing, is not exactly happy to put in writing—let alone disclose—any official documentation about its camps. Apparently, since Mao's rise to power in 1949, only two pieces of legislation about forced labour have been approved and published by the National People's Congress. Unsurprisingly, the CCP has always kept a tight grip on any report about the Laogai in the local press! So, much of what we know about the history of these 'circles of hell' on Earth comes from the few survivors who escaped to the west, and were able to publish their accounts. If the GULags had Solzhenitsyn, the Laogai had Wu Hongda, also known as Harry Wu, founder of the Laogai Research Foundation. In an article written for journal *Comparative Civilizations Review*, Wu described the purpose of the Laogai as such: 'The Laogai must produce two kinds of "products": the first includes agricultural, industrial, and consumer products needed to fuel the nation's economy. The second is the man himself—the reformed socialist person.' Wu labels this process 'the extermination of thought', by which the Party uses forced labour, harsh treatment, torture, threats, endless interrogations, sleep deprivation and bullying by other inmates. These tactics are combined with intense ideological indoctrination and constant psychological pressure on prisoners, until they > 'Abandon their political or religious beliefs, reform their incorrect social views, and live life according to the tenets of Communist rule. They must learn to support the Party while in prison, or else they will not gain release. Should they dare to voice any public criticisms of the government, they could find themselves locked in prison again.' The ideological moulding of convicts, which may superficially be defined as 'brainwashing', is particularly intense in the case of political prisoners. This category encompassed those who dared oppose the regime, those who voiced discontent against individual government officials, those who practised banned religions, as well as members of ethnic and national minorities perceived as dangerous. Very often, political detentions were altogether arbitrary: prisoners were denied a trial and had to serve indefinite sentences before they were even charged with an alleged crime. Survivor memoirs show how the 're-education' or 're-indoctrination' process is so thorough that individuals willingly admit to their non-existent guilt and accept imprisonment. Survivor Zhang Xian Liang in his memoir 'Agony is Wisdom' writes of how he once escaped a Laogai…but decided to return on his own will! ## Evolution of Classicide According to Harry Wu, the evolution of the Laogai system can be structured in three periods. The first period, between 1927 and 1937, coincides with the first stage of the Civil War which opposed Communist forces against the Kuomintang Nationalist faction, a bitter fight with atrocities on both sides. During this time, early incarnations of the Communist armed forces and police incarcerated those identified as 'counterrevolutionaries': supporters of the Kuomintang, opposers of the peasants and workers, as well as members of the landlord and capitalist classes. This last point is important: to secure victory against the Nationalists, the Communist leader Mao Zedong maintained that society must be purged from certain elements of society. This 'classicide' as labelled by Wu, would mainly target the middle classes, intellectuals and small land owners. At this stage, the Laogai system was not yet fully developed, and Maoist forces utilised pre-existing prisons and jails. Members of the Kuomintang could be executed immediately upon capture, or subjected to torture. While 'class enemies' were grouped into 'hard labour teams' and forced to perform logistics duties supporting the Communist military. By June 1932, the CCP considered other ways to use these prisoners, through a so-called 'labour reformatory', intended to reform 'criminals', sure, but mostly aimed at boosting productivity in Communist-controlled areas. According to Harry Wu, this early forced labour system produced > 'A great deal of consumer and military products [which]…relieved the financial burden of the regime [and] increased the government's income' The second period of Laogai evolution can be dated from 1937 to 1945, when the Communists and the Nationalists temporarily joined forces against Imperial Japan. During this phase, the CCP was mostly preoccupied with eliminating internal opposition within its ranks. The number of detention centres increased, and Chinese communists started applying the concept of 'thought reform', which they had learned from their Soviet counterparts. And then we come to the third stage, known as the 'War of Liberation Period', from 1945 to 1949. This is when, after Japan's defeat, Mao's forces resumed the war against Chiang Kai-Shek and his Kuomintang, eventually evicting them to Taiwan. During this period, the CCP ramped up the development of factories manned by counter-revolutionaries and dissidents sentenced to forced labour. The output of these factories contributed greatly to the communist war effort, and the Party invested more and more resources in this viable economic model. And by 'resources' we mean more 'reactionary' prisoners, of course. Quoting from a speech delivered by Mao in August 1945: > 'As for the reactionaries in China, it is up to us to organise the people to overthrow them. Everything reactionary is the same; if you don't hit it, it won't fall. This is also like sweeping the floor; as a rule, where the broom does not reach, the dust will not vanish of itself.' The CCP found it more efficient to collect that 'reactionary dust' into a dust-pan to relocate it away from pre-existing detention centres and into new facilities: purposely built camps closer to the production centres, factories, mines and farms. These new labour camps became the main model for the Laogai system from then on. ## Consolidation of Classicide Actually, the term 'Laogai' itself was first used when Mao Zedong and the CCP secured power in 1949. The all-powerful Ministry of Public Security, or MPS, overseeing both the 'regular' and 'secret' police forces, also took charge of the Laogai camps, ensuring they were regularly stocked up with prisoners to rid society of anti-communist elements—and to maintain production quotas, of course! To further increase the efficiency of this system, Mao turned to 'Big Brother': Josef Stalin's USSR. A gaping rift would later form between the two powers, but at the time the tyrants in Moscow and Beijing agreed on some core principles. To quote again from Mao: > 'Marxism holds that the state is a machine of violence for one class to rule another. Laogai facilities are one of the violence components of the state machine. They are tools representing the interests of the proletariat and the people's masses and exercising dictatorship over a minority of hostile elements originating from the exploiter class.' And Stalin was more than willing to help maintain Mao's machine of violence. Thanks to Soviet help, by June 1952 the CCP had established at least 857 Laogai camps, of which 640 were dedicated to farming, 217 to mining, plus an unspecified number of units involved in water treatment, railroad construction and production of military and consumer goods. By the end of 1952, those hundreds of camps had been filled to the brim by Luo Ruiquing, Director of the Ministry of Public Security, or MPS. Back in 1950, Luo had initiated the Campaign to Suppress Counter-revolutionaries. Which pretty much did what it said on its sinister tin. Driven by millions of voluntary anonymous tips, the Campaign led to the arrest of hundreds of thousands of Chinese citizens, of which up to 700,000 were executed. The MPS launched a second purge after an Air India passenger flight was destroyed by a bomb on April 11, 1955. Chinese Premier Zhou Enlai was supposed to be on board, and an investigation identified the Kuomintang as the culprits. Cue a massive wave of investigations, which led to almost 260,000 citizens being deported to a Laogai camp or executed. The third big purge of the 1950s was instigated by Chairman Mao himself in late 1957, the so-called Anti-Rightist Campaign. Back in March, Mao had decided to relax his grip on censorship via the 'Hundred Flowers Campaign', an initiative which encouraged intellectuals to talk freely and even criticise Party policies. At the time, Mao maintained that 'Economic progress would be held back if the regime persisted in imposing a stultifying conformity on its best brains…Let a hundred flowers bloom, let a hundred schools contend.' By May, teachers and students in particular were pouring torrents of criticism upon Mao and pals, which led them to quickly backtrack. In June, the 'best brains' were branded as 'counter-revolutionary rightists', and the MPS fell in force upon them. Mao would later claim that the 'Hundred Flowers' was a bluff, a ruse to weed out dissidents to be purged in the Anti-Rightist Campaign. Not all historians are convinced, but if it was indeed a complex plan, it worked perfectly. This is when the Laogai system greatly expanded and diversified, as anyone, at any time, could be swept away by the police and sentenced to years or decades of hard labour for the slightest of political offences. People just…disappeared! And their relatives accepted their grim fate, merely whispering that > 'They have gone for Laogai' Relatives and friends would soon come to accept the rule of the Party. They would quickly forget, or even reject their imprisoned relations. This is what happened to Harry Wu, who was first imprisoned during this campaign. His crimes? He had failed to participate in Party rallies and had attempted to see his girlfriend without Party approval! Wu later told how this very girlfriend completely forgot about him, and how his own brother had disowned him. The Laogai system enjoyed another 'Big Leap Forward' during the infamous Cultural Revolution, which started in 1966 and ended only with Mao's death in 1976. This event would warrant an episode of its own, but to give you the basics this was yet another anti-reactionary campaign unleashed by Mao. It was enacted by a fanatical, teenaged militia, the Red Guards, bent on humiliating, beating and torturing teachers, professors and other intellectuals. Wielding Mao's Little Red Books of political sayings, they challenged citizens to recite excerpts from memory. Those who failed, faced the Laogai, or even death. The Cultural Revolution eventually claimed an estimated 1.6 million lives, and further drove the expansion of the Laogai system to at least 1,100 camps. ## Joy and Chagrin So, we have now covered the development of the Laogai system under Mao. But a history of this system is not complete without a description of the gruelling conditions under which inmates were forced to operate. Prisoners were forced to live, sleep and work in tight, unsanitary and cramped spaces, with the bare minimum clothing and supplies. Camp officials used these conditions as a weapon, offering minimal improvements in living arrangements to elicit compliance. Survivor Ruo-Wang Bao in his memoir 'Prisoner of Mao' remembered the sense of joy when he was moved to a new camp, where he was awarded simply more time to rest and slightly increased food rations: > 'Only a madman would wish to exchange this paradise against any other place of detention' Food rations were of course another source of misery, and another powerful tool wielded by the jailors. The standard diet consisted of a thin broth with a single piece of spoiled cabbage, which the exhausted internees tried to integrate with rotting roots, snakes or even leather. Naturally, convicts were eager to work harder in exchange for better rations. Or to confess to largely non-existent political crimes, if that involved an extra dish of rice. For example, Harry Wu was once left without food for three days in solitary confinement. As he was gradually allowed some gruel, he finally admitted to officials > 'I am guilty…I committed a crime against the Party, a crime against the people…I beg the government's forgiveness' Quoting again from Ruo-Wang, food was > 'the single greatest joy, chagrin, and motivating force in the entire prison system' The scarce caloric intake would have floored the most resilient of individuals. Add to that, that these prisoners were forced to perform endless shifts of manual, sometimes very hard labour. At the onset of the Laogai system, forced labour was mainly devoted to large, sweeping public works. For example, in the 1950s, Laogai inmates were used to bolster Manchuria's agriculture and industry, to extract coal from mines, dig canals or lay railway tracks. Later, they were increasingly dedicated to producing consumer products of cheap quality, such as tea bags, Christmas lights, clothing items, car parts, cigarettes and millions of copies of Mao's infamous 'Little Red Book'. And while the term 'forced labourers' is commonly used, these workers were essentially slaves, as they did not receive any compensation from the government. Crucially, the government would own its 'slaves' even after they had completed the terms of their sentence. About 90 percent of former Laogai inmates, upon release were forced to continue working for the rest of their lives in forced work assignments. These slaves often had to operate in the harshest of climates. While not as cold as Siberia, winters in Northern China can be unforgiving, too. Ruo-Wang wrote how new inmates made the mistake of not wearing a face mask and > 'Died from simply inhaling…their lungs and throats frozen' The summers were not easier, as swarms of mosquitoes and other parasites pestered the prisoners, spreading infectious diseases like wildfire. Death was an all too common occurrence, as malaria, tuberculosis, dysentery and malnutrition ran rampant. Internees also had to deal with the constant, and frequently enacted, threat of physical violence. Often, this came from fellow prisoners, more precisely ordinary criminals. Usually they enjoyed a more privileged position compared to political prisoners: they were allowed to default on their work quotas and outright abuse political internees, stealing their food and subjecting them to beatings. Needless to say, they almost always escaped punishment. Political prisoners, on the other hand, were subjected to constant mistreatment and torture directed by camp authorities. Harry Wu once committed the unspeakable crime of concealing a book, *Les Misérables* by Victor Hugo. When found out, he was subjected to a so-called 'struggle session', during which his wrist was broken with a spade. ## Extermination of Thought and Body Now, about these 'struggle sessions'. They were a key component of the forced re-education process enacted by CCP authorities in the Laogai camps. During these sessions, prisoners were required to criticise and condemn fellow inmates for their lack of belief and adherence to communist ideology. Not only that, each internee was pressured into harsh self-criticism and self-condemnation, admitting even to the smallest, perceived sins against the Party. Even going too frequently to the latrines was condemned as the capital sin of laziness, and prisoners were willing to admit to said sins, in order to avoid beatings, solitary confinement or starvation. This extreme indoctrination was completed by the incessant pounding of political rallies, speeches and propaganda, which eventually led to what Wu and other survivors termed 'extermination of thought': the annihilation of one self for the sake of survival. Ruo-Wang thus advised that > 'The only way to survive in jail is to write a confession right away and make your sins look as black as possible. Always accuse yourself harshly – exaggerate, even. But don't ever hint that the prison authorities or the government share any of the responsibility.' In addition to internal psychological pressure, Laogai inmates had to deal with external pressure. As mentioned earlier, their own relatives would disown them, and would do their best to instil a sense of guilt. Harry Wu recalled a harsh letter he received from his brother, stating that > 'We have drawn a clear line to separate ourselves from you. You must follow Chairman Mao's teachings and work hard to reform yourself through labour' With their thoughts and souls exterminated, prisoners eventually, deeply believed to be at fault, to be guilty of committing crimes against the common good represented by the Maoist regime. This phenomenon has been highlighted by Dr Stanley Joseph Stepanovic in his dissertation 'The GULag and Laogai: A Comparative Study of Forced Labour Through Camp Literature'. By reviewing several memoirs of Laogai survivors, he noted how they expressed > 'The fact that they were at fault, not the government, and that their sentence of forced labour, no matter how ridiculous, no matter how altered or extended over their term, no matter how long, is somehow necessary for personal development' Such a thorough rewiring of one's convictions led to cases of inmates being incapable of returning to a normal life outside the Laogai system. Ruo-Wang remembered the heart-wrenching story of one such released prisoner: 'After a week of being coldly tolerated by his family, taunted by children and scorned by the rest of the village, he decided that the only home he had was Liangxiang [his camp]. He took what money he had left, bought a return ticket and literally begged Warder Tien to allow him back inside the gates.' But there were many instances in which human thought refused to be exterminated. In those cases, authorities annihilated the human body. Survivor Palden Gyatso in his 'Autobiography of a Tibetan Monk' described the variety of torture methods in use at the camps. He was suspended in the air, and doused with icy water, beaten repeatedly, scalded with boiling water, kept in shackles for months and subjected to shocks with a unique Chinese invention, the electrified police baton. If prisoners refused to yield to torture, they would be summarily executed, most often by hanging or with a single bullet to the head. According to Gyatso: 'The bullets that were used to kill someone, as well as the ropes that were used to hang someone, even the expenses involved for that, would be deducted from the convicted person.' Gyatso also recalled one rare occasion in which the execution of a prisoner sparked an uprising against the guards: an ill-fated attempt, which ended with several prisoners killed with bayonets. Another survivor, Catherine Ho, testified to the US House of Representatives' Committee On International Relations in April 1995, decades after her ordeal. Catherine had been sent to a Laogai camp on account of her Christian faith. She testified how a fellow inmate on Sundays > 'Would say prayers instead of singing revolutionary songs in front of Mao's portrait. One day she was dragged out to the field where we were working and beaten to death in front of all of us.' ## A Grim Conclusion As mentioned earlier, the Laogai system is poorly documented, and as such it is difficult to estimate the total death toll inflicted by Mao and his acolytes on their own people. According to Harry Wu, the labour camps have imprisoned about 50 million Chinese citizens, as well as Tibetan dissidents and other foreign nationals. Of these, an estimated 15 to 20 million people died as a result of disease, starvation, exhaustion, torture and executions. As staggering as that number sounds, it is only a fraction of the mortality caused by 'the Great Helmsman', Chairman Mao Zedong. Professor of Political Science R.J. Rummel estimated that even before defeating the Kuomintang, the CCP had killed between 1.8 and 11.7 million people, with 3.5 million being the most likely figure. After seizing power, Mao caused massive famines due to ill-conceived agricultural and industrial reforms, causing further 27 million citizens to starve to death. By adding the 1950s purges and campaigns, the Cultural Revolution and the Laogai mortality, Rummel concluded that the CCP may have killed up to 102.6 million people, with 35.2 million being 'a prudent estimate'. Our focus has been on the Laogai system under Mao, but the death of the Chairman did not put an end to this tragedy, far from it. After escaping the system and relocating to the US, Harry Wu continued to document the inhumane conditions of forced labourers under Mao's successors. Wu went undercover, returning to China from 1991 to 1994, posing as an American entrepreneur and filming in secret how the Laogai camps were still pretty much in business—literally! Through his work, he confirmed how Chinese corporations exploited Laogai slave labour to produce cheap export products to flood the lucrative US market. And that's not all. Wu was able to record a phone call involving a hospital administrator in Zhengzhou, during which he admitted to personally driving a surgical van to an execution site to harvest the organs of a just-executed convict. In other words: after bribing the right police officials, hospital staff were able to harvest and sell organs of Laogai inmates. An immensely lucrative business. Wu's revelations prompted the House of Representatives enquiry of 1995, which we alluded to earlier. Following increased international scrutiny, the Chinese government formally shut down the Laogai system. But we should stress 'formally'. De facto, the system is still in place, albeit rebranded as 'community correction centres'. According to the Laogai Research Foundation, more than one thousand 'correction centres' are still in operation, and millions of individuals still suffer within them. ## Key Takeaways - Liu Xinhu was imprisoned at 13 for his family's political status, enduring eight years of forced labor. - The Laogai system was a network of forced labor camps used by Mao's regime to incarcerate political prisoners. - Prisoners in Laogai camps faced severe conditions, including malnutrition, disease, and brutal labor. - The Laogai system aimed to 'reform' prisoners through forced labor and ideological indoctrination. - Despite official closure, the Laogai system persists in China under different names, with millions still affected. ## Frequently Asked Questions ### What does the term 'Laogai' mean? The term 'Laogai' is an abbreviation for Laodong Gaizao, which translates to 'reform through labour'. ### How many Laogai facilities were there in mainland China? The Laogai system comprised an extensive system of detention centres, penal labour camps, farms, mines and factories on mainland China, for a total of up to 1,100 facilities. ### What was the purpose of the Laogai system? The purpose of the Laogai system was to eradicate or re-educate enemies of communist ideology and to exploit slave labour to further the regimes in charge. ### What was the 'Hundred Flowers Campaign'? The 'Hundred Flowers Campaign' was an initiative by Mao Zedong in March 1957 that encouraged intellectuals to talk freely and even criticise Party policies. It was later reversed with the Anti-Rightist Campaign. ### What were 'struggle sessions' in the Laogai camps? Struggle sessions were a key component of the forced re-education process in the Laogai camps. During these sessions, prisoners were required to criticise and condemn fellow inmates for their lack of belief and adherence to communist ideology, as well as engage in harsh self-criticism and self-condemnation. ### What was the estimated death toll in the Laogai system? According to Harry Wu, the labour camps have imprisoned about 50 million Chinese citizens, as well as Tibetan dissidents and other foreign nationals. Of these, an estimated 15 to 20 million people died as a result of disease, starvation, exhaustion, torture and executions. ### What happened to the Laogai system after Mao's death? After Mao's death, the Laogai system continued to operate, albeit rebranded as 'community correction centres'. According to the Laogai Research Foundation, more than one thousand 'correction centres' are still in operation. ### What was the 'Campaign to Suppress Counter-revolutionaries'? The 'Campaign to Suppress Counter-revolutionaries' was initiated by Luo Ruiquing, Director of the Ministry of Public Security, in 1950. It led to the arrest of hundreds of thousands of Chinese citizens, of which up to 700,000 were executed. ### What was the 'Anti-Rightist Campaign'? The 'Anti-Rightist Campaign' was instigated by Chairman Mao in late 1957. It targeted intellectuals who had criticised Party policies during the 'Hundred Flowers Campaign', branding them as 'counter-revolutionary rightists'. ### What was the 'extermination of thought'? The 'extermination of thought' was a process used by the CCP authorities in the Laogai camps to annihilate one's self for the sake of survival through extreme indoctrination, psychological pressure, and constant propaganda. ## Sources - [Original Into the Shadows video: The Laogai System: the Horror of Mao’s Forced Labour Camps](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ixoAHzFIEYQ) - [https://libraetd.lib.virginia.edu/downloads/5425kb078?filename=Stepanic_Stanley_Dec2012.pdf](https://libraetd.lib.virginia.edu/downloads/5425kb078?filename=Stepanic_Stanley_Dec2012.pdf) - [https://scholarsarchive.byu.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1877&context=ccr](https://scholarsarchive.byu.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1877&context=ccr) - [https://laogairesearch.org/museum/inside-the-laogai/](https://laogairesearch.org/museum/inside-the-laogai/) - [https://www.laogai.org/page/what-laogai-system](https://www.laogai.org/page/what-laogai-system) - [https://bigthink.com/the-past/reeducation-gulag-china-zedong/](https://bigthink.com/the-past/reeducation-gulag-china-zedong/) - [https://irp.fas.org/congress/1997_hr/s970918w.htm](https://irp.fas.org/congress/1997_hr/s970918w.htm) - [https://www.washingtonexaminer.com/magazine/2199970/the-laogai-archipelago/](https://www.washingtonexaminer.com/magazine/2199970/the-laogai-archipelago/) - [https://www.heritage.org/asia/commentary/the-legacy-mao-zedong-mass-murder](https://www.heritage.org/asia/commentary/the-legacy-mao-zedong-mass-murder) - [https://chrissmith.house.gov/uploadedfiles/1995.04.03_chinese_prison_system_-_laogai.pdf](https://chrissmith.house.gov/uploadedfiles/1995.04.03_chinese_prison_system_-_laogai.pdf) - [https://www.scmp.com/magazines/post-magazine/books/article/2070728/chinese-papillon-true-story-man-who-escaped-maos](https://www.scmp.com/magazines/post-magazine/books/article/2070728/chinese-papillon-true-story-man-who-escaped-maos) - [https://chinatribunal.com/who-we-are/](https://chinatribunal.com/who-we-are/) - [https://www.nbcnews.com/news/world/china-forcefully-harvests-organs-detainees-tribunal-concludes-n1018646](https://www.nbcnews.com/news/world/china-forcefully-harvests-organs-detainees-tribunal-concludes-n1018646) - [https://www.everand.com/book/485885441](https://www.everand.com/book/485885441) - [https://www.everand.com/book/597316137](https://www.everand.com/book/597316137) - [Hero image source](https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/e/ef/HXD3D_1893_and_T1%40BJI_%2820141228153112%29.JPG) by N509FZ / openverse, by-sa. ## Related Coverage Simon Whistler https://intotheshadows.pub/article/leprosy-a-horrifying-history https://intotheshadows.pub/article/leprosy-a-horrifying-history Sun, 28 Jun 2026 00:00:00 GMT Throughout history, few ailments have sparked such terror and misunderstanding as leprosy. Shrouded in myths and marred by stigma, this ancient disease has long haunted humanity, turning sufferers into pariahs, exiled from the very fabric of society. It's thought that around 200,000 people still have leprosy today, though the situation for sufferers couldn't be more different than in the past when those dubbed "Lepers" were banished to distant corners and abandoned to the disease that slowly began to eat away at them. One long-standing and still common misconception is that leprosy is a rampant killer when, in fact, it's rarely fatal. This is not a disease that kills quickly, but one that gradually strips the body bare, leaving sufferers horribly disfigured. In the past, the vast majority of lepers died not from leprosy but rather from malnutrition, other diseases, and sometimes murder. A vivid illustration of its horror can be found in the ancient laws of Leviticus, which demanded that anyone suspected of having the disease must wear torn clothes, let their hair be unkempt, cover the lower part of their face, and cry out "Unclean! Unclean!" wherever they went. This stark depiction highlighted the intense fear and social stigma associated with leprosy, which has left an indelible mark on human history. Leprosy as a disease is very much under control thanks to modern medicine, but its chilling effects remain buried within the human consciousness. ## Leprosy Leprosy is a chronic infectious disease caused by the bacterium *Mycobacterium leprae*. It primarily affects the skin, peripheral nerves, upper respiratory tract, and eyes. The disease spreads through prolonged close contact with an untreated person, typically via droplets from the nose and mouth. Contrary to popular belief, leprosy is not highly contagious. However, its slow incubation period, ranging from several months to over a decade, complicates early detection and control efforts. This slow progression means individuals can unknowingly harbour and transmit the bacteria for years before symptoms appear. The effects of leprosy on sufferers are devastating. The bacteria primarily target the peripheral nerves, leading to a loss of sensation and muscle weakness. This nerve damage can result in deformities of the hands, feet, and face, often becoming a source of severe disability. Skin lesions and nodules, another hallmark of the disease, can cause disfigurement and are frequently visible, marking individuals as leprosy sufferers in the eyes of their communities. Throughout history, those afflicted by leprosy have often been ostracised and forced to live in isolation in leper colonies away from society. This isolation was driven by fear and misunderstanding, compounded by the lack of effective treatment until the mid-20th century. The introduction of multidrug therapy (MDT) in the 1980s has revolutionised the treatment of leprosy, rendering it curable and significantly reducing its prevalence worldwide. ## Early References Leprosy, now known as Hansen's disease, has been recognised and feared since ancient times. In ancient Egypt, skeletal remains with telltale signs of leprosy suggest its presence as early as 2000 BC, while references to the disease appear in some of the earliest recorded texts. The Bible, particularly the Old Testament, frequently mentions leprosy, describing it as a severe and unclean condition that warranted isolation from the community. Similarly, ancient Indian texts like the Atharva Veda describe a disease resembling leprosy, highlighting its presence in South Asian societies. In these early references, leprosy was often seen as a divine punishment or a manifestation of spiritual impurity. This view was pervasive in many ancient cultures, influencing the perception and treatment of those afflicted by the disease, which persists in many ways to this day. Numerous misconceptions clouded the ancient understanding of leprosy. People believed that leprosy was highly contagious and incurable, leading to extreme measures to avoid contact with those affected. Many myths surrounded the origins and transmission of leprosy, but these were often contradictory. For instance, it was sometimes believed to be a hereditary disease but also a curse from the gods. In many ways, leprosy was viewed in much the same way as the plague; sheer terror. And people would do whatever they could to ensure there was as much distance between them and lepers. ## Early Treatments In ancient times, treatments for leprosy were rudimentary and largely ineffective. Isolation was the primary method used to control the spread of the disease. Leprosy sufferers were often banished to remote areas or confined to leper colonies, where they lived apart from the rest of the community. This practice of isolation was seen as vital to protect the healthy population, but it also reinforced the social stigma associated with the disease. Early approaches to medical treatment included the use of various herbal remedies and potions. In ancient India, for example, treatments mentioned in Ayurvedic texts included the application of oils and pastes made from medicinal plants. However, these treatments had little effect on the progression of the disease. During the medieval and early modern periods, leprosy spread extensively across Europe and Asia, facilitated by increased trade, travel, and warfare. The Crusades, in particular, played a significant role in transmitting the disease, as soldiers and pilgrims travelling to and from the Holy Land carried it across vast distances. As a result, leprosy became endemic in many regions, with outbreaks occurring regularly. Leprosy was rampant from the 11th to 14th centuries in Europe, with an estimated 19,000 leper houses established across the continent to quarantine the afflicted. The lack of understanding about its transmission also influenced the disease's spread. It wasn't until the 19th century that scientists discovered that leprosy was caused by a bacterium, *Mycobacterium leprae*, and not by direct contagion or heredity as previously thought. ## Leprosariums In response to the widespread prevalence of leprosy, leprosariums (leper colonies) were established throughout Europe and Asia. These institutions were designed to isolate leprosy patients from the general population, providing them a place to live and receive basic care. While the primary goal was to prevent the spread of the disease, leprosariums also served as places of refuge for those ostracised by society. Leprosariums varied in their conditions and treatment of patients. Some were run by religious orders that provided compassionate care, while others were little more than prison camps where patients were neglected and left to fend for themselves. The social stigma associated with leprosy during the medieval and early modern periods was immense. Leprosy patients were often viewed as sinners being punished by God, and their visible disfigurements made them objects of fear and revulsion. This stigma extended beyond the individuals affected, often tainting their families and leading to social and economic marginalisation. In many communities, leprosy patients were required to wear special clothing or carry a bell to announce their presence, ensuring that others could avoid them. This practice of marking and isolating leprosy sufferers perpetuated their exclusion and reinforced the belief that they were dangerous and unclean. The medieval and early modern periods saw significant developments in the response to leprosy, but they also perpetuated many of the misconceptions and social stigmas that had been present since ancient times. The establishment of leprosariums and the continued spread of the disease highlighted the need for better understanding and more effective treatments, which would eventually come with the scientific advancements of the modern era. The incidence of leprosy began to decline rapidly in Europe around the 1400s and had largely disappeared from most European countries by the 1600s. The exact reasons for this decline remain unclear. Some suggest it was due to improved living conditions, such as better nutrition, clean water, and sanitation, which enhanced immune systems and increased resistance to the bacteria causing leprosy. Another theory involves the spread of tuberculosis. The bacteria that cause TB and leprosy are very similar, and some believe that as TB spread across Europe, it may have led to the development of immunity to leprosy. ## Colonial Impact However, while Europe began to breathe a little easier, its tentacles spread leprosy worldwide. The Age of Exploration, spanning the 15th to the 17th centuries, facilitated unprecedented global interaction through colonisation and trade, inadvertently spreading diseases like leprosy to new territories. European explorers and colonists carried leprosy to the Americas, Africa, and Asia, regions that previously had limited or no exposure to the disease. The forced migrations, harsh living conditions, and lack of immunity among indigenous populations exacerbated the spread and impact of leprosy in these areas. In the Americas, for instance, leprosy was introduced by Spanish and Portuguese explorers and later spread through the African slave trade. In Africa, colonial settlements and the displacement of local populations contributed to the disease's rapid expansion. Similarly, increased interaction with European traders and settlers in Asia led to a rise in leprosy cases, particularly in port cities and colonial administrative centres. In the Hawaiian Islands, leprosy (known locally as *ma'i pake*) became widespread in the 19th century following increased contact with European and American traders. The Hawaiian Kingdom, grappling with the rapid spread of the disease, established a leper colony on the Kalaupapa Peninsula in 1866. Thousands of leprosy patients were forcibly relocated to this isolated settlement, where they lived under harsh conditions with limited medical care. In the Caribbean, leprosy spread among the indigenous populations and enslaved Africans, further complicating the already dire public health situation. Leper colonies were established on several islands, including Jamaica and Trinidad, where patients were segregated from the general population. Amid the spread of leprosy during the colonial period, Christian missionaries played a significant role in treating and caring for leprosy patients. Driven by religious convictions, missionaries established greater numbers of leprosariums and provided medical care, food, and shelter to those affected by the disease. Missionaries not only offered physical care but also sought to alleviate the spiritual suffering of leprosy patients. They preached messages of compassion and salvation, countering the prevailing belief that leprosy was a divine punishment. While their medical knowledge was limited, missionaries' commitment to serving leprosy patients laid the groundwork for future medical advancements and public health initiatives. ## Scientific Advancements and Understanding A significant breakthrough in understanding leprosy came in 1873 when Norwegian physician Armauer Hansen discovered the bacterium *Mycobacterium leprae* as the causative agent of the disease. Hansen's discovery marked the first time a bacterium was identified as causing a chronic disease in humans, revolutionising the field of microbiology and transforming the understanding of leprosy. Hansen's work debunked many of the myths surrounding leprosy, proving that it was not a hereditary curse or a divine punishment but an infectious disease caused by a specific pathogen. This discovery paved the way for more scientific approaches to diagnosing and treating leprosy, shifting the focus from isolation and superstition to medical research and public health measures. The early 20th century saw significant advancements in the treatment of leprosy. Initially, chaulmoogra oil, derived from the seeds of the *Hydnocarpus* tree, was used as a treatment. While it offered some relief, its efficacy was limited, and the treatment was often painful and inconsistent. The real breakthrough came in the 1940s with the development of sulfone drugs, such as dapsone. These drugs, used in combination therapy, proved to be highly effective in treating leprosy, significantly reducing the bacterial load in patients and halting the progression of the disease. The introduction of multidrug therapy (MDT) in the 1980s, combining dapsone with rifampicin and clofazimine, further improved treatment outcomes and became the standard of care for leprosy worldwide. ## A Global Campaign The modern treatment of leprosy has vastly improved with the development of MDT, which has become the cornerstone of leprosy management. MDT typically involves a combination of three antibiotics: dapsone, rifampicin, and clofazimine. This regimen, administered over six to twelve months, is highly effective at killing the bacteria that cause leprosy, *Mycobacterium leprae*, and curing the patient. Early diagnosis and prompt treatment with MDT can prevent disability and further transmission of the disease. In addition to antibiotics, supportive treatments are essential to managing complications and disabilities associated with leprosy. These include physiotherapy to maintain muscle strength, reconstructive surgery to correct deformities, and the provision of orthotic devices to assist mobility. Modern healthcare approaches also emphasise comprehensive care, including psychological support, to address the mental health challenges faced by patients. The 20th century saw the implementation of comprehensive public health campaigns aimed at controlling and eventually eradicating leprosy. The World Health Organization (WHO) played a pivotal role in these efforts, launching global initiatives to promote early detection, treatment, and education about the disease. One of the most successful public health campaigns was the WHO's leprosy elimination program, which began in the 1980s. This program focused on providing free MDT to leprosy patients, training healthcare workers, and raising awareness about the disease to reduce stigma and encourage early treatment. As a result of these efforts, the global prevalence of leprosy dropped dramatically, and many countries achieved the goal of eliminating leprosy as a public health problem—defined as a prevalence rate of less than 1 case per 10,000 population. The success of these programs is attributed to robust healthcare infrastructure, widespread public health campaigns, and community engagement. In the 1980s, the global number of leprosy cases was around 5.2 million. By 2020, this figure had dropped to fewer than 200,000. Between 1994 and 2014, 16 million people worldwide were cured of leprosy, but this is a disease we humans can't quite shake. Several countries have successfully eradicated leprosy as a public health problem, but it is still present in at least 120 countries. India has seen a dramatic reduction in cases due to sustained public health efforts, but it still accounts for nearly two-thirds of leprosy sufferers. Brazil and Indonesia have also made considerable progress through comprehensive national programs emphasising early detection and continuous treatment, but they still rank as the second and third highest number worldwide. Approximately 200 cases are reported annually in the United States, with Central Florida responsible for nearly 20% of the national total. Despite the dramatic success over the decades, challenges remain in reaching remote and marginalised populations, where leprosy continues to persist. Ongoing public health efforts focus on maintaining surveillance, improving access to treatment, and addressing the continued social stigma associated with the disease. Leprosy is a disease that always carried much more negative stigma than it probably deserved. It didn't have the killing power of the plague, smallpox, or even ebola, but maybe that was why it has remained such a dark spectre hanging over the world. The effects of leprosy on the body are catastrophic but not fatal. Horrifying, yes, deadly, very rarely. Yet, it is this horror that continues to haunt humanity. Images of skin peeling off, gaping holes in the body, cries of 'Unclean, Unclean!' Sometimes, the social stigma surrounding a disease is enough to taint it forever. Over 4,000 years after the first recorded case and decades after it became curable, the word leper still sends a shiver down the spine. *Olivier Guiberteau* ## Key Takeaways - Leprosy, caused by Mycobacterium leprae, primarily affects skin and nerves, leading to disfigurement and disability. - Historically, leprosy sufferers faced severe stigma and isolation, often being banished to leper colonies. - Modern multidrug therapy (MDT) has made leprosy curable, significantly reducing its global prevalence. - Despite medical advancements, leprosy persists in at least 120 countries, with India, Brazil, and Indonesia reporting the highest numbers. - The social stigma associated with leprosy remains strong, perpetuating fear and misunderstanding. ## Frequently Asked Questions ### What is leprosy and how is it caused? Leprosy is a chronic infectious disease caused by the bacterium Mycobacterium leprae. It primarily affects the skin, peripheral nerves, upper respiratory tract, and eyes. ### How does leprosy spread? Leprosy spreads through prolonged close contact with an untreated person, typically via droplets from the nose and mouth. ### Is leprosy highly contagious? No, contrary to popular belief, leprosy is not highly contagious. ### What are the effects of leprosy on the body? The bacteria primarily target the peripheral nerves, leading to a loss of sensation and muscle weakness. This nerve damage can result in deformities of the hands, feet, and face, often becoming a source of severe disability. Skin lesions and nodules can also cause disfigurement. ### How was leprosy treated in ancient times? In ancient times, treatments for leprosy were rudimentary and largely ineffective. Isolation was the primary method used to control the spread of the disease. Various herbal remedies and potions were also used, but these had little effect on the progression of the disease. ### What is multidrug therapy (MDT) and how effective is it? Multidrug therapy (MDT) is a combination of three antibiotics: dapsone, rifampicin, and clofazimine. This regimen, administered over six to twelve months, is highly effective at killing the bacteria that cause leprosy and curing the patient. ### How has the global prevalence of leprosy changed over time? The global number of leprosy cases was around 5.2 million in the 1980s. By 2020, this figure had dropped to fewer than 200,000. Between 1994 and 2014, 16 million people worldwide were cured of leprosy. ### Which countries still have significant leprosy cases? India accounts for nearly two-thirds of leprosy sufferers. Brazil and Indonesia also have a high number of cases. Approximately 200 cases are reported annually in the United States. ### What role did Christian missionaries play in the treatment of leprosy? Christian missionaries established leprosariums and provided medical care, food, and shelter to those affected by the disease. They also preached messages of compassion and salvation, countering the belief that leprosy was a divine punishment. ### What are the challenges in eradicating leprosy today? Challenges remain in reaching remote and marginalised populations where leprosy continues to persist. Ongoing public health efforts focus on maintaining surveillance, improving access to treatment, and addressing the continued social stigma associated with the disease. ## Sources - [Original Into the Shadows video: Leprosy: A Horrifying History](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=odXh00mz6dw) - [Hero image source](https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/4/42/An_Ayurvedic_Pharmacy%2C_Rishikesh_%281%29.jpg) by Ken Wieland from Philadelphia, USA / openverse, by-sa. ## Related Coverage Simon Whistler https://intotheshadows.pub/article/liberias-cannibalistic-war https://intotheshadows.pub/article/liberias-cannibalistic-war Sun, 28 Jun 2026 00:00:00 GMT The world is no stranger to the concept of Civil War. Throughout history, countless factions have engaged in battles to take control of one country or another. Although many of these power struggles have resulted in hundreds of thousands of deaths, torture, and untold devastation, no Civil Wars have come close to matching the levels of insane brutality that took place in Liberia. In today's episode, we shall take a look at the drug-fueled war, which, in many cases, involved cannibalism, vampirism, and the forced deployment of child soldiers. Between 1989 and 2003, the people of Liberia experienced two Civil Wars. So, how did these come to happen? To answer this question, it is necessary to travel back in time to the founding of Liberia in 1847. After the American Colonization Society began returning freed slaves to Africa, a rift started to grow between those who were returning and those who were fortunate enough to have avoided one of the most abominable chapters in human history. Unfortunately, in a repeat that might be familiar to some of the history scholars among you, many of those who were returning to Africa had picked up certain ideas from their former captors, and now believed their fellow Africans to be little more than uncultured savages. The American influence was so strong among those who were returning that they actually named the capital of Liberia Monrovia after the fifth American President James Monroe. The Americo-Liberians, as they would come to be called, quickly rose to positions of power, and they used this power to repress, subjugate, and, in some cases, enslave the native people. This became so bad that, in 1931, a report issued by the League of Nations implicated many high-ranking officials in organized slavery. An extract from an article written in The Spectator at the time, which has not aged well with regards to acceptable language but otherwise very succinctly summarizes the report's findings, reads thusly: > "The slavery in Liberia mostly takes the form of forced labor. The Liberian natives are of a very backward type. There has been no serious attempt to raise them; they have merely been exploited; they have no readiness in self-defense. The officials have made a habit of sending out the 'Frontier Force' to bring in natives to work compulsorily upon roads, bridges, barracks, and so forth for derisory payments. Having got this labor safely at their disposal, many of the officials have used it, compulsorily again, for their own enrichment on their lands." Upon the publication of this report, the Liberian president, the vice president, and several other high-ranking officials immediately resigned. Sadly, this seems to have done little to improve the situation, and, although the country, to outsiders at least, appeared to remain fairly peaceful, there was a growing feeling of animosity towards the Americo-Liberians. Almost 50 years after the aforementioned report was published, something happened that would change Liberia forever. On the 12th of April 1980, Master Sergeant Samuel Doe, the son of poor, uneducated members of the Krahn tribe, stormed the presidential palace along with 17 other dissident members of the armed forces. During this attack, the president, William Tolbert, was murdered along with the vice president and several other high-ranking officials. After the successful completion of his coup, Doe would assume power, and upon taking charge, he and his men would round up many more government officials who were paraded naked through the streets of the capital before being publicly executed by firing squad. Later, when asked about these executions, Doe told reporters: > "It's the law of the country that people be executed for their crimes -- both political and economic. They were guilty of crimes. I didn't decide the punishment." "God said if you violated a law, the law deals with you. God said whenever your finger or arm bothers you or is sore, it is better to cut it off. "Look in your Bible -- St. John. There's no easy way to get in power in Africa. You have to do things you have no business doing." In spite of, or maybe because of, this brutal takeover, the new regime appears to have been quite popular. Doe immediately began making promises to eradicate corruption, oppression, and economic inequality, while simultaneously assuring the public that the country would be placed under democratically elected leadership. While somewhat dubious elections would indeed take place in 1985, elections that would see Master Sergeant Samuel Doe assume the position of president, the country would remain under martial law for five years. During that time, Doe was very busy. He promoted himself to general, suspended the constitution, dissolved the executive and legislative branches of government, banned all opposing political activity, and conducted trials against his adversaries in which the accused were refused legal representation. He also used the five years before the elections to fill what remained of the government with his political allies. Even before he was sworn in as president, the few people who had been permitted to stand against him questioned the validity of the election. So much so, in fact, that, on November 12, 1985, Doe's former ally General Thomas Quiwonkpa attempted a coup of his own. This one would not be quite as successful; Doe declared it to be a failure within the day and, three days later, Quiwonkpa would be located and murdered by army loyalists. His body would then be taken to a local market, castrated, dismembered and partially eaten. Although Doe claimed to have initially taken power in order to remove the influence of the Americo-Liberians, he quickly realized that being on good terms with America could prove to be tremendously beneficial, and he quickly struck up a friendship with President Reagan. In exchange for a huge amount of cash, which was theoretically meant to be used to better the lives of Liberian citizens but actually mostly lined the pockets of Doe and his officials, America was granted several favors including, but not limited to: - The installation of a radio tower which would allow the broadcast of radio America throughout Africa. - The use of all Liberia's ports by American forces to help strengthen their military positions throughout Africa and the banning of socialist teachings in schools and universities. Doe even went as far as to establish ties with Israel, upsetting many other African leaders, purely to improve his standing with the United States leadership. As a reward for all this good behavior, Doe received more than $500 million in aid and loans from the US, considerably more than any other country in sub-Saharan Africa. According to some estimates, Doe and his associates embezzled more than 300 million of these dollars, spending them on things like private jets, luxurious real estate, and even satellite dishes that would allow Doe to watch live broadcasts of President Reagan's speeches. As the 80s drew to a close and President Reagan had other, more pressing issues to deal with, American support for Doe began to wane. Liberia was becoming less and less useful to the US, and in May 1989, they finally withdrew all financial support. Given that Doe was becoming less and less popular with the people, this made his position somewhat tenuous. After failing to obtain financial backing from countries such as Israel and Nigeria, Doe tried one more time to get on America's good side. In an article published in The Washington Post, he appealed directly to President Bush, saying: > "Our capital is named after your President Monroe. Our flag is a replica of your flag. We in Liberia have always considered ourselves stepchildren of the United States. We implore you to come and help your stepchildren, who are in danger of losing our freedoms and our lives." Sadly for Doe, this final plea was unsuccessful, and on the 9th of September 1990, Doe was captured, brutally tortured and killed. His body was mutilated and then paraded through the streets. Tragically for the people of Liberia, this was not the end of the troubles but merely the beginning. Although Doe had remained in power until almost the end of 1990, the Civil War had, in fact, started the previous year. Charles Taylor, a former government official working under Doe, has an interesting story. During the early 1980s, he was found guilty of embezzling nearly $900,000, fled to America, was subsequently arrested and detained pending deportation back to Liberia, escaped (possibly with the assistance of the CIA), made his way to Libya, spent time receiving military training under Muammar Gaddafi, formed the "National Patriotic Front of Liberia," and, on the 24th of December 1989, launched an invasion designed to overthrow Doe. As had become typical with any military action in Liberia, the story of Taylor's invasion is brutal in the extreme. Initially, it genuinely appeared that Taylor stood no chance. His small group of poorly armed attackers should have easily been crushed by the Liberian armed forces. However, the soldiers who were dispatched to deal with this latest problem very much turned the tables in Taylor's favor. Soldiers not only engaged the invaders but indiscriminately raped and murdered local civilians. Unsurprisingly, this led to many survivors willingly joining with Taylor and his forces, led by a small but dedicated group of Libyan mercenaries and former Liberian military higher-ups, quickly swelled. According to the available evidence, Taylor certainly did not discriminate when it came to who he would allow to enlist. One article, published by ProPublica, tells of how small children were often used as soldiers: > "Among the most notorious recruits were the Small Boys Unit — young children, often orphans, who swore allegiance to 'Papai,' as Taylor was called. To prove their loyalty, the children sometimes had to gun down their mothers and fathers. They would become among some of the most vicious killers in a war of heartless, mindless, unfathomable killing. Elementary and middle schools emptied of children as they flocked to join Taylor. Catholic nuns reported school attendance dropping from 3,000 to 1,000 students in one town. Children too young to carry rifles were given grenades instead." Perhaps even more concerning than this are the frequent claims that Taylor's men regularly engaged in cannibalism. When testifying at Taylor's war crimes tribunal, his former vice-president Moses Blah said that military men would frequently cook and eat human innards during the campaign. While talking about a member of Taylor's presidential guard, Nelson Gaye, Blah said: > "I saw one incident with my own eyes. I visited a camp... he roasted the hands of a human being, then ate them with boiled cassava. Gaye and his men also cooked human intestines and ate them with cassava. You could not enter the unit without doing that." While all this was going on, a breakaway faction of Taylor's "National Patriotic Front of Liberia," led by Prince Y. Johnson, had already taken the capital. In fact, it was this faction that was responsible for the death of Doe. Following this combined takeover, a national transitional government theoretically assumed control of the country. However, the fighting would not really stop until 1997 when Charles Taylor was elected president. During this period, the use of child soldiers, ritual executions, and the targeting of protected people were commonplace. So, what happened next? Were the people of Liberia finally able to live out their lives in relative peace? Well, no. Although the country was now theoretically under Democratic leadership, there were still several groups that wished to seize control. Not only that, but the government was certainly not above using the proven tactic of keeping the people scared in order to extract maximum obedience. At certain points, things became so confusing that, when people later told their stories, they weren't even sure by whom they had been attacked. The following is a brief account from one lady who described what happened after she refused to allow a member of Taylor's law enforcement team to borrow her cell phone: > "He took a bayonet from behind him (he had it stuck in his trousers) and proceeded to slash me all over my body. He cut me deep on my back, resulting in the cutting of a major vein. Then he cut across my left thigh and almost around the entire thigh. He stabbed me several times on my head and gave me deep cuts on my left and right arms, on my back and my abdomen. I bled profusely." Another account tells of how locals would use rebel forces to settle personal vendettas. Because of a land dispute, one man told a rebel leader that his neighbor was harboring several government sympathizers. As a result of this, his house was destroyed, he and his oldest son were shot in front of their family, and both of his daughters were repeatedly raped. These certainly were not isolated incidents; our research shows that attacks like this were, if not commonplace, then certainly not unusual. Obviously, many people were unhappy about this. Chief among these were the "Liberians United for Reconciliation and Democracy" (LURD), and on the 21st of April 1999, they launched an attack from Guinea, Liberia's neighbor to the north, with the result that Liberia was now engaged in its second Civil War in less than a decade. After several years of intense fighting, human rights violations, and even more forced child conscription, (LURD), along with another organization known as the Movement for Democracy in Liberia (MODEL), had taken over control of much of the country and were quickly closing in on the capital. After further intervention by troops from Nigeria, the United Nations, and the United States, Taylor would eventually resign as president on the 11th of August 2003. Rather than running the risk of going the same way as several of his predecessors, he elected to flee the country and go into exile in Nigeria. In 2005, Liberia held its first independently verified, legitimate elections, and as a result of this, Ellen Johnson Sirleaf became the twenty-fourth president of Liberia and the first woman to head an African nation. She would hold this position, more or less peacefully, until 2018. Although this is chronologically the end of the story, much of the more distressing testimony would not become widely known to the public until the war crimes trials of several individuals who were not only involved in atrocities in Liberia but in nearby Sierra Leone. Sadly, very few of these individuals have paid for their crimes. According to a Reuters article: > "Alieu Kosiah, who fought in the 1990s against then-President Charles Taylor's army, was sentenced to 20 years in prison in June 2021 for rape, murder, and cannibalism in Switzerland's first-ever war crimes trial." In the trial of Kunti Kamara, Kamara, a former member of the United Liberation Movement of Liberia for democracy, was found guilty by a French court of "complicity in crimes against humanity and responsibility as a direct perpetrator for torture and barbaric acts." He was sentenced to life in prison. Sadly, there are many so-called warlords who participated in the civil wars who have not only openly admitted to their crimes but remain free to this day. One individual who now works as a preacher in Liberia told reporters from Vice that he and several others would "regularly drink the blood of an innocent child before going into battle." According to certain archaic tribal customs, doing this would almost guarantee victory. Unfortunately, although Liberia has certainly become a more peaceful place than it was in the past, its government seems to be reluctant when it comes to pursuing its former war criminals. Because of this, there is a very real likelihood that many of those who needlessly took the lives of innocent men, women, and children will be granted the luxury of living out the remainder of their lives in freedom and obscurity. ## Key Takeaways - Liberia's civil wars, from 1989 to 2003, were marked by extreme brutality, including cannibalism and child soldier use. - The Americo-Liberians, descendants of freed American slaves, initially dominated and oppressed native Liberians. - Samuel Doe's coup in 1980 led to a brutal regime, with Doe later being overthrown and killed by Charles Taylor. - Charles Taylor's forces used child soldiers and engaged in widespread atrocities during his rise to power. - Despite peace efforts, many war criminals from Liberia's civil wars remain unpunished and free. ## Frequently Asked Questions ### What were the two main Civil Wars in Liberia about? The two Civil Wars in Liberia, which took place between 1989 and 2003, involved brutal conflicts characterized by drug-fueled violence, cannibalism, vampirism, and the forced deployment of child soldiers. ### What was the root cause of the tensions in Liberia leading up to the Civil Wars? The tensions in Liberia stemmed from a historical rift between the Americo-Liberians, who returned from America and held positions of power, and the native Liberians, who were often repressed and subjugated. ### What significant event occurred on April 12, 1980, in Liberia? On April 12, 1980, Master Sergeant Samuel Doe led a coup that resulted in the murder of President William Tolbert and several high-ranking officials. Doe then assumed power and executed more government officials. ### How did Samuel Doe's regime initially gain popularity? Doe's regime initially gained popularity by promising to eradicate corruption, oppression, and economic inequality, and by assuring the public that the country would be placed under democratically elected leadership. ### What role did Charles Taylor play in the Liberian Civil War? Charles Taylor, a former government official under Doe, launched an invasion in 1989 to overthrow Doe. His forces were known for their brutal tactics, including the use of child soldiers and cannibalism. ### What was the outcome of the first Liberian Civil War? The first Liberian Civil War ended in 1997 when Charles Taylor was elected president. However, the fighting did not truly stop, and the country remained in turmoil. ### What significant event marked the end of Charles Taylor's presidency? Charles Taylor resigned as president on August 11, 2003, and fled to Nigeria after intense fighting and international intervention. ### Who became the first woman to head an African nation after Liberia's elections in 2005? Ellen Johnson Sirleaf became the twenty-fourth president of Liberia and the first woman to head an African nation after the 2005 elections. ### What were some of the atrocities committed during the Liberian Civil Wars? Atrocities included the use of child soldiers, ritual executions, cannibalism, and the targeting of protected people. Many civilians were indiscriminately raped and murdered. ### What is the current status of war criminals from the Liberian Civil Wars? Many war criminals remain free, and the Liberian government has been reluctant to pursue them. Some have been convicted in international trials, but many others have not faced justice. ## Sources - [Original Into the Shadows video: Liberia's Cannibalistic War](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=970wPs3110c) - [Hero image source](https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/4/41/Jehudi_ashmun%27s_grave.jpg) by Tony / openverse, by. ## Related Coverage Simon Whistler https://intotheshadows.pub/article/locusta-worlds-first-serial-killer https://intotheshadows.pub/article/locusta-worlds-first-serial-killer Sun, 28 Jun 2026 00:00:00 GMT There is a mysterious, shadowy figure that hangs over a very specific period of the Roman Empire. Her details are often vague and, at times, contradictory. Some have questioned whether she existed at all, but there does seem to be enough scattered records to piece together a fragmented image of a woman named Locusta, often referred to as the world's first serial killer. Locusta's life was deeply entwined with the scandalous intrigue and murderous plots of Ancient Rome's imperial court. Her name was linked to various deaths—including those of Emperors—her chosen weapon: poison. Though her exact birth date remains unknown, historical records from Roman chroniclers like Tacitus and Cassius Dio sketch a portrait of a woman who rose to infamy during the reigns of Emperors Claudius and Nero. Little is known about Locusta's early life, including her origins. She presumably came from Gaul (modern-day France) and later moved to Rome. Early in her life, Locusta developed a profound knowledge of botany and toxicology, skills she would later use with deadly effectiveness. Ancient Rome, with its frequent political intrigues and betrayals, provided a fertile ground for someone of her unique talents. Poisoning, for those in the political arena, offered a discreet method of eliminating rivals and securing power. While the information on Locusta might be frustratingly scant, her story parallels a sordid period of the Roman Emperor that saw several mysterious deaths at the very top. Game of Thrones, eat your heart out. ## The Unknown Before we begin, it is worth pointing out that this tale has plenty of holes. It's a series of murder mysteries that occurred more than 2000 years ago, with an apparent perpetrator we know very little about. The name Locusta appears in contemporary text when she is an adult, so we know she didn't grow up in the royal court. We believe she was born in the early first century AD—probably in the Roman province of Gaul—but her early years are a complete mystery. However, we can add some background colour to this story using some established norms of the day. Locusta's youth was likely marked by the harsh realities of the ancient world—survival in a time where the line between life and death was razor-thin. Rome had crushed Gaul once and for all in 58 BC, so Locusta would have grown up several generations into a very different world. The worst of the warring was over, but life at this time remained unimaginably hard. It was in this ruthless environment that Locusta's knowledge of herbs and poisons began to flourish, setting the stage for her future as a master poisoner. The role of the woman during this period was narrow—very narrow. If you were one of the lucky few to be born into wealth, you were expected to enjoy the fruits of life but little else. For the vast majority of women, however, life was a hellish grind—a cycle of childbirth and relentless work. As a young woman, Locusta's path diverged sharply from the typical roles prescribed to women of her time. She did not remain confined to the domestic sphere; instead, she harnessed her knowledge of toxicology to carve out a unique and dangerous niche. We have absolutely no idea how this happened, but years later, the provincial girl from Gaul had arrived in the eternal city of Rome. ## Choose Your Poison Poisoning in ancient Rome was both an art and a dark reflection of the societal, political, and personal undercurrents of the time. With its frequent use to settle personal vendettas and conduct criminal activities, the use of poison became a significant aspect of Roman life. The Roman fascination with poison began as an import from other cultures, mainly from Greece and the East, where poisons were used both as medicines and as lethal agents. As Rome expanded its empire, it absorbed not only the territories but also the darker arts practised within them, including the use of toxic substances for homicide. The Romans had access to a variety of natural poisons. Among the most common were hemlock, aconite (also known as wolfsbane), and belladonna (deadly nightshade), each with its own deadly properties. Hemlock was famously used to execute the philosopher Socrates in Greece, and it also found its way into Roman practices. Aconite was known for its quick action, causing asphyxiation and death, while belladonna could cause disorientation and hallucinations followed by death. The Romans were adept chemists in their own right and developed sophisticated methods to administer these poisons. They knew that mixing different toxins could enhance their lethality or mask their presence in food and drink, making detection by the intended victim much more difficult. In the viper's nest of Roman politics, where power was prized above all else, poisoning became a common method for removing rivals and consolidating power. While sometimes speculative, historical records suggest that several emperors and political figures met their ends through poison. The prevalence of poisoning led to social paranoia and fear, particularly among the elite, who were often the targets and perpetrators of poison plots. This fear spread throughout Roman society and is reflected in contemporary literature and historical accounts. Writers like Tacitus and Suetonius discuss poisoning as a common hazard of noble life, one that could only be avoided through extreme caution and, occasionally, the employment of food tasters. In response to the rampant use of poisons, Roman law evolved to include specific statutes against poisoning. Under the Lex Cornelia de Sicariis et Veneficiis, enacted in the 1st century BC, the use of poison was a capital crime, equated legally with assassination. This law not only targeted those who used poison but also those who were involved in its manufacture and distribution. ## Claudius's Ascension to Power The name Locusta first enters the public sphere during the reign of Claudius, who came to the throne in AD 41 under less than auspicious circumstances following the assassination of his nephew Caligula, a ruler marked by tyranny and madness. His ascent was almost accidental; the Praetorian Guard found him hiding behind a curtain in the palace during the chaos following Caligula's death and proclaimed him Emperor, primarily because he was the last male adult of the Julian line available and perhaps perceived as a pliable figure who could be easily controlled. Despite initial low expectations, Claudius proved to be a capable and reform-minded ruler. He embarked on numerous administrative reforms, expanded the empire's boundaries, and initiated massive construction projects. However, Claudius's physical disabilities and perceived intellectual slowness, a stark contrast to traditional Roman ideals of virility and eloquence, often made him the subject of elite scorn and underestimation. And then there was his wife. ## Agrippina's Rise to Power If Locusta's fingerprints were all over this story, the puppet master behind it all was Agrippina the Younger, Claudius's niece and Caligula's younger sister. Agrippina married Claudius in AD 49 after persuading him to change the laws that barred marriages between uncles and nieces. Her ambitions were clear from the outset; she aimed to consolidate her position within the imperial family and secure the future of her son, Nero, born from a previous marriage. Agrippina was a woman of formidable intelligence and ruthless ambition. Once married to Claudius, she quickly began to exert her influence over him and the affairs of the state. She managed to have her son Nero adopted by Claudius, making him the heir apparent over Claudius's own son, Britannicus. This move was a masterstroke in securing her power base, as it aligned Nero with the Julian line and made his pathway to the throne almost certain. ## The Power Struggle The marriage between Claudius and Agrippina was marked by continuous power struggles, with Agrippina often manipulating Claudius to remove rivals and consolidate her and her son's positions. She had powerful allies eliminated or exiled, such as the commanders of the Praetorian Guard, who were replaced by individuals loyal to her. She also wielded her influence over senatorial appointments and legal matters, increasingly positioning herself as a central figure in governance, an unprecedented role for an empress. Despite her successes, Agrippina's relationship with Claudius began to sour as she grew more overt in her power grabs. Claudius, initially compliant, started to push back against his domineering wife. Historical sources, such as Tacitus, suggest that Claudius regretted adopting Nero and began to show renewed favour towards his biological son, Britannicus. Rumours began circulating in the imperial court that Claudius intended to make Britannicus his successor, threatening Agrippina's ambitions. ## The Murder of Claudius Agrippina chose a drastic and murderous course as tensions rose within the imperial court. The year was 54 AD. Fearing her diminishing influence over Claudius and the rising prospects of Britannicus, Agrippina enlisted the shadowy Locusta to kill Claudius. Ancient sources suggest that Claudius was poisoned. Though accounts vary in detail, they all converge on the involvement of Agrippina and Locusta. According to these sources, Claudius was given a dish of poisoned mushrooms, his favourite delicacy. When the initial dose did not immediately kill him, further poison was administered, allegedly via a feather used to induce vomiting. After a brief but intense illness, Claudius died on October 13, AD 54. While we know nothing of Locusta's specific involvement in other murders, it seems impossible to believe that such a task would be given to somebody without a healthy portfolio of successful kills. Sources refer to her as a 'Master Poisoner,' which would suggest she probably had a hand in quite a number of murders before turning her attention to the most powerful person on the planet. ## Nero's Ascension Claudius's death cleared the way for Nero to ascend to the throne. Nero's rule began under the regency of his mother, Agrippina, who initially continued to wield substantial influence. However, Nero grew increasingly autonomous and resentful of his mother's control, especially after he became involved with a noblewoman named Poppaea Sabina, who reportedly did her best to push son and mother apart. Things got so bad that Nero had his mother killed—you couldn't make all this up. How it happened is unclear. Some accounts speak of three failed poisoning attempts—perhaps with our dark shadow friend Locusta behind them—while others talk of an elaborate plot to sink a boat she was travelling in. Neither of these worked, and she was eventually executed at her home, with the killers doing their best to make it look like a suicide. ## Nero's Official Poisoner With Nero's protection, Locusta's position solidified, and she effectively became the imperial court's official poisoner. Her tasks were not limited to eliminating political adversaries but extended to conducting toxicological experiments to refine her knowledge and methods. Nero, obsessed with maintaining his grip on power and eliminating any threats, relied heavily on Locusta's expertise. As a reward for her loyal service, Nero granted Locusta vast estates and even referred aspiring poisoners to her for training, effectively establishing what could be seen as a school of poisoning. We don't know much about this, but it does highlight the normalisation of criminal activities under Nero's reign and the moral and ethical decay of the imperial court during this period. ## The Murder of Britannicus Nero became increasingly erratic, and for one boy, it was only a matter of time before the Emperor's murderous gaze fell on him. The murder of Britannicus took place during a banquet on February 11, AD 55, just one day before he was to turn fourteen. The young prince's death was sudden and unexpected, with ancient sources attributing it directly to Nero's command. Tacitus provides a detailed account, suggesting that Nero employed Locusta to concoct a deadly toxin. The first attempt to poison Britannicus reportedly failed when he detected the odd taste of his drink and refused to drink more. Under pressure from Nero, Locusta prepared a faster-acting poison that was then administered to Britannicus in another drink during a later banquet. Britannicus consumed the poison, and his death followed shortly thereafter, witnessed by guests reportedly stunned into silence. Britannicus's sudden death was officially attributed to an epileptic seizure, a condition he was known to have suffered from in his youth. However, contemporary and later historians largely agree that Nero was behind the boy's demise. His death eliminated the last significant rival to Nero within the Claudian dynasty. Britannicus's death did not cause the immediate stir that might have been expected, largely due to the climate of fear that Nero had cultivated around himself. His demise allowed Nero to consolidate his power further, leading to a reign that would eventually be characterised by despotism, eccentricity, and the infamous persecution of Christians. ## Nero's Death & Locusta's Execution Locusta's fortunes were inextricably linked to Nero's, but things were beginning to slide out of control for the Emperor, who had just turned 30. A rebellion in Gaul raised serious questions over his leadership, while the Great Fire that tore through Rome in 64 AD decimated the city, with some even questioning whether Nero himself had caused it. The walls were coming down around the Emperor. After a revolt in the senate, he fled to a country villa where he either took his own life or asked his private secretary, Epaphroditus, to kill him—depending on the source you choose to believe. After Nero's death in AD 68, which marked the end of the Julio-Claudian dynasty, the subsequent rulers sought to restore order and justice to a scarred Rome. Under Emperor Galba, who briefly ruled after Nero, Locusta was arrested as part of a broader campaign to rid Rome of Nero's sinister influence. Locusta was executed in AD 69, her death marking an end to one of the most notorious figures in Roman history. The historical record on Locusta, while admittedly sparse and coloured by the bias of Roman historians who viewed her with contempt, does paint a damning picture of the dark underbelly of Roman imperial politics. Her life story was a dramatic tale of rise and fall, that saw her bloody fingerprints all over a period that saw glorious Rome slump under the weight of several appalling figures. Today, we refer to Locusta as potentially the world's first serial killer. Of course, there's no way to substantiate this, and in all likelihood, others came before her, but it's clear that she played a significant role in not only the murderous intrigue that swept through the imperial court but also far beyond. How many deaths was she behind? We'll almost certainly never know. How accurate is this label as Master Poisoner to Rich and Famous? Again, it's difficult to say—but it does make for a good story. This period saw the corruption and excesses of the Roman Empire's leadership reach new heights, and Locusta has become a symbol of this rot—a shadowy figure that killed—maybe—untold numbers. ## Key Takeaways - Locusta, known as the world's first serial killer, was a master poisoner in ancient Rome. - She was involved in the murders of Emperors Claudius and Britannicus, as well as other political figures. - Locusta's rise to infamy occurred during the reigns of Claudius and Nero, amidst political intrigue and power struggles. - Her expertise in toxicology allowed her to eliminate rivals discreetly, contributing to the dark underbelly of Roman imperial politics. - Locusta was executed in AD 69, marking the end of her notorious career as a poisoner in the Roman Empire. ## Frequently Asked Questions ### Who was Locusta? Locusta was a woman from Gaul (modern-day France) who moved to Rome and became infamous for her role as a master poisoner during the reigns of Emperors Claudius and Nero. ### What was Locusta's role in Roman politics? Locusta was involved in various political intrigues and murders, using her knowledge of poisons to eliminate rivals and secure power for those she served, notably Agrippina the Younger and Emperor Nero. ### How did Locusta become involved in the murder of Emperor Claudius? Agrippina the Younger, Claudius's wife, enlisted Locusta to poison Claudius with a dish of poisoned mushrooms when she feared her influence over him was waning and Britannicus was favored as the successor. ### What was Locusta's relationship with Emperor Nero? Nero protected Locusta and made her the imperial court's official poisoner. She conducted toxicological experiments and trained others in the art of poisoning, solidifying her role in Nero's reign of terror. ### How did Locusta contribute to the murder of Britannicus? Nero commanded Locusta to concoct a deadly toxin to eliminate Britannicus, his rival. After an initial failed attempt, Locusta prepared a faster-acting poison that was administered to Britannicus during a banquet, leading to his death. ### What happened to Locusta after Nero's death? After Nero's death in AD 68, Locusta was arrested and executed in AD 69 under Emperor Galba as part of a campaign to rid Rome of Nero's sinister influence. ### What poisons were commonly used in ancient Rome? Common poisons in ancient Rome included hemlock, aconite (wolfsbane), and belladonna (deadly nightshade). These toxins were used for both medicinal and lethal purposes. ### How did Roman law address the use of poison? The Lex Cornelia de Sicariis et Veneficiis, enacted in the 1st century BC, made the use of poison a capital crime, equating it legally with assassination. This law targeted both users and those involved in the manufacture and distribution of poisons. ### What was Agrippina the Younger's role in Roman politics? Agrippina the Younger was Claudius's niece and wife, who manipulated him to secure power for her son, Nero. She was a formidable figure who exerted significant influence over Claudius and the imperial court. ### How did Locusta's early life influence her career as a poisoner? Locusta's early life in Gaul was marked by harsh realities and survival in a ruthless environment. She developed a profound knowledge of botany and toxicology, which she later used with deadly effectiveness in Rome. ## Sources - [Original Into the Shadows video: Locusta: The World's First Serial Killer?](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=dXaKNgbWntU) - [Hero image source](https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/8/82/03._Amphith%C3%A9atre_des_Trois_Gaules.JPG) by User:Otourly / openverse, by-sa. ## Related Coverage Simon Whistler https://intotheshadows.pub/article/marburg-completely-untreatable-virus https://intotheshadows.pub/article/marburg-completely-untreatable-virus Sun, 28 Jun 2026 00:00:00 GMT Mortality rate, the percentage of people likely to die out of everyone who contracts a disease, varies wildly from one illness to another. To give you a rough idea, Covid-19 has a mortality rate of 1.4%, typhoid 15%, and tuberculosis kills 43%. Marburg virus disease is so deadly that during the worst outbreak it killed 90% of those infected. That's a massive rate of fatality. It's an untreatable virus so once you've got it there's no cure. One slip up when treating a patient, disposing of their possessions or conducting an autopsy and your odds of survival are 1 in 10. It's not a nice way to go either. ## Symptoms The first signs that you've been infected with Marburg are pretty common to most illnesses. They include fever, headache, sore joints and rashes. Next comes diarrhoea which can last a week. And on the third day, you can expect to start vomiting with the accompanying abdominal pain and cramps. The diarrhoea and vomiting are especially unfortunate as Marburg spreads through bodily fluids. Anyone caring for you in this stage of the illness has a high likelihood of contracting it too. Unless they wrap themselves in multiple layers of PPE and dowse everything in chlorine. Finally, after worsening for a few days the internal haemorrhaging begins. You start bleeding from every orifice and at this point are beyond saving. Previous patients have bled from their eyes, nose, gums and needle puncture wounds. Haemorrhaging can even be seen beneath the skin. Most people die of excessive blood loss and shock 8-9 days after the first symptoms begin. ## Treatment It's known as the untreatable disease for a reason. Once you're infected there's nothing that can be done. Doctors will provide pain relief to ease suffering but there's no cure. The only hope is rehydration to try and maintain oxygen status and blood pressure. ## Transmission Marburg spreads through contact with the bodily fluids of an infected patient. Blood, saliva, vomit and even urine can be carriers. For this reason, outbreaks are particularly common in rural areas lacking running water and sanitation. Regions with poor health facilities are particularly at risk as the sick will arrive and not be immediately diagnosed. Medical staff then won't use adequate PPE and many will contract the disease themselves. One of the features that make Marburg particularly dangerous is its ability to remain dormant in recovered patients. The virus can survive in the eyes, testes, placenta and amniotic fluid. This means that the 10% lucky enough to survive the disease can still pass it on many months later. Men through unprotected sex and pregnant women to the foetus and through breast milk. It makes it difficult to control the spread as recovered patients can travel to other areas and start new outbreaks months later. Medical staff have to provide extensive education on the importance of using condoms before releasing survivors. However, in many areas they're not easily available or in common use which makes the task much harder. Another key risk factor with Marburg is the long incubation period. It can take 3 weeks from exposure to symptoms developing. This means a carrier can be actively spreading in a community or could even travel to another country before they know they're infected. ## Where Did It Come From? The Marburg virus first appeared in humans in 1967 in Marburg and Frankfurt in Germany, Belgrade and Serbia. 31 people became ill and 7 died. Of these, 25 were lab workers, 5 medical personnel and 1 was a family member who cared for their sick relative. The virus had been imported from Uganda in a shipment of African Green Monkeys. The labs were working on polio vaccines and were using the monkeys to culture kidney cells for research. Unfortunately, some needle stick accidents led workers to be exposed to the blood and tissues of the animals. In one case a lab worker cut himself while conducting an autopsy. Monkeys are not reservoir hosts of the disease as although they can be infected they often die quickly. This means it should be incredibly unlikely for a Marburg carrier to make it all the way from Uganda to Germany. Sick monkeys are not of much use to labs and are usually not sold to them. However, the Ugandan monkey trappers had come up with a way to protect themselves against the financial loss of catching unhealthy animals. They'd started taking all of the sick monkeys they caught to an island in Lake Victoria. Leaving them to either die or recover and survive. If ever the trappers didn't have enough monkeys to fulfil a shipment they'd return to the island and take the healthiest. As Marburg can remain in recovered patients for many months these, now seemingly healthy, monkeys were taken but still infectious. When lab workers were then exposed to the bodily fluids they contracted the disease and the first human outbreak was underway. The actual reservoir hosts of Marburg are now known to be *Rousettus* bats. Also known as dog-faced fruit bats or flying foxes. They live in most parts of Africa and some regions of Southeast Asia. Humans are very unlikely to have contact with them in their normal day to day lives, which is why we don't hear of Marburg often. However, miners, forestry workers and tourists sometimes enter caves where they roost. Exposing themselves to faeces and saliva that can transmit the virus. As seen in the first outbreak, bats can also transmit to non-human primates, particularly gorillas and chimpanzees. Humans that hunt and butcher these animals will come into contact with their blood and have a chance to contract the virus themselves. Michelle Barnes, from Colorado, is a recent Marburg survivor who contracted the disease from bats. She was on holiday in Uganda in 2007 and visited a python cave in the Maramagambo Forest in Queen Elizabeth Park. Unfortunately, the cave is a roosting spot for thousands of fruit bats and both Michelle and a woman from the Netherlands contracted the disease. Michelle spent 12 days in hospital, 8 in intensive care and had to have her gall bladder removed but she survived. The other patient, unfortunately, died after experiencing renal failure. Neither passed the disease on and so the outbreak was contained. ## Why Bats? SARS, MERS, Ebola and Marburg, all awful viral epidemics. All started in bats. Bats have even been named as a potential culprit for Covid-19. Work is still being done to identify the exact source of the pandemic. But we do know that Covid is zoonotic, meaning a human disease of animal origin. While it probably didn't come directly from bats they may have transmitted it to an intermediary species that in turn transmitted it to us. Now I've never had a particular problem with bats. Some of them are actually pretty cute. But I'm starting to think they might have it out for us. Seriously, how many times do they have to try and take down humanity with horrific, bleeding from the eyes, diseases before we start treating them with a bit more suspicion? But, before I accidentally start some kind of world domination bat conspiracy theory, we should probably take a look at what's actually responsible for them being super virus breeders. Bats have an incredible immune response to viruses. Their cells are constantly primed and ready to fend off viral attacks. When a virus enters their systems the response is immediate and walls the virus out of their cells. While this is great for the bats, it's not so good for us. Viruses that are faced with this line of defence can survive in the bats for a long time without killing them. They use this time to figure out what to do about these defences and evolve. They speed up their rates of reproduction to try and overcome the bat's lightning-fast immune response. When the same viruses then make the jump into humans their incredible reproduction rate overwhelms our immune systems. Viral loads skyrocket and fatality rates soar. So maybe bats aren't trying to kill all humans on purpose. But if they could just try to avoid exposing themselves to so many viruses it would be appreciated. Perhaps keep their caves a bit cleaner and practice some personal hygiene. ## Outbreaks There have so far been 14 outbreaks of Marburg. In most cases, these have been limited to a handful of patients and one or two deaths. Almost all have been in Africa with some in labs and a few in the victims who carried the virus home from Uganda. ### The Outbreak of 2004-2005 One outbreak though was far worse than all others. Marburg was transmitted between humans and killed hundreds before being contained. It began in 2004 in Uige, rural Angola. Once it was identified everybody took it incredibly seriously. The World Health Organisation mobilised its Global Outbreak and Alert Response Network team. They sent anthropologists, virologists, pathologists and medical specialists. A safety ward was set up at the main hospital to diagnose potential Marburg patients and suspected cases were sent to isolation wards. Staff arrived highly trained for dealing with infectious diseases and brought PPE. They'd wear 3 layers of gloves, goggles and ensure that no skin was exposed. Measures we're used to now but were incredibly scary for the residents of rural Uige at the time. The World Health Organisation's community outreach teams also visited the villages to try and get the virus under control. However, due to cultural issues and suspicions, they were often met with fear or anger. Some medical staff were even stoned. The use of body bags and high tech medical equipment was rare and scary and the fear of the disease added to tensions. To further complicate infection control, the cultural tradition in Uige for funerals was to display the body. Friends and family would dance and sing and kiss their departed loved one. With Marburg, this would effectively guarantee transmissions and had to be banned. Not being able to provide proper funerals for their dead was incredibly painful for the local communities. The distrust also meant that many would not call for help if they suspected Marburg. Instead, they'd wait until the patient was close to death or already dead. By this time it was likely another person would've been infected. A huge push had to be made for community engagement and education as one of the first steps to stop the epidemic. ## Recent Cases The most recent Marburg outbreak was in Guinea in July 2021. A man presented at a local health centre with fever, headache, fatigue, abdominal pain and bleeding from the gums. As the disease is difficult to diagnose he was given a test for malaria. When the test came back negative he was sent home. Unfortunately, his condition deteriorated and he died the next day. Samples taken post mortem were positive for Marburg and work began immediately to trace his contacts. Fortunately, all remained negative and the outbreak was declared over on the 16th of September. Guinea, having never had a case of Marburg before has brought in several measures to ensure they never experience an outbreak as severe as Angola. Bats are being captured and sampled, health care and hygiene training has been increased, PPE supplies distributed and water, sanitation and hygiene measures are being implemented in health facilities and communities. Their success in preventing the spread provides hope for other countries in the region. It seems likely that, as long as a new variant doesn't jump from bats, the threat of another massive outbreak is low. ## Potential as a Biological Weapon But could another outbreak be caused by something other than bats? Unfortunately, yes. The Soviet Union's biological weapons program saw the potential in the Marburg virus and undoubtedly others have seen it too. During the Cold War, at least 3 Soviet research institutes had programs focussed on weaponising the disease. Ken Alibek, a biological warfare expert for the Soviet Army defected to the United States in 1992 and became a contributor to the US biodefense strategy. He provided intelligence that the Soviet Union had successfully weaponised Marburg. His claims were that warheads had been created containing the disease and were even tested at Stepnogorsk Scientific Experimental and Production Base. His story hasn't been corroborated but there are records of 2 Marburg deaths in Koltsovo in the Soviet Union that fit the timeline. Firstly, Russian bioweapon scientist, Nikolai Ustinov, who accidentally infected himself while injecting guinea pigs with Marburg. His symptoms were horrifying. He suffered severe haemorrhages that left him bleeding from his nose, mouth and even sweat glands. The pages of his notebook were left covered in un-clotted blood from the star-shaped haemorrhages under his skin. In a freak coincidence, during his autopsy, the pathologist accidentally stuck himself with a needle too. He also contracted the disease and suffered the same fate as Ustinov. Soviet scientists went on to isolate a new strain of Marburg from Ustinov's body. It was found to be especially deadly when airborne, ideal for distribution from a biological weapon. They named it Variant U in his honour. Dr Alibek claims that the manufacture of large amounts of Variant U was ready to begin in 1991 with plans to load it into 10 separate warheads. As he defected, we don't know the outcome of these plans beyond the fact that they've never been successfully deployed. Due to its potential as a biological weapon the US has declared Marburg a 'select agent'. This is an agent or toxin with the potential to pose a severe threat to public health and safety. Select agents are strictly regulated and unauthorised possession, use or transfer incurs a severe fine. ## How Can Marburg Be Contained? There's currently no licenced vaccine for the Marburg virus. Vaccine efforts have been made more difficult by its classification as a select agent. This means it can only be handled by a few maximum containment labs. On one hand, this is great as it reduces the number of people who could be secretly plotting to use it as a weapon. Marburg has also killed many researchers through needle sticks, so strict measures are clearly needed. On the other hand, it massively reduces the number of companies that can work on a vaccine. Another reason for the slow development of a vaccine is, of course, money. Due to the relatively small number of people affected in previous outbreaks, there's been no financial incentive to create one. It costs around $1 billion to develop a vaccine and, since its discovery in 1967, Marburg has only killed 383 people. Why would anyone buy the vaccines? Ebola, a close relative of Marburg, is a great example of this stunted vaccine development. A team in Winnipeg, Canada had been working on an Ebola vaccine for years but hadn't been able to get any pharmaceutical company to develop it. Then the 2013-16 Ebola outbreak in West Africa hit. Development suddenly became much more urgent. Unfortunately, the World Health Organisation wouldn't give them the go-ahead to trial it in the affected countries. This was largely due to ethical concerns of testing it in African countries following deaths from an experimental meningitis vaccine. However, when the death toll started to soar, rapid clinical trials were initiated. The results looked great but it wasn't enough to get the vaccine licenced. In 2018 a further outbreak in the Democratic Republic of Congo led the country to agree to use it under a 'compassionate use protocol' and 260,000 people were vaccinated. By 2019 it was finally licenced and approved by the FDA after over 11,000 deaths. Ebola highlighted the potential damage filoviruses can do and funding started rolling in for Marburg. Several different types of vaccine are now under investigation and have progressed into animal and human studies. However, without an outbreak that kills more than 10,000 or a biological weapon attack that kills more, progress will be slow. Even when a vaccine is developed how many would actually bother to get a dose? Therefore extreme hygiene and sanitation measures remain the only way to contain Marburg. Chlorine kills the virus so spraying contaminated areas and washing shoes in chlorine baths can work well. Safe burial practices are also vital to prevent the spread. Ideally though, we want to stop Marburg jumping to humans in the first place. Then we don't have to contain it or vaccinate against it. The only solution may be contentious but people just really need to stop eating bats. Oh, and keep out of caves full of bat faeces. ## Key Takeaways - Marburg virus has a high mortality rate, reaching 90% in severe outbreaks. - The virus spreads through bodily fluids, making healthcare workers at high risk. - Marburg can remain dormant in survivors, allowing transmission months later. - Bats are the primary reservoir, with human infection often occurring through cave visits. - Extreme hygiene and sanitation are crucial for containing Marburg outbreaks. ## Frequently Asked Questions ### What is the mortality rate of Marburg virus disease? Marburg virus disease has a mortality rate of up to 90% during the worst outbreaks. ### How is Marburg virus transmitted? Marburg virus spreads through contact with the bodily fluids of an infected patient, including blood, saliva, vomit, and urine. ### What are the initial symptoms of Marburg virus infection? The first signs of Marburg virus infection include fever, headache, sore joints, and rashes, followed by diarrhea and vomiting. ### Is there a treatment for Marburg virus? There is no cure for Marburg virus. Doctors can provide pain relief and rehydration to maintain oxygen status and blood pressure. ### What are the natural reservoir hosts of Marburg virus? The natural reservoir hosts of Marburg virus are Rousettus bats, also known as dog-faced fruit bats or flying foxes. ### How long is the incubation period for Marburg virus? The incubation period for Marburg virus can be up to 3 weeks from exposure to the development of symptoms. ### What measures can be taken to contain Marburg virus? Extreme hygiene and sanitation measures, such as using chlorine to disinfect contaminated areas and practicing safe burial practices, are crucial for containing Marburg virus. ### Has Marburg virus been weaponized? The Soviet Union's biological weapons program successfully weaponized Marburg virus, creating warheads containing the disease. ### What is the potential risk of Marburg virus in recovered patients? Recovered patients can still pass on the virus through bodily fluids for many months, posing a risk of new outbreaks. ### What was the most severe Marburg virus outbreak? The most severe Marburg virus outbreak occurred in Uige, rural Angola, between 2004 and 2005, where the virus was transmitted between humans and killed hundreds. ## Sources - [Original Into the Shadows video: Marburg: The Completely Untreatable Virus](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=PW5szSKoIdU) - [https://www.statnews.com/2020/01/07/inside-story-scientists-produced-world-first-ebola-vaccine](https://www.statnews.com/2020/01/07/inside-story-scientists-produced-world-first-ebola-vaccine) - [https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/List_of_human_disease_case_fatality_rates](https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/List_of_human_disease_case_fatality_rates) - [https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Marburg_virus](https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Marburg_virus) - [https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/31589088/](https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/31589088/) - [https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/28447193/](https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/28447193/) - [https://www.who.int/news-room/fact-sheets/detail/marburg-virus-disease](https://www.who.int/news-room/fact-sheets/detail/marburg-virus-disease) - [https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ArvRd6VejRI](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ArvRd6VejRI) - [https://www.gavi.org/vaccineswork/next-pandemic/marburg](https://www.gavi.org/vaccineswork/next-pandemic/marburg) - [https://www.irishexaminer.com/news/arid-40356392.html](https://www.irishexaminer.com/news/arid-40356392.html) - [https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC3497034/](https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC3497034/) - [https://academic.oup.com/jid/article/196/Supplement_2/S131/858753](https://academic.oup.com/jid/article/196/Supplement_2/S131/858753) - [https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Rousettus](https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Rousettus) - [https://www.sciencedirect.com/topics/biochemistry-genetics-and-molecular-biology/flying-fox](https://www.sciencedirect.com/topics/biochemistry-genetics-and-molecular-biology/flying-fox) - [https://www.bats.org.uk/about-bats/bats-and-disease/covid-19-and-bats](https://www.bats.org.uk/about-bats/bats-and-disease/covid-19-and-bats) - [https://www.cc.nih.gov/about/news/newsletter/2009/july09/newsletter.html](https://www.cc.nih.gov/about/news/newsletter/2009/july09/newsletter.html) - [https://www.who.int/emergencies/disease-outbreak-news/item/marburg-virus-disease---guinea](https://www.who.int/emergencies/disease-outbreak-news/item/marburg-virus-disease---guinea) - [https://www.statnews.com/2021/08/19/natural-pandemic-terrible-synthetic-one-even-worse/](https://www.statnews.com/2021/08/19/natural-pandemic-terrible-synthetic-one-even-worse/) - [https://www.globalsecurity.org/wmd/intro/bio-marburg.htm](https://www.globalsecurity.org/wmd/intro/bio-marburg.htm) - [Hero image source](https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/2/2e/Marburg_Schloss.jpg) by PhilippN / openverse, by-sa. ## Related Coverage Simon Whistler