---
title: "The Philippines' Insane War on Drugs"
description: "Drug addiction is now a severe problem in practically every country around the world, and while politicians have frequently talked about a 'war on drugs,' very few take it literally.\n\nIn 2016, under the presidency of their bombastic criminality messiah, Rodrigo Duterte, the Philippines went all out on the war on drugs. The six-year campaign to cleanse the streets of drug users and dealers was savage and chaotic. Officially, the number of people killed was just over 6,000, but Human Rights Watch puts that figure at 12,000, while Amnesty says 7,000 were murdered in the first six months alone.\n\nThe Philippines' war on drugs involved extreme measures against suspected drug dealers and users and drew widespread international criticism for its blatant disregard for human rights and the rule of law. Victims often died in highly dubious circumstances, with the police usually claiming that they were forced to open fire after the suspect drew a gun. Suspects brought to hospitals were frequently dead on arrival, their bodies showing clear signs of extrajudicial killings. Rumours swirled of licensed hit squads roaming the streets, along with massacres deep within the jungles.\n\nThis was a war carried out under the supervision of a man who had himself been accused of human rights abuses while Mayor of Davao and whose flagrant manipulation of information would twist the Philippines back and forth during this tumultuous and painful period.\n\n## Historical Context\n\nThe Philippines has a long history of drug use and trafficking, with the problem escalating significantly in the late 20th and early 21st centuries. The country's strategic location made it an attractive transit point for international drug cartels, particularly those involved in the methamphetamine trade, known locally as \"shabu.\"\n\nBy the 2000s, the Philippines was not only a major transit route but also a significant consumer of methamphetamine, leading to a rampaging drug problem within the country.\n\nSocioeconomic issues played a pivotal role in the escalating drug crisis. Poverty, unemployment, and lack of education created fertile ground for drug abuse and trafficking to flourish. Many Filipinos, who often struggled even to get food on the table for their families, saw involvement in the drug trade as a viable means of survival. The widespread availability and use of shabu in impoverished communities led to the kind of societal problems that we saw in the U.S. during the crack epidemic, including rising crime, family breakdown, and deteriorating public health.\n\nTo complicate this further, the Philippines was facing several rebel insurgencies across the country. These insurgencies had roots in a complex mix of historical, social, economic, and political factors, leading to prolonged conflicts severely impacting the nation's stability and development.\n\nWhile these groups certainly had their ideological reasons for their various struggles, the problem was, as is often the case with freedom fighters/terrorists and drug cartels, sometimes you can't really tell the difference between the two. With little government oversight in specific areas of the country, it wasn't hard for well-funded cartels to move in.\n\n## A Political Handgrenade\n\nBefore Duterte's presidency, the Philippine government had taken various measures to combat drug abuse and trafficking, but with limited success. The efforts were often criticised for being ineffective, corrupt, and unable to address the root causes of the drug problem. The public's growing frustration with the situation and the perceived incapacity of the political establishment to ensure safety and order contributed to a climate of discontent. And where there is such discontent, a knight in shining armour with magical promises is never too far away.\n\nRodrigo Duterte came to prominence as the long-serving mayor of Davao City, where he was known for his tough-on-crime approach, including a hardline stance against drugs. Unsurprisingly, his time in Davao was highly controversial. While some credited him with transforming the city into a safer place, others accused him of human rights abuses and extrajudicial killings.\n\nDespite these controversies, Duterte's strongman image and promise to eradicate crime and drugs resonated with many Filipinos, propelling him to the presidency in 2016.\n\n## Propaganda Campaign\n\nPresident Duterte wasted no time in instigating his aggressive anti-drug campaign, promising to cleanse the country of drug users and dealers in as little as six months. He vowed to kill tens of thousands of criminals, particularly drug addicts and dealers, citing his success story from Davao.\n\nThe only problem was that those figures he paraded about Davao were often incorrect. At the time, the city had the highest murder rate in the country and the second-highest rape figures.\n\nAt his inaugural State of the Nation Address, Duterte claimed that data from the Philippine Drug Enforcement Agency showed that there had been 3 million active drug users two years prior, which he claimed had now increased to 3.7 million.\n\nAgain, his facts weren't quite right, and according to the Philippine Dangerous Drugs Board, only 1.8 million Filipinos used illegal drugs—mostly cannabis—in 2015, with only a third using illicit drugs once in the past 13 months.\n\nHis words, though often completely untrue, fanned the flames of a population that was struggling in several different areas. President Duterte hijacked a growing sense of discontent and, as any hardman politician will do, blamed the nation's problems not on decades of political ineptitude and failed policies but on the people themselves. With anger and frustration mounting, bloodshed became inevitable.\n\n## Launch of the War on Drugs\n\nUpon assuming office, Duterte launched a nationwide campaign encouraging both law enforcement and civilians to kill individuals suspected of selling or using drugs. The campaign led to the deaths of thousands, with police and unidentified gunmen carrying out countless extrajudicial killings.\n\nThe methodology of the campaign involved the term Oplan Tokhang, where police would visit the homes of suspected drug offenders, urging them to surrender and stop their illegal activities. However, these operations frequently resulted in violent confrontations and deaths, which authorities often justified by claiming self-defence.\n\nThe early months of the drug war focused primarily on drug dealers and the larger cartels that were funnelling drugs into the Philippines. The drug war, at least on the surface, managed to unite some of the insurgencies operating in the country at the time, with the New People's Army and the Moro Islamic Liberation Front both announcing they would conduct operations against the drug cartels. How accurate these promises were, especially in the face of stories of drug money funnelling their insurgencies, was difficult to tell.\n\nAugust was a bloody month. In a single 24-hour period, police stormed areas of Bulacan province, north of Manila, arresting hundreds and rampaging through residential units. By early morning, 32 people had been killed—the war on drugs had burst into life.\n\nOn the 7th of August, President Duterte took the quite extraordinary step of announcing live on television the names of 150 public officials, including mayors and other local government executives, legislators, police, military personnel, and judges, accused of involvement in the illegal drug trade. This 'Narco List' was followed by a sacking order for all involved and the distribution of arrest warrants.\n\nThe Narco List was generally well received across the Philippines, a nation tired of relentless corruption over decades. And yet, while undoubtedly guilty names were on the President's list, many were thought to have been included for political purposes.\n\nOne of the most vocal voices against the war on drugs at the time came from Senator Leila de Lima, who immediately questioned the integrity of the Narco List. This led to a cascade of accusations from President Duterte, who claimed he had a recording that proved De Lima was having an affair with her driver.\n\nBy the end of August, the number killed was nearing 2000. Duterte again reached into his box of magic tricks and unveiled what he and his government called the 'Drug Matrix,' which apparently implicated scores of politicians, including De Lima, in the drug industry.\n\nShe was later forced to step down after allowing the testimony of Edgar Matobato in front of the Philippines Senate. Matobato claimed that he had worked as a hitman in Davao under the direction of Duterte, even going as far as to recount the now-president once emptying an Uzi cartridge into the body of a suspected criminal.\n\nHe went on to claim that he had been part of the Davao Death Squad (DDS), a group widely believed to have been responsible for over 1000 murders or disappearances between 1998 and 2008. However, in December of that year, the Senate Committee on Justice and Human Rights issued a report stating that there was insufficient evidence to prove the existence of a Davao Death Squad.\n\n## Escalation\n\nAnd this was how things pretty much went for the next six years. The number of extrajudicial killings, or killings deemed \"unavoidable\" because a suspect opened fire themselves—a scenario that was reportedly often staged, with a convenient bag of white powder or pills usually found on the victim's shot-to-pieces body—continued to climb.\n\nThe whole episode became increasingly frantic and bloody. With the Duterte government riding the propaganda train to its extreme, it was difficult for many everyday Filipinos to know the true extent of the situation. Was the government winning the war or just exacerbating the situation?\n\nIn 2018, a survey showed that 66% of Filipinos believed that drug addicts in the country had diminished substantially, but later that year, 78% said they were worried that they, or someone they know, would be a victim of extrajudicial killings. Reality and fiction in the Philippines were becoming increasingly blurred.\n\nA policeman who gave direct evidence to Amnesty International claimed that police were being paid 8,000 pesos to 15,000 pesos (US$161–302) per \"encounter\" with no fee paid for arrests. He went on to add that hitmen hired by police are paid 5,000 pesos (US$100) for each drug user killed and 10,000 to 15,000 pesos (US$200–300) for each \"drug pusher\" killed.\n\nIf the situation wasn't murky enough, this period also saw countless allegations of the police themselves selling drugs. Not much is known about the Narco Cops or Ninja Cops as they came to be known, but there were numerous instances through the years where drugs went missing or suspects were allowed to slip through the net conveniently. While the government did, on several occasions, try to purge its police force, it's unclear how successful they were.\n\nIn 2019, Duterte unveiled another list that was packed with reported drug conspirators but again labelled as little more than political garbage to get rid of those who opposed him. That same year, the country ominously withdrew from the International Criminal Court, citing the organisation's \"baseless, unprecedented and outrageous attacks\" in opening an investigation into what was happening in the country.\n\nWith Duterte's promised 6-month operation now into its fourth year, more and more questions were being asked. In January 2020, Vice President Leni Robredo reported her findings and recommendations on the drug war and said, \"In spite of all the Filipinos who were killed and all the money spent by the government, we seized less than 1% of shabu supply and money involved in illegal drugs.\"\n\nIn December 2020, the International Criminal Court announced that there was a 'reasonable basis' to believe that crimes against humanity were being committed during the war on drugs. But as we've mentioned, the Philippines had already left the ICC, so not much could be done.\n\n## A War Won?\n\nOne of the more recent additions to the Filipino election system is that a president may only serve a single six-year term. While we probably wouldn't have put it past Duterte to bend the rules, in August 2021, he confirmed that he wouldn't be running for the presidency. Instead, he would run as vice president, with Senator Ronald de la Rosa as President—who was widely believed to be little more than a placeholder for Duterte's daughter, Sara, who had inherited her father's mayorship of Davao.\n\nHowever, things took a weird turn when Sara Duterte ran as a vice-presidential candidate, effectively pitting her against her father. He, in turn, decided to drop out of the race and threw his full support behind his daughter and her presidential running mate, Bongbong Marcos.\n\nThe result was never really in doubt. Marcos and Duterte stormed to a landslide victory, with him taking almost 60% of the votes—it was a telling assessment of where Filipinos' sentiments lay. Despite some snide remarks from Rodrigo Duterte about Marcos' rumoured love of a certain white powder, the former President eventually endorsed Marcos, essentially passing the baton to the new man in charge.\n\nThen there was the Marcos family history. His father, Ferdinand Marcos, served as the 10th President of the Philippines between 1965 and 1986—with 9 of those years under martial law. This man was corrupt up to the eyeballs, and his administration was responsible for shocking human rights abuses. Figures suggest 3,257 recorded extrajudicial killings by the military from 1975 to 1985, along with 35,000 cases of torture and 70,000 incarcerations. It was a bloody time in the Philippines. When Marcos senior was finally removed, it led to widespread celebrations, but 35 years later, a highly polished election propaganda machine spun the Marcos family story through the bullshit wheel, and what came out was obviously highly electable.\n\n## A Contentious Period\n\nWhile history records the Filipino drug war as ending in 2022, that's not entirely accurate. The rate of murders may have slowed, but the battle continues, albeit in a refined manner that also includes rehabilitation for drug addicts.\n\nWhether the war has been a success depends on who you speak to. Government figures show that by 31st March 2022, 1,130 drug dens and secret laboratories had been dismantled, and 24,766 of the 42,045 barangays—small districts—had been cleared of illegal drug influence.\n\nOn top of that, 14,888 high-value targets, including 527 government employees, were arrested, ₱76.17 billion (around $1.4 billion) worth of methamphetamine had been seized, and 4,307 minors (aged 4–17) had been rescued from the illegal drug trade.\n\nIt also stated that 6,241 people were killed in the 233,356 anti-illegal drug operations conducted between 2016 and 2022, though most independent external authorities put that figure closer to 12,000.\n\nBut did it work? Yes and no. While overall, drug use did appear to dip in the Philippines, drug supply is still rampant, and many argue that the shock and awe approach to cleansing the streets did little more than kill off 10,000 or so low-level drug dealers or drug users. In a nation of 114 million with drug and societal problems that run deep, it was little more than a drop in the ocean.\n\nThe war on drugs has also led to significant legal and ethical concerns. Critics argue that Duterte's policy effectively sanctioned extrajudicial killings, bypassing the judicial system and denying individuals their right to due process. The campaign was heavily condemned for targeting impoverished communities, where the majority of drug-related offences occur, exacerbating social inequalities and stigmatising the poor.\n\nHuman rights organisations, international bodies, and some domestic groups have highlighted the widespread abuses, including the killing of minors and individuals with no involvement in the drug trade.\n\nAnd yet, the campaign was far from being universally unpopular in the Philippines. Despite international condemnation and the apparent human rights violations, Duterte's war on drugs enjoyed considerable domestic support. Many Filipinos, tired of crime and corruption associated with the drug trade, initially saw Duterte's approach as an effective means to restore order. However, as the death toll rose and stories of innocent victims emerged, public sentiment began to shift, with more voices calling for accountability and a reassessment of the campaign's strategies.\n\nThe societal impact of the war on drugs has been profound. Families have been torn apart, with children orphaned and communities living in fear of violence. The campaign has also overwhelmed the country's criminal justice system, leading to overcrowded jails and a strained legal process. Rehabilitation and drug treatment programs, crucial components of a comprehensive approach to drug addiction but already sadly lacking in the country, have been overshadowed by the focus on punitive measures.\n\nWhat happened in the Philippines between 2016 and 2022 was shocking but is also a sobering reminder of what happens when a society loses patience with traditional government action. With drug addiction and the various crimes associated with it sweeping through the country, many Filipinos turned to what they considered their best chance—a strong man named Duterte with a \"tried and tested\" system of cleaning the streets.\n\n## Key Takeaways\n\n- The Philippines' war on drugs, led by President Duterte, resulted in thousands of deaths and widespread human rights abuses.\n- Duterte's campaign involved extrajudicial killings and was criticized internationally for disregarding the rule of law.\n- Socioeconomic issues and insurgencies contributed to the Philippines' drug problem, making it a complex issue.\n- Duterte's aggressive anti-drug campaign had mixed results, with some reduction in drug use but ongoing supply issues.\n- The war on drugs had profound societal impacts, including family breakdowns and overwhelmed criminal justice systems.\n\n## Frequently Asked Questions\n\n### What was the official number of people killed during the Philippines' war on drugs?\n\nThe official number of people killed was just over 6,000.\n\n### What was the estimated number of people killed during the Philippines' war on drugs according to Human Rights Watch?\n\nHuman Rights Watch estimated that the number of people killed was 12,000.\n\n### What was the estimated number of people killed during the first six months of the Philippines' war on drugs according to Amnesty?\n\nAmnesty estimated that 7,000 people were murdered in the first six months alone.\n\n### What was the term used for the police operations that involved visiting the homes of suspected drug offenders?\n\nThe term used was Oplan Tokhang.\n\n### What was the 'Narco List' and when was it announced?\n\nThe 'Narco List' was a list of 150 public officials accused of involvement in the illegal drug trade. It was announced on the 7th of August.\n\n### What was the 'Drug Matrix' and who was implicated in it?\n\nThe 'Drug Matrix' was a list that implicated scores of politicians, including Senator Leila de Lima, in the drug industry.\n\n### What was the estimated number of drug dens and secret laboratories dismantled by 31st March 2022?\n\nBy 31st March 2022, 1,130 drug dens and secret laboratories had been dismantled.\n\n### What was the estimated number of high-value targets arrested by 31st March 2022?\n\nBy 31st March 2022, 14,888 high-value targets, including 527 government employees, were arrested.\n\n### What was the estimated value of methamphetamine seized by 31st March 2022?\n\nBy 31st March 2022, ₱76.17 billion (around $1.4 billion) worth of methamphetamine had been seized.\n\n### What was the estimated number of minors rescued from the illegal drug trade by 31st March 2022?\n\nBy 31st March 2022, 4,307 minors (aged 4–17) had been rescued from the illegal drug trade.\n\n## Sources\n\n- [Original Into the Shadows video: The Philippines' Insane War on Drugs](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=09BuL6x2mEA)\n- [Hero image source](https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/8/87/Duterte_sa_grandstand_%28Quirino_Grandstand%2C_Manila%29%282017-12-30%29.jpg) by Patrick Roque / openverse, by-sa.\n\n## Related Coverage"
url: https://intotheshadows.pub/article/philippines-insane-war-on-drugs.md
canonical: https://intotheshadows.pub/article/philippines-insane-war-on-drugs
datePublished: 2026-06-28
dateModified: 2026-06-28
author:
  - name: Simon Whistler
    url: https://intotheshadows.pub/author/simon-whistler
publisher: Into the Shadows
image: "https://media.intotheshadows.pub/cdn-cgi/image/width=1600,height=900,fit=cover,quality=80,format=auto/articles/09BuL6x2mEA/hero.jpg"
type: Article
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summaryUrl: https://intotheshadows.pub/article/philippines-insane-war-on-drugs.md.summary.md
---

<!-- aeo:section start="lede" -->
Drug addiction is now a severe problem in practically every country around the world, and while politicians have frequently talked about a 'war on drugs,' very few take it literally.

In 2016, under the presidency of their bombastic criminality messiah, Rodrigo Duterte, the Philippines went all out on the war on drugs. The six-year campaign to cleanse the streets of drug users and dealers was savage and chaotic. Officially, the number of people killed was just over 6,000, but Human Rights Watch puts that figure at 12,000, while Amnesty says 7,000 were murdered in the first six months alone.

The Philippines' war on drugs involved extreme measures against suspected drug dealers and users and drew widespread international criticism for its blatant disregard for human rights and the rule of law. Victims often died in highly dubious circumstances, with the police usually claiming that they were forced to open fire after the suspect drew a gun. Suspects brought to hospitals were frequently dead on arrival, their bodies showing clear signs of extrajudicial killings. Rumours swirled of licensed hit squads roaming the streets, along with massacres deep within the jungles.

This was a war carried out under the supervision of a man who had himself been accused of human rights abuses while Mayor of Davao and whose flagrant manipulation of information would twist the Philippines back and forth during this tumultuous and painful period.

<!-- aeo:section end="lede" -->
<!-- aeo:section start="historical-context" -->
## Historical Context

The Philippines has a long history of drug use and trafficking, with the problem escalating significantly in the late 20th and early 21st centuries. The country's strategic location made it an attractive transit point for international drug cartels, particularly those involved in the methamphetamine trade, known locally as "shabu."

By the 2000s, the Philippines was not only a major transit route but also a significant consumer of methamphetamine, leading to a rampaging drug problem within the country.

Socioeconomic issues played a pivotal role in the escalating drug crisis. Poverty, unemployment, and lack of education created fertile ground for drug abuse and trafficking to flourish. Many Filipinos, who often struggled even to get food on the table for their families, saw involvement in the drug trade as a viable means of survival. The widespread availability and use of shabu in impoverished communities led to the kind of societal problems that we saw in the U.S. during the crack epidemic, including rising crime, family breakdown, and deteriorating public health.

To complicate this further, the Philippines was facing several rebel insurgencies across the country. These insurgencies had roots in a complex mix of historical, social, economic, and political factors, leading to prolonged conflicts severely impacting the nation's stability and development.

While these groups certainly had their ideological reasons for their various struggles, the problem was, as is often the case with freedom fighters/terrorists and drug cartels, sometimes you can't really tell the difference between the two. With little government oversight in specific areas of the country, it wasn't hard for well-funded cartels to move in.

<!-- aeo:section end="historical-context" -->
<!-- aeo:section start="a-political-handgrenade" -->
## A Political Handgrenade

Before Duterte's presidency, the Philippine government had taken various measures to combat drug abuse and trafficking, but with limited success. The efforts were often criticised for being ineffective, corrupt, and unable to address the root causes of the drug problem. The public's growing frustration with the situation and the perceived incapacity of the political establishment to ensure safety and order contributed to a climate of discontent. And where there is such discontent, a knight in shining armour with magical promises is never too far away.

Rodrigo Duterte came to prominence as the long-serving mayor of Davao City, where he was known for his tough-on-crime approach, including a hardline stance against drugs. Unsurprisingly, his time in Davao was highly controversial. While some credited him with transforming the city into a safer place, others accused him of human rights abuses and extrajudicial killings.

Despite these controversies, Duterte's strongman image and promise to eradicate crime and drugs resonated with many Filipinos, propelling him to the presidency in 2016.

<!-- aeo:section end="a-political-handgrenade" -->
<!-- aeo:section start="propaganda-campaign" -->
## Propaganda Campaign

President Duterte wasted no time in instigating his aggressive anti-drug campaign, promising to cleanse the country of drug users and dealers in as little as six months. He vowed to kill tens of thousands of criminals, particularly drug addicts and dealers, citing his success story from Davao.

The only problem was that those figures he paraded about Davao were often incorrect. At the time, the city had the highest murder rate in the country and the second-highest rape figures.

At his inaugural State of the Nation Address, Duterte claimed that data from the Philippine Drug Enforcement Agency showed that there had been 3 million active drug users two years prior, which he claimed had now increased to 3.7 million.

Again, his facts weren't quite right, and according to the Philippine Dangerous Drugs Board, only 1.8 million Filipinos used illegal drugs—mostly cannabis—in 2015, with only a third using illicit drugs once in the past 13 months.

His words, though often completely untrue, fanned the flames of a population that was struggling in several different areas. President Duterte hijacked a growing sense of discontent and, as any hardman politician will do, blamed the nation's problems not on decades of political ineptitude and failed policies but on the people themselves. With anger and frustration mounting, bloodshed became inevitable.

<!-- aeo:section end="propaganda-campaign" -->
<!-- aeo:section start="launch-of-the-war-on-drugs" -->
## Launch of the War on Drugs

Upon assuming office, Duterte launched a nationwide campaign encouraging both law enforcement and civilians to kill individuals suspected of selling or using drugs. The campaign led to the deaths of thousands, with police and unidentified gunmen carrying out countless extrajudicial killings.

The methodology of the campaign involved the term Oplan Tokhang, where police would visit the homes of suspected drug offenders, urging them to surrender and stop their illegal activities. However, these operations frequently resulted in violent confrontations and deaths, which authorities often justified by claiming self-defence.

The early months of the drug war focused primarily on drug dealers and the larger cartels that were funnelling drugs into the Philippines. The drug war, at least on the surface, managed to unite some of the insurgencies operating in the country at the time, with the New People's Army and the Moro Islamic Liberation Front both announcing they would conduct operations against the drug cartels. How accurate these promises were, especially in the face of stories of drug money funnelling their insurgencies, was difficult to tell.

August was a bloody month. In a single 24-hour period, police stormed areas of Bulacan province, north of Manila, arresting hundreds and rampaging through residential units. By early morning, 32 people had been killed—the war on drugs had burst into life.

On the 7th of August, President Duterte took the quite extraordinary step of announcing live on television the names of 150 public officials, including mayors and other local government executives, legislators, police, military personnel, and judges, accused of involvement in the illegal drug trade. This 'Narco List' was followed by a sacking order for all involved and the distribution of arrest warrants.

The Narco List was generally well received across the Philippines, a nation tired of relentless corruption over decades. And yet, while undoubtedly guilty names were on the President's list, many were thought to have been included for political purposes.

One of the most vocal voices against the war on drugs at the time came from Senator Leila de Lima, who immediately questioned the integrity of the Narco List. This led to a cascade of accusations from President Duterte, who claimed he had a recording that proved De Lima was having an affair with her driver.

By the end of August, the number killed was nearing 2000. Duterte again reached into his box of magic tricks and unveiled what he and his government called the 'Drug Matrix,' which apparently implicated scores of politicians, including De Lima, in the drug industry.

She was later forced to step down after allowing the testimony of Edgar Matobato in front of the Philippines Senate. Matobato claimed that he had worked as a hitman in Davao under the direction of Duterte, even going as far as to recount the now-president once emptying an Uzi cartridge into the body of a suspected criminal.

He went on to claim that he had been part of the Davao Death Squad (DDS), a group widely believed to have been responsible for over 1000 murders or disappearances between 1998 and 2008. However, in December of that year, the Senate Committee on Justice and Human Rights issued a report stating that there was insufficient evidence to prove the existence of a Davao Death Squad.

<!-- aeo:section end="launch-of-the-war-on-drugs" -->
<!-- aeo:section start="escalation" -->
## Escalation

And this was how things pretty much went for the next six years. The number of extrajudicial killings, or killings deemed "unavoidable" because a suspect opened fire themselves—a scenario that was reportedly often staged, with a convenient bag of white powder or pills usually found on the victim's shot-to-pieces body—continued to climb.

The whole episode became increasingly frantic and bloody. With the Duterte government riding the propaganda train to its extreme, it was difficult for many everyday Filipinos to know the true extent of the situation. Was the government winning the war or just exacerbating the situation?

In 2018, a survey showed that 66% of Filipinos believed that drug addicts in the country had diminished substantially, but later that year, 78% said they were worried that they, or someone they know, would be a victim of extrajudicial killings. Reality and fiction in the Philippines were becoming increasingly blurred.

A policeman who gave direct evidence to Amnesty International claimed that police were being paid 8,000 pesos to 15,000 pesos (US$161–302) per "encounter" with no fee paid for arrests. He went on to add that hitmen hired by police are paid 5,000 pesos (US$100) for each drug user killed and 10,000 to 15,000 pesos (US$200–300) for each "drug pusher" killed.

If the situation wasn't murky enough, this period also saw countless allegations of the police themselves selling drugs. Not much is known about the Narco Cops or Ninja Cops as they came to be known, but there were numerous instances through the years where drugs went missing or suspects were allowed to slip through the net conveniently. While the government did, on several occasions, try to purge its police force, it's unclear how successful they were.

In 2019, Duterte unveiled another list that was packed with reported drug conspirators but again labelled as little more than political garbage to get rid of those who opposed him. That same year, the country ominously withdrew from the International Criminal Court, citing the organisation's "baseless, unprecedented and outrageous attacks" in opening an investigation into what was happening in the country.

With Duterte's promised 6-month operation now into its fourth year, more and more questions were being asked. In January 2020, Vice President Leni Robredo reported her findings and recommendations on the drug war and said, "In spite of all the Filipinos who were killed and all the money spent by the government, we seized less than 1% of shabu supply and money involved in illegal drugs."

In December 2020, the International Criminal Court announced that there was a 'reasonable basis' to believe that crimes against humanity were being committed during the war on drugs. But as we've mentioned, the Philippines had already left the ICC, so not much could be done.

<!-- aeo:section end="escalation" -->
<!-- aeo:section start="a-war-won" -->
## A War Won?

One of the more recent additions to the Filipino election system is that a president may only serve a single six-year term. While we probably wouldn't have put it past Duterte to bend the rules, in August 2021, he confirmed that he wouldn't be running for the presidency. Instead, he would run as vice president, with Senator Ronald de la Rosa as President—who was widely believed to be little more than a placeholder for Duterte's daughter, Sara, who had inherited her father's mayorship of Davao.

However, things took a weird turn when Sara Duterte ran as a vice-presidential candidate, effectively pitting her against her father. He, in turn, decided to drop out of the race and threw his full support behind his daughter and her presidential running mate, Bongbong Marcos.

The result was never really in doubt. Marcos and Duterte stormed to a landslide victory, with him taking almost 60% of the votes—it was a telling assessment of where Filipinos' sentiments lay. Despite some snide remarks from Rodrigo Duterte about Marcos' rumoured love of a certain white powder, the former President eventually endorsed Marcos, essentially passing the baton to the new man in charge.

Then there was the Marcos family history. His father, Ferdinand Marcos, served as the 10th President of the Philippines between 1965 and 1986—with 9 of those years under martial law. This man was corrupt up to the eyeballs, and his administration was responsible for shocking human rights abuses. Figures suggest 3,257 recorded extrajudicial killings by the military from 1975 to 1985, along with 35,000 cases of torture and 70,000 incarcerations. It was a bloody time in the Philippines. When Marcos senior was finally removed, it led to widespread celebrations, but 35 years later, a highly polished election propaganda machine spun the Marcos family story through the bullshit wheel, and what came out was obviously highly electable.

<!-- aeo:section end="a-war-won" -->
<!-- aeo:section start="a-contentious-period" -->
## A Contentious Period

While history records the Filipino drug war as ending in 2022, that's not entirely accurate. The rate of murders may have slowed, but the battle continues, albeit in a refined manner that also includes rehabilitation for drug addicts.

Whether the war has been a success depends on who you speak to. Government figures show that by 31st March 2022, 1,130 drug dens and secret laboratories had been dismantled, and 24,766 of the 42,045 barangays—small districts—had been cleared of illegal drug influence.

On top of that, 14,888 high-value targets, including 527 government employees, were arrested, ₱76.17 billion (around $1.4 billion) worth of methamphetamine had been seized, and 4,307 minors (aged 4–17) had been rescued from the illegal drug trade.

It also stated that 6,241 people were killed in the 233,356 anti-illegal drug operations conducted between 2016 and 2022, though most independent external authorities put that figure closer to 12,000.

But did it work? Yes and no. While overall, drug use did appear to dip in the Philippines, drug supply is still rampant, and many argue that the shock and awe approach to cleansing the streets did little more than kill off 10,000 or so low-level drug dealers or drug users. In a nation of 114 million with drug and societal problems that run deep, it was little more than a drop in the ocean.

The war on drugs has also led to significant legal and ethical concerns. Critics argue that Duterte's policy effectively sanctioned extrajudicial killings, bypassing the judicial system and denying individuals their right to due process. The campaign was heavily condemned for targeting impoverished communities, where the majority of drug-related offences occur, exacerbating social inequalities and stigmatising the poor.

Human rights organisations, international bodies, and some domestic groups have highlighted the widespread abuses, including the killing of minors and individuals with no involvement in the drug trade.

And yet, the campaign was far from being universally unpopular in the Philippines. Despite international condemnation and the apparent human rights violations, Duterte's war on drugs enjoyed considerable domestic support. Many Filipinos, tired of crime and corruption associated with the drug trade, initially saw Duterte's approach as an effective means to restore order. However, as the death toll rose and stories of innocent victims emerged, public sentiment began to shift, with more voices calling for accountability and a reassessment of the campaign's strategies.

The societal impact of the war on drugs has been profound. Families have been torn apart, with children orphaned and communities living in fear of violence. The campaign has also overwhelmed the country's criminal justice system, leading to overcrowded jails and a strained legal process. Rehabilitation and drug treatment programs, crucial components of a comprehensive approach to drug addiction but already sadly lacking in the country, have been overshadowed by the focus on punitive measures.

What happened in the Philippines between 2016 and 2022 was shocking but is also a sobering reminder of what happens when a society loses patience with traditional government action. With drug addiction and the various crimes associated with it sweeping through the country, many Filipinos turned to what they considered their best chance—a strong man named Duterte with a "tried and tested" system of cleaning the streets.

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<!-- aeo:section start="key-takeaways" -->
## Key Takeaways

- The Philippines' war on drugs, led by President Duterte, resulted in thousands of deaths and widespread human rights abuses.
- Duterte's campaign involved extrajudicial killings and was criticized internationally for disregarding the rule of law.
- Socioeconomic issues and insurgencies contributed to the Philippines' drug problem, making it a complex issue.
- Duterte's aggressive anti-drug campaign had mixed results, with some reduction in drug use but ongoing supply issues.
- The war on drugs had profound societal impacts, including family breakdowns and overwhelmed criminal justice systems.

<!-- aeo:section end="key-takeaways" -->
<!-- aeo:section start="frequently-asked-questions" -->
## Frequently Asked Questions

### What was the official number of people killed during the Philippines' war on drugs?

The official number of people killed was just over 6,000.

### What was the estimated number of people killed during the Philippines' war on drugs according to Human Rights Watch?

Human Rights Watch estimated that the number of people killed was 12,000.

### What was the estimated number of people killed during the first six months of the Philippines' war on drugs according to Amnesty?

Amnesty estimated that 7,000 people were murdered in the first six months alone.

### What was the term used for the police operations that involved visiting the homes of suspected drug offenders?

The term used was Oplan Tokhang.

### What was the 'Narco List' and when was it announced?

The 'Narco List' was a list of 150 public officials accused of involvement in the illegal drug trade. It was announced on the 7th of August.

### What was the 'Drug Matrix' and who was implicated in it?

The 'Drug Matrix' was a list that implicated scores of politicians, including Senator Leila de Lima, in the drug industry.

### What was the estimated number of drug dens and secret laboratories dismantled by 31st March 2022?

By 31st March 2022, 1,130 drug dens and secret laboratories had been dismantled.

### What was the estimated number of high-value targets arrested by 31st March 2022?

By 31st March 2022, 14,888 high-value targets, including 527 government employees, were arrested.

### What was the estimated value of methamphetamine seized by 31st March 2022?

By 31st March 2022, ₱76.17 billion (around $1.4 billion) worth of methamphetamine had been seized.

### What was the estimated number of minors rescued from the illegal drug trade by 31st March 2022?

By 31st March 2022, 4,307 minors (aged 4–17) had been rescued from the illegal drug trade.

<!-- aeo:section end="frequently-asked-questions" -->
<!-- aeo:section start="sources" -->
## Sources

- [Original Into the Shadows video: The Philippines' Insane War on Drugs](https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=09BuL6x2mEA)
- [Hero image source](https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/8/87/Duterte_sa_grandstand_%28Quirino_Grandstand%2C_Manila%29%282017-12-30%29.jpg) by Patrick Roque / openverse, by-sa.

<!-- aeo:section end="sources" -->
<!-- aeo:section start="related-coverage" -->
## Related Coverage
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